DISCUSSION PAPER "Z71?V Report No.: 62 DETERMINANTS OF WOMEN'S TIME ALLOCATION IN RURAL BANGLADESH by. Shahidur R. Khandlker February 1987 Research Unit Agriculture and Rural Development Department Operational Policy Staff World Bank The views presented here are those of the author(s), and they should not be interpreted as reflecting those of the World Bank. The author is a consultant of the World Bank. However,the World Bank does not accept responsibility for the views expressed herein which are those of the authors and should not be attributed to the World Bank or to its affiliated organizations. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions are the results of research supported in part by the Bank; they do not-necessarily represent offi- cial policy of the Bank. The designations employed and the presenta- tion of material in this document are solely for the convenience of the reader and do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the World Bank or its affiliates concerning the legal status of any country, territory, area or of its authorities, or con- cerning the delimitation of its boundaries, or national affiliation. DETERMINANTS OF WOMEN'S TIME ALLOCATION IN RURAL BANGLADESH* Shahidur R. Khandker I. INTRODUCTION Attempts are increasingly being made to adapt the economic theory of the household, pioneered by Becker and Gronau, to the examination of the time allocation behavior of rural households in developing countries.1 The time allocation patterns of women in these countries, however, has received particular attention.. This is perhaps because of two factors. The first is whether women's time allocation is governed by economic constraints as dictated by the economic theory of the household, or is determined exclusively by local customs such as "patriarchy" as proposed by an alternative theory.2 The second factor -- since many women in developing countries generate cash income from family enterprises -- focuses on whether the women in the developing countries have a three-way or two-way choice structure for work decision. The three-way choice structure is whether "to work inside" or "to work outside" the family enterprise for cash income, or "not to work" for cash income. This choice structure is significantly different from the two-way,choice structure -- whether "to work" or "not to work" for cash income outside the home -- which is typical of women in more developed countries. The need to identify.the choice structure is of concern because the observed choice structure of women's work in the developing countries may warrant a more general economic theory than the one developed for the women working in the developed countries. -2- Time budget studies from rural Bangladesh show that women work for (a) nonmarket production, (b) cash income production from employment in a family enterprise as unpaid family labor and (c) cash income production from paid employment outside the family. An econometric study on the three-way choice structure of women's work in rural Bangladesh found that this structure is not statistically appropriate.5 Instead, as this study shows, a two-way choice structure (i.e., whether "to.work" in the labor force, consisting of self-employment in a family enterprise and paid employment in nonfamilial market production, both producing cash income, or "to work" exclusively for home production) is more appropriate for describing women's work patterns in Bangladesh. Thus, the transactions costs of switching from self-employment in a family enterprise to market wage production are not significant enough that ywomen in rural BAngladesh find it difficult to substitute self-employment for market employment.6 A woman's decision regarding her participation in the labor force may, however, be endogenously determined.' This endogenity may cause important selectivity bias in estimates of women's time allocation decisions. The objective of this paper is to estimate a time allocation model for Bangladeshi rural women where both women's labor force participation decision and hours of work are jointly determined. For policy purposes it is more beneficial to examine the factors influencing time allocation of women rather than to note simple presence of women in one type of work category. Moreover, this study will identify whether sample selection bias is important for estimating women's time allocation in nonmarket production, an important category of work where both groups of women spend considerable amounts of their productive time. The study hopes -3- to shed light on the determinants of the economic roles of rural women in Bangladesh and in similar developing countries. The paper is organized as follows: Section two outlines an economic framework that shows how labor force participation decision and hours of work are jointly determined and how participation decisions affect women's time allocation decisions. This framework is used to derive an econometric model of women's time allocation in Bangladesh. Section three presents the survey data used to empirically implement the model. Section four reports the results of the econometric estimates of the model. The final section summarizes the results and presents policy implications. -4- II. WOMEN'S TIME ALLOCATION AND LABOR FORCE PARTICIPATION: AN ECONOMIC MODEL The benefits of using the household unit as an organizing concept in studying the econoT#c behavior of economic agents have been established. The household unit is viewed as making collective decisions that determine the behavior of each individual woman. Assume that a household consisting of only husband (H) and wife (w) derives utility from home produced goods (N), market goods (Z), and leisure (Li, i=H,W) of the husband and wife. The production of home-produced goods (N) requires resources, however. Hence, as the household attempts to maximize utility subject to the constraints it faces, home-produced goods competes with other goods, including the husband and wife's leisure. In addition.to a time constraint, the household faces market and community constraints. These constraints affect the transaction costs of the goods that the household produces as substitutes for market goods