37966 v2
UNEQUAL
CITIZENS
Gender, Caste and Ethnic Exclusion in Nepal
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
A Kathmandu businessman gets his
shoes shined by a Sarki. The
Sarkis belong to the leatherworker
subcaste of Nepal’s Dalit or “low
caste” community. Although caste
distinctions and the age-old
practices of “untouchability” are
less rigid in urban areas, the deeply
entrenched caste hierarchy still
limits the life chances of the 13
percent of Nepal’s population who
belong to the Dalit caste group.
The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed here are those of the
author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Board of Executive
Directors of the World Bank or the governments they represent, or that of DFID.
Photo credits
Kishor Kayastha (Cover)
Naresh Shrestha (Back Cover)
DESIGNED & PROCESSED BY
WordScape, Kathmandu
Printed in Nepal
UNEQUAL
CITIZENS
Gender, Caste and Ethnic Exclusion in Nepal
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
THE
DFID Department For
Department
International
Development
WORLD
BANK
Contents
Acknowledgements 3
Background and framework 6
The GSEA framework 8
Poverty outcomes 9
Legal exclusion 11
Public discourse and actions 11
Government policy and institutional framework 12
Responses to gender discrimination 12
Responses to caste discrimination 14
Responses to ethnic discrimination 16
Inclusive service delivery 17
Improving access to health 17
Improving access to education 18
Inclusive governance 20
Local development groups and coalitions 20
Affirmative action 22
Conclusions 23
Key action points 24
Acronyms and abbreviations 33
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 3
Acknowledgements
The GSEA study (Unequal Citizens: Nepal Gender and Social Exclusion Assess-
ment) is the outcome of a collaborative effort by the Department for Interna-
tional Development (DFID) of the Government of the United Kingdom and
the World Bank in close collaboration with the National Planning Commission
(NPC). In addition, DFID, the World Bank and the Danish government sup-
ported a wide range of background studies and consultations whose find-
ings have been incorporated in the report. The research was undertaken by a
team of Nepali and international scholars and development workers.
Thanks go to all the many people who contributed to this study, in-
cluding the GSEA team members and all the men and women of Nepal who
took part in the multi-level consultations. The members of the GSEA team
included: 1) Mukta Lama Tamang, Dr. Pratyoush Onta and Dr. Seira Tamang
on Janajati issues; 2) Dharma Swarnakar and Manjushree Thapa on Dalit Is-
sues; 3) Dr. Seira Tamang and Manjushree Thapa on gender issues; 4) Dr. Sapana
Malla and Sabin Shrestha on legal issues; 5) Dr. Meena Acharya, Chaitanya
Subba, Harihar Regmi, Shankar Aryal and Dr. Kishor Gajurel on the statistical
profile; 6) Kiran Bhatia, Dr. Mark Turin and Chhaya Jha on education and health;
7) Dr. Stephen Biggs, Dr. Sumitra Gurung and Dr. Don Messerschmidt on
group-based approaches, which was worked upon further by Dr. Saubhagya
Shah; and 8) Dr. Aruna Rao and Dr. David Kelleher on affirmative action.
Dr. Lynn Bennett served as team leader and contributed the con-
ceptual framework and the chapter on social-cultural and historical founda-
tions of exclusion. She also wrote the chapters on poverty outcomes and the
chapter on local level power relations, which was based on primary data col-
lected and analysed by Dr. Kishor Gajurel, in collaboration with Dr. Sondra
Hausner and Kim Armstrong.
Under the guidance of Dr. Shankar Sharma as Vice Chair, the NPC
invited a number of distinguished scholars and activists working on gender,
caste and ethnic issues to form an informal Advisory Group for the study. These
individuals deserve recognition and thanks for their contributions: Dr. Santa
4 UNEQUAL CITIZENS
Gender, Caste and Ethnic Exclusion in Nepal
Bahadur Gurung, Director of the National Foundation for the Development
of Indigenous Nationalities (NFDIN), Dr. Om Gurung, President of the Nepal
Federation of Indigenous Nationalities (NEFIN), Dr. Pushpa Shrestha, Mem-
ber, NPC; Durga Sob, President of the Feminist Dalit Organization (FEDO)
and former member of the Nepal Women’s Commission; Hira Bishwakarma,
Dalit Empowerment and Inclusion Project (DEIP); Dr. Durga Pokhrel, former
Chairperson of the Nepal Women’s Commission and currently Minister for
Women, Children and Social Welfare; Dr. Bina Pradhan and Dr. Meena Acharya.
The core writing team for the full report included Dr. Pratyoush Onta,
Dr. Seira Tamang, Manjushree Thapa and Dr. Lynn Bennett. Dr. Isabella Khadka,
Binod Bhattarai, Judith Amtzis, Zamila Bunglawala and Bela Malik served as
editors. Team support was provided by Krishna Thapa, Wangmu Sherpa, Sanjiv
Shrestha and Tara Shrestha from the World Bank. Binod Bhattarai deserves
special thanks for his work on refining and distilling the GSEA findings into
this Executive Summary
Thanks also go to Kishor Kayastha and Naresh Shrestha for the front
and back cover photographs; to Harka Gurung for the ethnographic map
and to the UNICEF office in Kathmandu for sharing their photographs, as well
as to WordScape, Kathmandu for their work on designing and processing this
publication.
Photo Credits:
Chandra Shekher Karki: page 32; Min Bajracharya: page 5 bottom row left; Mohan Mainali: page 5
bottom row center; Naresh Shrestha: page 5 top row left, page 5 middle row right.
UNICEF Library photos by Kiran Panday: pages 5 top row middle & right, page 10, 13, 21; Hugues
Laurenge: page 5 middle row left; Mani Lama: page 5 middle row center & bottom row right, page 6.
INTRODUCTION 5
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Background and framework
The Gender and Social Exclusion Assessment (GSEA) examines old hierarchies
that continue to structure access to political influence and economic oppor-
tunities. Democracy was established in Nepal in 1990. Even in the demo-
cratic polity, however, women, the formerly “ untouchable” castes who now
call themselves Dalits, the ethnic groups or Janajatis, the Muslims and the plains
dwellers or Madhesis remain on the margins.
The GSEA has examined gender, caste and ethnicity as three inter-
locking institutions that determine individual and group access to assets, ca-
pabilities and voice based on socially-defined identity.
Almost half of all Dalits
Inclusion is one of the four pillars of Nepal’s Poverty Reduction Strat-
fall below the poverty egy Paper (2003). However, attaining its inclusion goal will require funda-
line and poverty among
Hill Janajatis and Muslims mental shifts not only in the structure of governance and access to economic
is significantly higher opportunity but also in the underlying hierarchical norms, values and
than the national
average. behaviours that govern social interaction.
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 7
FIGURE 1 Dimensions of exclusion in Nepal
Social
Category Gender Caste Ethnicity/Race Language Religion Geo-political
Status
Dominant Men/Boys Tagadhari: Caucasoid Nepali Hindu Parbatiya (Hill dweller)
Brahman, Chhetri
Subordinate Women/Girls Dalit Janajati/ Other Non-Hindu Madhesi (Plains dweller)
Mongoloid
In Nepal political and economic power was consolidated by
interlinking it with the Hindu caste system. The priestly Brahmans were at
the top of the ritual order, with the Kshatriya (kings and warriors) just beneath
them and in command of the political order; next came the Vaishya (mer-
chants) and the Sudra (peasants and labourers). Beneath everyone were oc-
cupational groups, considered “ impure” , and “ untouchable” or acchut. In the
Hills, in-migrating Hindus of Caucasoid stock made up the priests and war-
riors and the lowest “ untouchable” groups. The middle rank was accorded to
indigenous groups, the Janajatis, generally of Mongoloid racial stock. Offi-
cially abolished in 1963, caste-based discrimination, while diluted, remains
even today.
During the Panchayat period (1962-1990) – although directly ruled
by a king – Nepalis for the first time began to think of themselves as citizens
rather than subjects. The transformation from subjects to citizens remains
incomplete.
Nepal’s new Constitution (1990) established a more inclusive state.
It describes Nepal as “ multi-ethnic, multi-lingual and democratic” and de-
clares that all citizens are “equal irrespective of religion, race, gender, caste,
tribe or ideology”. However, it also retained some ambiguities – by declaring Empowerment
Nepal a Hindu Kingdom, denying women the right to pass their citizenship to and social
their children and explicitly protecting “ traditional practices”. inclusion play
On February 1, 2005 the King suspended democracy and began di- complementary
rect rule. The parliamentary parties have continued to protest against the roles in promoting
new order and demand the restoration of democracy. The suspension of equity of agency
democratic rule could delay the advancement of the rights of all Nepalis, es- and sustainable
pecially the most excluded populations, mainly women, Dalits and Janajatis. prosperity for all.
8 UNEQUAL CITIZENS
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FIGURE 2 The Nepal caste pyramid according to the Muluki Ain of 1854
The GSEA framework
The GSEA analyses relationships between people and the institutions or “ rules
of the game” that shape the opportunity structure of their social, political and
economic world. Empowerment and social inclusion are means to shift these
relationships and the institutions that embody them towards greater equity.
There are three domains of change where the state, civil society and donor
organizations can intervene to ensure the following for the poor and excluded:
n access to livelihood assets and services;
Certain groups pay n the ability to exercise voice, influence and agency; and
a “penalty” in terms n a more equitable opportunity structure with “ rules of the game” that
of lower household allow all citizens to participate on the same terms in the life of the state
per capita and larger society as well as in their access to livelihood opportunities
consumption and political influence.
because of their “Access to assets and services” and “ voice, influence and agency” are
caste, ethnic or part of the empowerment processes. The other domain of change, the “ rules
religious identity. of the game” , is where social inclusion does, or does not, take place. Empow-
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 9
erment and social inclusion play complementary roles in promoting equity
of agency and sustainable prosperity for all.
Poverty outcomes
The GSEA examines poverty outcomes using indicators of economic well be-
ing, human development levels, and voice and political influence.
Nepal began generating data on caste and ethnicity only in 1991.
The 2001 census listed 103 social groups. Numerically no single group is
predominant and the population can be broadly divided into Hindu caste
groups, Janajatis and the religious minorities (mostly Muslim). In 2001, caste
groups constituted 57.5 percent of the population, Janajatis 37.2 percent and
the religious minorities 4.3 percent.
The Nepal Living Standards Survey, 2003/04 estimated that 31 per-
cent of Nepalis were living below the poverty line. The Brahman/Chhetri
group and the Newars have the fewest households in poverty and the Tarai
Middle Castes also have low proportions under the poverty line. In contrast,
FIGURE 3 GSEA Conceptual Framework
The three major
social movements
remain
independent of
each other, despite
their many
common demands.
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For poor and almost half of all Dalits live in poverty, and poverty incidence among Hill
excluded people to
gain greater access to Janajatis and Muslims is significantly higher than the national average. How-
assets and services,
the rules of the game ever, this data must be approached with some caution because Janajati pov-
must change in their erty aggregates mask intra group differentials. The analysis also reveals that
favour.
certain groups pay a “ penalty” in terms of lower household per capita con-
sumption because of their caste, ethnic or religious identity.
A gender dimension of poverty affects health and education out-
comes and leads to greater economic insecurity for women. Political poverty
is manifested in the main political parties’ failure to increase participation of
women, Dalits and Janajatis in governance institutions. Dalits were almost
totally absent from parliament during the entire multiparty period.
The GSEA carried out a separate study to measure and analyse the rela-
tive empowerment and social inclusion levels of a sample of one man and one
woman from 1000 households in 60 villages. Members of the Brahman/Chhetri/
Newar (BCN) groups scored the highest on both empowerment and social inclu-
sion and the Dalits were at the bottom. Janajatis were intermediate between the
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 11
two groups – closer to the BCN group in some measures of livelihood empower-
ment but closer to Dalits with respect to other measures. In all groups men
scored higher than women, but BCN and Middle Caste and Janajati women all
scored higher than Dalit men. Statistical analysis revealed the following:
n Caste and gender together account for a third of the variation in
empowerment and inclusion levels.
n Caste is a more powerful predictor of empowerment/inclusion than
gender.
n Membership in local groups was associated with higher empowerment
and inclusion.
Legal exclusion
The lack of laws is not the main issue in Nepal. The Constitution and the Civil
Rights Act of 1955 prohibit discrimination on the grounds of “ religion, race,
sex, caste, tribe, ideological conviction or any of these”. The laws also prohibit
untouchability, denial of access to any public place or depriving citizens of
the use of public utilities. Enforcement is lax, however. Discriminatory provi-
sions also exist, such as the declaration of Nepal as a Hindu kingdom and of
Nepali as the only official language – and the protection of “ traditional prac-
tices”, which has been used to bar Dalits from temples and to permit contin-
ued caste discrimination.
The law denies women equal inheritance rights and the right to pass
citizenship to their children. Existing laws are inadequate to deal with sexual
offences and Nepal has no law to deal with sexual harassment.
Public discourse and actions
This section examines how the “ rules of the game” have influenced Nepal’s
excluded groups in terms of government policies and institutional structures.
Nepal needs to
Until April 1990, Nepal’s movements for women, Dalit and Janajati rights re-
change about 85
mained subsumed within the larger struggle for democracy.
laws and 137 legal
The women’s movement has succeeded in placing questions of gen-
der equality and justice on the national agenda, and the Dalit movement has
provisions that are
begun to challenge Nepal’s caste society. The Janajati movement, once de-
discriminatory, a
scribed by many Brahmans and Chhetris as a “divisive” phenomenon, has now task which remains
to be done.
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succeeded in bringing fundamental issues of fair ethnic representation to the
fore. Exclusion and hierarchy within excluded groups is also being questioned.
The three major social movements remain independent of each other,
despite their many common demands. Because little dialogue has taken place
between them, the demands of some groups contradict those of others. This
has given the state space to delay fulfilment, and in turn has resulted in the
growth of radical or revolutionary offshoots.
Government policy and institutional framework
Nepal’s Eighth Plan (1992-1997), the first formulated by a democratic govern-
ment, introduced poverty alleviation as one of its three objectives. It was also
the first public document to address the caste/ethnic issue, albeit indirectly
and incompletely.
The Ninth Plan (1997-2002) addressed Dalits and Janajatis by name
– for the first time – and had a separate chapter subsection dealing with Adivasi
Janajatis in development. The government began allotting some public funds
to programmes for Janajatis.
Planned efforts to improve the situation of women began in the Sixth
Plan (1981-1985) but the approach was welfare driven. The Eighth Plan raised
the issue of women’s representation in decision-making and acknowledged the
existence of gender-based discrimination – but failed to define either term.
The Tenth Plan (2002-2007), the PRSP, recognises that lack of voice,
political representation and empowerment are as important dimensions of
poverty as are the economic and human development dimensions, and pro-
poses “affirmative action” to level the playing field. However, it too fails to
present a realistic strategy and concrete mechanisms to mainstream inclusion.
Responses to gender discrimination
Before 1990 women’s issues were cast in the framework of development and
welfare – not rights.
Nepal’s Constitution does not permit discrimination on the basis of
The Dalits have sex and advocates special legal provisions to protect and advance the inter-
essentially ests of women. The Local Self Governance Act (LSGA), 1999 introduced man-
been left to datory representation of women in local government. However, similar inter-
fend for ventions are lacking at higher levels.
themselves. Nepal has ratified the Convention on Elimination of all forms of Dis-
crimination Against Women (CEDAW). The CEDAW requires Nepal to change
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 13
about 85 laws and 137 legal provisions that are discriminatory, a task which The Janajatis
remains to be done.
want a wholly
The Ministry of Women, Children and Social Welfare (MWCSW) lacks
reformed
adequate financial and human resources to carry out its numerous responsi-
contract with
bilities effectively. It has also largely failed to consider the priorities and needs
the state.
of women from traditionally excluded castes and ethnic groups.
Nepal set up the National Women’s Commission (NWC) in 2002. How-
ever, it lacked a legal basis and its mandate remained unclear. Its members
retired in March 2004 and replacements had not been appointed by Febru-
ary 2006. Brahman and Chhetri women – appointed mainly on the basis of
their political affiliation – dominated the NWC membership.
Despite various efforts, the kind of structural change implied by the
term “gender mainstreaming” has not occurred. Tension also exists between
technocratic “ fixes” and those advocating longer-term socio-political change.
Inclusion alone can
The latter is more likely to occur, as a process of democratic trial and error – break the transfer of
deprivation from
often led by ordinary people – tends to be “ messier” and less amenable to generation to
donor timetables and budget cycles. generation.
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Gender, Caste and Ethnic Exclusion in Nepal
FIGURE 4 Caste/ethnic groupings – simplified for analysis
% Total GSEA / NLSS II 2001 Census
population (10 groups) (103 groups)
Hindu 1. BC (Hill) Brahman, Chhetri, Thakuri, Sanyasi,
caste 2. BC (Tarai) Kayashta, Rajput, Baniya, Marwadi, Jaine, Nurang, Bengali
groups 3. Tarai Middle Castes Yadev,Teli, Kalwar, Sudi, Sonar, Lohar, Koiri, Kurmi, Kanu, Haluwai,
(57.5%) Hajam/Thakur, Badhe, Rajbhar, Kewat Mallah, Numhar, Kahar, Lodha,
Bing/Banda, Bhediyar, Mali, Kamar Dhunia
4. Dalits (Hill) Kami, Damai, Sarki, Gaine, Badi
5. Dalits (Tarai) Chamar, Musahar, Tatma, Bantar, Dhusadadh/Paswan, Khatway, Dom,
Chidimar, Dhobi, Halkhor, Unidentified Dalit
Janajatis 6. Newar All Newari Castes
(37.2%) 7. Janajatis (Hill) Magar,Tamang, Rai, Gurung, Limbu, Sherpa, Bhote, Walung, Buansi,
Hyolmo, Gharti/Bhujel, Kumal, Sunuwar, Baramu, Pahari, Adivasi
Janajati, Yakkha, Shantal, Jirel, Darai, Dura, Majhi, Dunuwar, Thami,
Lepcha, Chepang, Bote, Raji, Hayu,Raute, Kasunda
8. Janajatis (Tarai) Tharu, Dhanuk, Rajbanshi, Tajpuriya, Gangai, Dhimal, Meche, Kisan,
Munda, Santhal/Satar/Dhangad/Jhangad, Koche, Pattarkatta/Kusbadiya
Muslims 9. Muslims Muslim, Churoute
(4.3%)
Others 10. Others
(1%)
Representation of women in political parties is low, especially at the
higher echelons of power. Non-representation remains a major obstacle to
the mainstreaming of policies and programmes that focus on women and
other excluded groups.
Responses to caste discrimination
Dalits remain at the very bottom of Nepal’s caste hierarchy. Even now, the gov-
ernment and many development/aid organizations use euphemisms such as“oc-
cupational castes”, “ backward classes”, “marginalised”, and“disadvantaged groups”,
instead of referring to them as Dalits. The hesitation to use the term Dalit deflects
Brahmans, attention from the everyday reality of caste-based discrimination in Nepal.
Chhetris and Over 200 forms of caste-based discrimination have been identified
Newars have in Nepal. Discrimination is more entrenched in the country’s less-developed
the best health areas, especially in the Mid- and Far-western regions, but caste continues to
indicators for influence inter-personal behaviours throughout the country.
women and No consensus has been reached on exactly which communities fall
also the lowest into the category of Dalit or on the actual population size. According to the
infant 2001 Census, Dalits comprised 13 percent of the population but the figure is
mortality rates. contested. The Dalits can broadly be categorised as either Hill Dalits (who
FIGURE 5 Ethnographic map of Nepal
Source: Harka Gurung
16 UNEQUAL CITIZENS
Gender, Caste and Ethnic Exclusion in Nepal
make up 61 percent of the Dalit population) or Tarai Dalits. Ironically, among
themselves the Dalits have traditionally practiced Hindu type stratification.
Unlike many Janajatis, the Dalits have no geographical centre or “ traditional
homeland” where they are numerically predominant.
Nepal established the National Dalit Commission (NDC) in March 2002
with an all-Dalit membership. Its members were chosen based on party affili-
ations; its functions were not legally mandated and funding was inadequate.
The NDC did draft a bill for itself but it had not yet become law by early 2006.
Dalit representation in the executive bodies of political parties re-
mains very low. The only Dalit member of the House of Representatives was
The idealised elected in 1991.
notion of The Dalits have essentially been left to fend for themselves. With a
“community” few exceptions, Nepal’s non-Dalit actors have left it to Dalit leaders, activists
fails to recognise and organizations to “ fight their own battle”, which has not helped the Dalit
factional movement.
interests within
FIGURE 6 Trend in the incidence of poverty
communities: Responses to ethnic dis- by caste/ethnicity '95/'96 and '03/'04
class, caste and crimination
gender-related The demands of Nepal’s
conflicts can and Adivasi Janajati movement
do occur even centre mainly on issues of gov-
within ernance and political repre-
community sentation. One is the need for
forestry groups, constitutional reform to re-
which are said to move discriminatory provi-
be the most sions. Another is for equitable
successful of the representation. The Janajatis
local groups. also seek greater equality in
linguistic rights, and guaran-
teed access to common prop-
erties/resources.
Nepal originally pre-
pared a schedule listing 61
Source: NLSS I,II, 2004, Gajurel. The comparison of poverty
Janajati groups, which was incidence for Tarai Middle Castes and Tarai Janajatis between NLSS I
and II should be treated with caution since for NLSS I the Tarai Middle
later reduced to 59 in the law. Castes group were represented only by the Yadavs and the Tarai
Janajatis only by the Tharus. (Figures have been rounded off.)
Various complexities are in-
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 17
volved in compiling a definitive list. Among the groups in the current list 18
are from Mountain regions, 24 from the Hills, 7 from the Inner Tarai and 10
from the Tarai. The 2001 Census enumerated only 43 of 59 Janajati groups
and reported a population of 8.27 million or 37 percent of Nepal’s population.
Members of 16 “ missing” groups were apparently not counted.
Many disparities are found among the different Janajati groups. The
Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities (NEFIN) reports that 10 of the
59 Janajati groups are “ endangered” , 12 “ highly marginalised” , 20
“ marginalised” , 15 “disadvantaged” and two “ advanced” or better off. The
GSEA recommends a fresh classification to identify all Janajati groups based
on poverty incidence, educational levels and key health indicators to serve as
basis for eligibility to special state initiatives, including reservations and schol-
arships for those most disadvantaged.
Nepal’s Constitution explicitly uses the term Janajatis and acknowl-
edges both their presence and their relative social and economic deprivation.
The use of Nepali as the only official language is discriminatory, however.
Constitutional reform is both an overarching demand related to many other
issues, and an affirmation that the Janajatis want a wholly reformed contract
with the state. The movement wants Nepal to be declared a secular state,
and all Janajati languages recognised for use in state affairs alongside Nepali.
Equitable representation through different methods including “ re-
structuring the Nepali state” by changing the electoral system and affirma- An effective “road
tive action measures are other key demands, as is access to common prop- map” to
erty resources once communally owned by certain Janajati groups. affirmative
action needs to
address this
Inclusive service delivery dimension –
perhaps through
Improving access to health a special
Nepal has started to put a greater emphasis on preventing diseases that af- programme to
flict the poor and has begun reaching out to those with the greatest health
develop a
burden. However, the effort to reorient policy and health services along a
“pipeline” of
rights-based approach remains ad-hoc and immature.
qualified
Many interrelated factors – cultural, religious and social beliefs and
candidates.
norms (especially those that reflect the entrenched gender, caste and ethnic
hierarchies) as well as economic, institutional and location-related specificities
18 UNEQUAL CITIZENS
Gender, Caste and Ethnic Exclusion in Nepal
– lie behind these differential health outcomes. Because of their reproductive
role and their low social status, outcomes for women are the worst.
Many determinants of health outcomes operate indirectly by reduc-
ing certain people's access to healthcare and influencing the kind of care they
receive. Institutional and political factors are important and are a major fo-
cus for policy intervention. These include government budgetary allocation
and policy attention to rural healthcare and the diseases of the poor and
women.
Although many professionals in the government health care service
are dedicated to caring for the poor and disadvantaged, others have little
motivation to serve those who are beneath them in the socio-economic hier-
archy. Generally, most healthcare facilities, including trained personnel, are
concentrated in urban areas. Men mostly staff the higher service positions –
a major obstacle to proper healthcare for women.
Women’s health outcomes are directly affected by their subordinate
status vis-à-vis the men and the senior women in the family. The preference
for male children varies from group to group and is reflected in poorer female
performance on all indicators, especially education and health.
When healthcare usage and outcomes are better for women, they
are better for children as well. Brahmans, Chhetris and Newars have the best
health indicators for women and also the lowest infant mortality rates.
The government has acknowledged and tried to address the prob-
lem of gender discrimination as a barrier to healthcare. But very little atten-
tion has been given to how the legacy of caste and ethnicity – and particu-
Just as having
larly the practice of untouchability – affects the interface between health ser-
a woman
vice providers and patients of both sexes. For Janajatis and members of lin-
teacher tends
guistic minorities in the Tarai, language is also an inhibiting factor.
to attract girl
Some of the determinants of high morbidity and mortality among ex-
students, cluded groups require actions beyond the health system. Improved transpor-
having Janajati tation and sanitation infrastructure, reduced income and consumption poverty
or Dalit staff and increased education levels are all associated with better health outcomes.
has a positive Meeting the objectives of the current health sector reform programme will re-
impact on quire patient development of detailed formal modalities and mechanisms to
those groups. overcome the barriers to inclusion.
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 19
FIGURE 7 Percentage of school participation of Improving access to
age 6-10 year olds by gender, caste education
and ethnicity 2003-04
The state assumed respon-
sibility for the education
system in the 1970s; previ-
ously locally run schools
were turned over to a
centralised educational ad-
ministration. Public educa-
tion expanded rapidly
thereafter. Quality did not Overcoming the
keep up with the expansion legacy of past
in numbers, however. inequality involves
To help poor and more than
Source: NLSS II
socially excluded children allotting some
access the kind of education that will open opportunities for them, simply get- reserved seats in
ting them into Nepal’s public schools as they currently operate will not be elected,
enough. The Nepal Education for All (NEFA) programme sets out three pri- administrative
mary objectives: (i) ensuring access and equity in primary education, (ii) en- government, or in
hancing quality and relevance of primary education, (iii) improving efficiency university
and institutional capacity. For the first objective the government has specifi- admissions.
cally committed to provide equal access to educational resources for all ex-
cluded groups – girls, linguistic minorities, Dalits and Janajatis.
In an effort to reform the system and shift the incentives, in 2001 the
parliament passed the Seventh Amendment of the Education Act, allowing
management of local public schools to be handed over to School Manage-
ment Committees (SMCs). The rules require at least one woman member
but does not mandate Dalit or Janajati representation. Participation of both
Dalits and women in the SMCs is low. Preventing elite capture and undue
politicisation of SMCs is vital for their success, and is only possible through
proper representation.
Schools with female teachers tend to attract more female students.
For that reason the policy of having at least one female teacher per school in
multi-teacher schools was established over a decade ago, and the NEFA re-
quires at least two female teachers in such schools. However, neither policy has
20 UNEQUAL CITIZENS
Gender, Caste and Ethnic Exclusion in Nepal
yet been fully implemented. Just as having a woman teacher tends to attract
girl students, having Janajati or Dalit staff has a positive impact on those groups.
For most Janajati children Nepali is not their mother tongue so they
are introduced to school and to a new language at the same time. Success in
Nepali medium primary schools is also difficult for many people from the Tarai
who speak Maithili, Bhojpuri or Hindi as their mother tongues.
Primary education is the foundation for ensuring educational parity
among various groups, the first step towards effective social inclusion. The
Instead of excluded groups are under represented in higher education – with Dalits be-
patronage, (the ing less than one percent of those with BA and above – and this is largely due
excluded) want to exclusion at the lower levels. Reforming education from below must be
rights – the matched with affirmative action initiatives from above to support the higher
same rights education of members of excluded groups.
accorded to
every citizen by
law. Inclusive governance
Governance is at the core of the GSEA – focusing as it does on equal citizen-
ship. It also proposes two promising approaches for realising the equal citi-
zenship goal – group-based development and affirmative action.
Local development groups and coalitions
Some grassroots groups have begun to replicate themselves and have orga-
nized into larger federations. These higher-level associations give voice and
added political representation to their constituents. Local level groups are
an important mechanism through which bottom-up empowerment has been
taking place in Nepal. This is especially important in the current situation
where the elected local bodies that were to be the pillars of grassroots de-
mocracy and the institutional anchors for decentralisation have remained in-
operative since July 2002. However, the roles and responsibilities of grassroots
community groups vis-à-vis local elected government remain to be clarified.
Some GSEA findings relating to groups include the following:
n Nepal has about 400,000 local-level sponsored groups that are being
monitored by development agencies.
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 21
n The idealised notion of “community” fails to recognise factional interests
within communities: class, caste and gender-related conflicts can and do
occur even within community forestry groups, which are said to be the
most successful of the local groups. Stratification and elite capture occur
in women’s groups as well.
n Although women are fairly well-represented as group members, they
continue to play a less prominent role on the executive committees. Data
on group membership and leadership disaggregated by caste and
ethnicity is almost non-existent.
n Often homogenous groups – in terms of gender, caste and ethnicity – are
best suited for serving the interests of disadvantaged groups. By
definition, “elite capture” is more likely to occur in mixed groups. The development
response to
The quiet revolution underway in Nepal is the expansion of the im- women's claim for
petus for group-based collective action from the village level to district, na- equal rights still
hinges largely on
tional (and sometimes international) arenas through the formation of federa- the welfare model.
22 UNEQUAL CITIZENS
Gender, Caste and Ethnic Exclusion in Nepal
tions and associations of grassroots groups. These actions can only succeed
in an environment that promotes freedom to form associations to pursue col-
lective goals as well as government support – not restrictions.
Affirmative action
Affirmative action seeks to correct historical disadvantages and unfair dis-
crimination by enabling access to full opportunity and benefits to groups that
have been excluded. Overcoming the legacy of past inequality involves more
than allotting some reserved seats in elected, administrative government, or
in university admissions, etc.
Affirmative action as debated in Nepal relates not only to the civil
service, but also to elected government and to the education, employment
and health sectors. Affirmative action can also encompass changes in the
electoral system in order to ensure proportional representation of different
groups. This may be part of the answer in Nepal as well.
The government’s views on affirmative action are unclear. While
The Tenth Plan the need for some sort of affirmative action for excluded groups is not dis-
(2002-2007), the puted, the modality has been the source of some contention – as has the
PRSP, recognises issue of which groups should be included.
that lack of voice, A major challenge to the affirmative action agenda is the low num-
political ber of qualified candidates in certain groups such as the Dalits. An effective
representation and “ road map” to affirmative ac-
empowerment are tion needs to address this di- FIGURE 8 Composite empowerment and inclusion
mension – perhaps through a index by gender/caste/ethnicity
as important
dimensions of special programme to de-
poverty as are velop a “ pipeline” of qualified
economic and candidates.
human Probably the most
development contentious sphere for affir-
dimensions, and mative action is in elected
government, and this is an
proposes
area where the political par-
“affirmative
ties have failed. The power
action” to level the
structures of the main politi- Source: Bennett and Gajurel et al. 2006. Empowerment in Practice from
playing field. Analysis to Implementation. Ruth Alsop, Mette Bertelsen, and Jeremy
cal parties have never been Holland, eds. Washington D.C.: The World Bank
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 23
representative in terms of the gender, caste or ethnicity of the diverse citizens
they claim to represent.
Affirmative action as a lever for social inclusion is necessary but not
sufficient to bring about significant and sustainable positive outcomes for
socially excluded groups. In order to be truly effective and sustainable, affir-
mative action requires the broad social and political commitment to equality
and human rights articulated by Nepal's Constitution, laws and policies. Ulti-
mately, it requires changes in people’s beliefs and values.
Conclusions
After centuries of thinking about themselves as subjects of feudal rulers, more
and more Nepalis are beginning to see themselves as citizens of a democratic
state. Although the pace of this fundamental change in self-perception is
uneven among groups at different levels on the social hierarchy, it is now be-
ing embraced even by those traditionally at the lowest echelons – especially
women, Dalits and Janajatis. This change in self-perception has also altered
expectations: people do not want favours from the powerful. Instead of pa-
tronage, they want rights – the same rights accorded to every citizen by law.
They want uniform “ rules of the game” to apply to all social players across the
board. Social inclusion and empowerment are the interrelated processes
that can bring this about. The GSEA ends with a set of recommendations on
the long overdue policy and actions for addressing the various dimensions of
social exclusion in Nepal.
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KEY ACTION POINTS
BASIS FOR ACTION RESPONSIBLE
ACTION ACTORS *
Incorporate an inclusion lens into the government To date the government has only proposed piecemeal n GOVERNMENT
1.
planning, budget allocation and monitoring solutions to the problem of social inclusion in the form n donors
process to ensure full access for women, Dalits of "targeted programmes". Currently funds earmarked
and Janajatis in all core government services and under the inclusion pillar of the PRSP amount to just
development programmes. This approach to public over 6% of the budget. This is clearly inadequate to
expenditure would expand the concept of "gender create a level playing field for excluded groups and to
budgeting/auditing" that has been increasingly adopted meet the PRSP inclusion goals. In order to be
by HMG/N. effective, inclusion needs to be adequately funded and
fully embraced by all government programmes.
Steps towards inclusive budgeting would entail:
n Conducting a systematic analysis of all mainstream Structural change towards social inclusion as
programmes to identify barriers to access for envisaged by the PRSP is possible only with 1)
women, Dalits and Janajatis; increased, focused investment by both government
n Developing specific mechanisms and incentives to and donors to assure inclusion across all core services
overcome the barriers; and development programmes and 2) systematic
n Assigning clear accountability for achieving the monitoring of results.
inclusion objectives in all sectors;
n Developing clear outcome indicators disaggregated
by caste, ethnicity and gender; and
n Tracking indicators in real time sectoral monitoring
and evaluation systems linked to the PMAS to
ensure effective corrective policy actions.
2. Make organizational changes for effective The government's efforts at inclusion have not been n GOVERNMENT
implementation of the inclusion pillar: translated into coordinated action at the sectoral n donors
n Establish a national inclusion task force in the ministry level, where both formal and informal barriers n civil society
National Planning Commission to coordinate and still seem to be entrenched. Effective coordination of
monitor inclusion initiatives by government policies and actions under the inclusion pillar can
ministries, with appropriate linkages to the central greatly increase impact, reduce duplication and lead to
PRSP monitoring system. greater impact at all levels.
n This task force could lead a review of inclusion
results in the 10th Plan and propose revisions for The concept of inclusive programming and budgeting
the 11th Plan. recommended in (1) above necessitates that trained
n Empower the Gender Focal Points in all line professionals in each major sectoral ministry examine
ministries by making them part of a sectoral social the ministry's major policies and programmes for the
inclusion unit responsible for vetting all ministry impact that they are likely to have on excluded groups.
programmes and policies from an inclusion Furthermore, to fully ensure inclusive programming,
perspective. A senior government official empow- each ministry needs to recommend specific mecha-
ered to hire experts on gender, Dalit and Janajati nisms to ensure that its sectoral policies are inclusive
issues should head this unit. and that they deliver equal benefits to excluded groups.
* Actors depicted in upper case are to take the lead; actors depicted in lower case are to support.
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 25
ACTION BASIS FOR ACTION RESPONSIBLE
ACTORS
2. n Build on the strength of the existing district-level Commitments to ensure that DDC and VDC budget
Contd.
Women Development Offices to establish District allocations and programmes are responsive to women,
Gender and Social Inclusion Offices and link Dalits and Janajatis through a "watchdog" committee
them with the sectoral ministries and representative have not been implemented. One possibility that has
national organizations - as well as with been suggested by many groups is to enlarge the
decentralised representatives of the National mandate of the WDO to encompass all dimensions of
Women's Commission (NWC), the National Dalit social inclusion by adding staff whose responsibility it
Commission (NDC) and the National Foundation would be to ensure that Dalit and Janajati groups also
for the Development of Indigenous Nationalities benefit from local government spending. This office
(NFDIN) to ensure coordination. would have increased accountability to the various
national commissions (such as NWC, NDC and
NFDIN) and to the DDCs and VDCs. As more and
more resources are devolved to the elected DDC and
VDC governments they would be expected to allocate
matching funds to the work of the District Gender and
Social Inclusion Offices. Both the increased responsi-
bility of this office and the devolution of funding would
help lay the foundation for the realisation of the
LSGA's commitment to social inclusion.
3. Improve the governance structure of the national The commissions set up under an executive order do n GOVERNMENT
commissions for women and Dalits: not have the legal authority to function independently n donors
n Re-establish the National Women's Commission of government and political influence. Legal n civil society
and the National Dalit Commission through recognition and autonomy would enable them to
legislation. function effectively and independently, using
n Enable the commissions to function as semi- professional help where needed.
autonomous constitutional bodies, with authority to
receive a regular budget directly from the MOF and
support from donors.
n Ensure that these commissions are aware of the
changing situation on the ground for excluded
groups by encouraging them to have a "listening
relationship" with civil society organizations as well
as with the proposed gender and social inclusion
units at the district level (see recommendation 2
above).
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BASIS FOR ACTION RESPONSIBLE
ACTION ACTORS
4. Revive the stalled decentralisation process with While decentralisation on its own does not guarantee n GOVERNMENT
safeguards and incentives to promote inclusion at all social inclusion, it can provide more inclusive and n donors
levels. accountable governance by delegating funds and n civil societ
decision-making authority closer to the local level,
where ordinary people are more likely to be able to
take part in and influence decisions – and monitor
outcomes. In particular, it provides a possible
governance framework within which diverse ethnic and
language groups can have greater autonomy in certain
key areas and still remain citizens of a unified Nepali
nation. Nepal has the necessary framework for
decentralisation in the LSGA, which even includes a
number of provisions to ensure voice for women, Dalits
and Janajatis (e.g. through the district "Watchdog
Committees" and other provisions). But implementa-
tion on overall decentralisation – and on the provisions
to promote inclusion – has been slow for lack of
political commitment. Decentralisation has particularly
suffered after July 2002, when the government allowed
the terms of elected local governments to lapse.
5. Enact critical legal changes to ensure equal rights The definition of who has the right to citizenship was n GOVERNMENT
for all citizens – and equal access to citizenship: greatly curtailed in the 1990 Constitution, and those n donors
most notably affected are the most excluded. n civil society
On Citizenship
n Reinstate the language of the Interim Constitution of Existing informal practices effectively deny citizenship
1953 that guarantees citizenship to "every person to many segments of excluded society, especially to
who had been permanently residing within the those who do not own land and to those whose
territory of Nepal with their family". Carry out a language and social customs mark them as being
social audit of informal government practices and historically “of Indian origin”.
requirements for obtaining citizenship papers.
For women:
n Ensure equal citizenship rights to women, their children An analysis of Nepali laws, including the Constitution
and their spouses. and Country Code, conducted for the GSEA found:
n Ensure equal rights to ancestral property for women and n 83 pieces of legislation that discriminate against
married daughters. women and
n Repeal the provision that allows a man to enter a
bigamous marriage under certain conditions.
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 27
ACTION BASIS FOR ACTION RESPONSIBLE
ACTORS
5. For Janajatis:
Contd.
n Remove the word "Hindu" from Article 4 of the n 32 provisions that discriminate on the basis of
Constitution. religion, caste and ethnicity.
n Amend Article 19 (1) to permit the right to religion.
n Amend Article 6 (1) to permit alternate official
languages in addition to Nepali.
For Dalits: Allowing discrimination as a social custom reinforces
n Remove the ambiguity about the right to practice the traditional institutions based on inequality.
untouchability/caste-based discrimination as a Increasing punishment for caste-based discrimination
social custom. can serve as an effective deterrent, but long-term
n Ensure enforcement of punishment for caste-based social change can come only through changes in
discrimination in the public and private spheres. values and practices.
6. Enhance Poverty Monitoring and Analysis System Previously, the large number of social groups (103) n GOVERNMENT
(PMAS) by standardising social categories and covered by the Census made meaningful analysis of n donors
improving monitoring capacity of key sectoral outcomes by social groups difficult and limited the n civil society
ministries to track social inclusion: extent to which HMG/N could track progress in poverty
n At the national level, a common classification of reduction along social dimensions. In NLSS I (1995/6)
the main social groups has been used by the GSEA more than 20 percent of the population belonging to
and the CBS for data collection and analysis in the smaller groups remained unaccounted for in the
NLSS II and other national surveys that contribute to "other" category. The adoption by the Central Bureau
the PMAS. There are six major social categories of Statistics of the broad categories developed by the
(BC, Tarai Middle Castes, Dalits, Newars, Janajatis GSEA for NLSS II has overcome this limitation and
and Muslims) but when separated by Hill and Tarai paved the way for better PMAS tracking of progress on
there are the following 10 categories: the social inclusion pillar of the PRSP through national
1. Hill Brahman/Chhetris Census and Survey data. The "other" category in the
2. Tarai Brahman/Chhetris 2003/4 NLSS II now accounts for only about one
3. Tarai Middle Castes percent of the population.
4. Hill Dalits
5. Tarai Dalits
6. Newars
7. Hill Janajatis
8. Tarai Janajatis
9. Religious Minorities (Muslim)
10. Other
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ACTION BASIS FOR ACTION RESPONSIBLE
ACTORS
6. n At sectoral level the PMAS tracks performance Despite the progress made for national datasets, the n GOVERNMENT
Contd.
using the Management Information Systems of the existing monitoring and information systems of the n donors
various sectoral ministries. Sectoral performance various sectoral ministries still do not permit the n civil society
data also need to be disaggregated by gender, government to track progress on the social inclusion
caste and ethnicity for all monitoring purposes – pillar. MOES Flash Reports have made a start at this,
preferably using the 10 categories listed above. but are still not reliable. Disaggregated data are
essential to learning about which policies and
n When it is not possible to acquire such detailed data programmes work to improve inclusion and which do
for sectoral monitoring, then the interested parties not. It is also an important element in HMG/N's move
should be encouraged to at least adopt four main towards results-based budgeting and part of the
categories into which all caste/ethnic groups could budget release conditions for the pooled donor support
be sorted – plus gender, since women are to the government's health and education
disadvantaged across all groups. The four programmes.
categories would be:
1. Dalits There are large differences even among Janajati and
2. Disadvantaged Janajatis, including those Tarai Middle Caste groups that could mean that the
Janajati groups who fall a set percentage (to most disadvantaged might not be reached by
be determined) below the national average on supportive programming. To ensure transparency and
consumption poverty, health and education accountability as well as effective targeting, the NPC's
indicators based on the Census, NLSS and Poverty Monitoring Unit needs to lead an exercise
DHS. where the NLSS and other national data sets can be
3. Other excluded/disadvantaged groups, used to accurately identify the truely disadvantaged on
including Muslims and certain Tarai Middle a scientific bases. This effort would need to involve
Caste groups based on the data mentioned representative women, Dalit and Janajati groups (such
above. as the Women's Commission, the Dalit Commission,
4. Non-excluded groups such as Brahmans the Dalit NGO Federation, the National Foundation for
and Chhetris, Newars, Thakalis, Gurungs and Development of Indigenous Nationalities and the
those Tarai Middle Caste groups whose National Federation for Indigenous Nationalities) along
poverty indicators are a certain percentage (to with CBS.
be determined) above the national average.
n Identifying the disadvantaged: Effective annual monitoring of inclusion outcomes in
l Ensure that this categorisation is done on a each sector is a potentially powerful tool in support of
scientific basis and ask the NPC Poverty affirmative action in the areas of health, education and
Monitoring Unit to lead it with support from CBS other critical services.
(and participation from NFDIN and other
concerned groups). It would be based on
statistical analysis of NLSS, DHS and Census data
to identify the truly disadvantaged among the
Janajati and other groups.
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 29
BASIS FOR ACTION RESPONSIBLE
ACTION ACTORS
6. l Develop a system to periodically update the
Contd.
status of different groups as new data become
available in order to help keep targeted
programmes and affirmative action policies from
becoming identity-based entitlements and to
ensure that government resources go to those
most in need.
n Continue income-based tracking and targeting
to ensure that the poor within the privileged caste/
ethnic groups are not missed.
n Include social accountability mechanisms in the
sectoral monitoring processes to create incentives
for inclusion.
7. Develop a holistic strategy for reservation and A more diverse civil service can improve service n GOVERNMENT
affirmative action: delivery based on better understanding of the needs n donors
and perspectives of diverse clients. Similarly, n civil society
n Appoint a broad-based task force to develop a road greater representation of excluded groups in elected
map for increasing diversity and representation of government at all levels will increase the legitimacy
disadvantaged groups in politics, civil society and and accountability of Nepali democracy.
academia.
Nepali society and government now accept
n Build a pipeline of qualified women, Dalits and reservation/affirmative action as a means to level
Janajatis by establishing a fast-track scholarship/ the playing field and increase diversity. However,
internship programme for the most promising girls, modalities to achieve this objective have not been
Dalits and Janajatis completing school level finalised, despite efforts to do so.
education in the public system.
This will help ensure that "meritocracy" is not It is important to ensure there is a “pipeline” of
compromised while reserving positions for women, qualified candidates from under represented groups
Dalit and Janajatis candidates in the civil service. who can compete for reserved positions.
n Explore alternative electoral systems as part of the Full implementation of decentralisation can also be
affirmative action policy to help ensure greater an important mechanism for affirmative action.
representation and voice for Nepal's diverse groups.
30 UNEQUAL CITIZENS
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BASIS FOR ACTION RESPONSIBLE
ACTION ACTORS
8. Make donor agencies and NGOs more inclusive: Recent reports have shown that donors and NGOs n DONORS
n Both sets of actors should undertake inclusion have alarmingly poor inclusion levels of women, n CIVIL SOCIETY
audits and inclusion reviews of their organizations Dalits and Janajatis and that current donor
and portfolios to identify exclusion and make programming still tends to be largely based on
information from the traditional "elite" sources.
corrections.
Greater internal diversity could help deliver more
n Donors should require the NGOs they support to
effective programmes.
conduct similar audits and share findings with
government.
n Donor agencies should be encouraged to expand
their “circle” of contacts and deepen their under-
standing of inclusion by seeking information from
and interacting with diverse groups that ordinarily do
not have access to donor ears.
9. Strengthen the power of local development groups: A level playing field within local development groups n GOVERNMENT
is necessary to ensure that members from n CIVIL SOCIETY
n Establish governance rules for local develop- disadvantaged backgrounds benefit equally from n DONORS
ment groups to help them better deliver inclusion shared group activities and that group-based
and prevent elite capture by implementing effective approaches live up to their potential for delivering
governance rules, and transparent monitoring and inclusion, sustainability and empowerment for all.
evaluation mechanisms.
Many local groups that form federations to increase
their economic efficiency and their political voice
n Create a supportive environment for federations of face bureaucratic delays and barriers when they
local level groups: seek to register either as a cooperative under the
l Review and amend existing cooperative laws to Cooperative Laws or as an NGO under the CDO or
permit more than one of a given type of the SWC. One such barrier for cooperative
cooperative to be registered in a single district federations is the outmoded rule that there can be
and to remove other regulations and procedural only one of any particular type of cooperative (e.g.
barriers to the registration and operation of dairy, credit, multipurpose cooperative) per district.
cooperative federations. This is particularly counterproductive for women's
groups whose members practice a variety of
l Encourage wide consultations, between the
livelihoods and need the multipurpose designation to
government and NGO and donor stakeholders, allow this. Another emerging barrier for any
aimed at revising the new NGO code to make it federated groups seeking to become an NGO is the
less restrictive. restrictive new NGO code.
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 31
ACTION BASIS FOR ACTION RESPONSIBLE
ACTORS
10. Develop a knowledge base to inform policy debate Practical proposals for inclusion that are economically n CIVIL SOCIETY
on inclusion: and politically feasible require conceptual clarity, and n DONORS
Encourage civil society groups to consistently collective thinking and debate at all levels. Thinking n government
generate and share knowledge and understanding on through policy choices and developing the mecha-
diversity and related issues, by encouraging nisms through which these policies will be imple-
participation from members of traditionally excluded mented on the ground requires representative
groups. participation.
11. Support strategic coalitions between women, The women, Dalit and Janajati movements are n CIVIL SOCIETY
Dalits and Janajatis: currently fractured and almost independent of each
Build alliances for collective equal citizenship goals other, even though they often seek to attain similar
between the individual social movements. citizenship goals. There is strength in numbers,
and alliances can help them forcefully advocate
and achieve their collective goals.
12. Encourage internal reform of the main political The success of democracy hinges largely on the n CIVIL SOCIETY
parties to make them more democratic and extent to which the political parties, once in power, n government
broadly representative: can articulate and respond to the demands of n donors
The parties need to be encouraged to adopt more every segment of society. In Nepal's emerging
democratic and transparent procedures and to be held democracy the parties have been less than
accountable to implement the many inclusive promises successful in implementing democratic norms and
made in their manifestos. procedures within the context of their own
organizations. They have also delayed imple-
mentation of their own pledges to be inclusive to
women, Janajatis and Dalits.
Women, Janajatis and Dalits have not been elected in numbers that match their share of the population.
Acronyms and abbreviations
BA Bachelor of Arts
B/C Brahman/Chhetri
CBS Central Bureau of Statistics
CDO Chief District Officer
CEDAW Convention on Eliminating all forms of Discrimination Against Women
DDC District Development Committee
DFID Department for International Development
DHS Department of Health Services
GSEA Gender and Social Exclusion Assessment
HMG/N His Majesty’s Government/Nepal
LSGA Local Self-Governance Act
MOES Ministry of Education and Sports
MOF Ministry of Finance
NDC National Dalit Commission
NEFA Nepal Education for All
NEFIN Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities
NFDIN National Foundation for Development of Indigenous Nationalities
NGO Non Government Organization
NLSS Nepal Living Standard Survey
NPC National Planning Commission
NWC National Women’s Commission
PMAS Poverty Monitoring Analysis System
PRSP Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper
SMC School Management Committee
SWC Social Welfare Council
UNICEF United Nations Childrens' Fund
VDC Village Development Committee
WDO Women Development Officer
DFID
THE Department For
International
WORLD Development
BANK
The World Bank DFID Nepal
Nepal Office P.O. Box 106
P.O. Box 798 Kathmandu, Nepal
Yak and Yeti Hotel Tel.: 5542980
Complex Fax: 5542979
Durbar Marg
Kathmandu, Nepal
Tel.: 4226792, 4226793 E-mail
Fax: 4225112 enquiry@dfid.gov.uk
Websites
www.worldbank.org.np, Website
www.bishwabank.org.np www.dfid.gov.uk