33775 Tanzania STRATEGIC COUNTRY GENDER ASSESSMENT Prepared by C. Mark Blackden and Magdalena Rwebangira with support from Zahia Lolila Ramin Office of the Sector Director Poverty Reduction and Economic Management Network Africa Region World Bank June 30, 2004 2 3 Abbreviations and Acronyms CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women CAS Country Assistance Strategy GMWG-MP Gender Mainstreaming Working Group ­ Macro Policies GOT Government of Tanzania GRB Gender-Responsive Budgeting HBS Household Budget Survey (Various Years) HIV/AIDS Human Immunodeficiency Virus/Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome ICESCR International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights ICPCR International Covenant on Political and Civil Rights ICRC International Convention on the Rights of the Child ILO International Labour Office MCDGC Ministry of Community Development, Gender, and Children MTEF Medium-Term Expenditure Framework NSGD National Strategy for Gender Development PER Public Expenditure Review PRS Poverty Reduction Strategy PRSC Poverty Reduction Support Credit SADC Southern African Development Community SCGA Strategic Country Gender Assessment SNA System of National Accounts SOSPA Sexual Offenses Special Provisions Act SSA Sub-Saharan Africa SSR Social Sector Review (World Bank) TAMWA Tanzania Media Women's Association TGNP Tanzania Gender Networking Programme VPO Vice President's Office WGDP Women and Gender Development Policy 4 Tanzania STRATEGIC COUNTRY GENDER ASSESSMENT TABLEOF CONTENTS Executive Summary p. i 1. Introduction p. 1 2. Country Gender Profile p. 4 3. Institutional Framework and Country Policy p. 16 4. Conclusions and Recommendations p. 24 Annexes Annex 1: Country Gender Profile p. 30 Annex 2: Measures to Strengthen the National Gender Policy p. 34 Annex 3: Matrix of Priority Operational Interventions p. 36 Annex 4: Bibliography and References p. 39 This assessment was prepared by a team comprising C. Mark Blackden (AFTPM), Magdalena Rwebangira (Consultant), and Zahia Lolila Ramin (Consultant). It is primarily intended to support the Tanzanian Government and Civil Society organizations involved in revising the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP), and to support the Bank in preparing the FY05 Country Assistance Strategy and the Country Economic Memorandum (CEM). Valuable inputs were provided by the Tanzania Gender Networking Programme (TGNP), notably from Mary Rusimbi. The assessment draws on two missions in May and October 2003, for which the active support of Bank staff in the Country Office, notably Rest Lasway, is gratefully acknowledged. The missions also benefited from the collaboration of the Netherlands Cooperation, principally Zaina Maimu and Henny de Vries, and from the European Union , notably Ingeborg Veller. Valuable inputs from the peer reviewer, Steve Price-Thomas (PRMGE), are also appreciated. 5 Executive Summary This Strategic Country Gender Assessment (SCGA) summarizes relevant gender issues in Tanzania to support dialogue with Government and civil society and to inform the World Bank's work program. Specifically, the SCGA aims to support the Government of Tanzania (GOT) to integrate gender issues more systematically into the ongoing revision and update of the country's Poverty Reduction Strategy (PRS II), and to support the Bank in preparing the 2004/05 Country Assistance Strategy (CAS). Positive Trends Tanzania has long been at the forefront of gender analysis and practice, and has often articulated the importance of gender equality. The country adopted a Women and Gender Development Policy (WGDP) in 2000, and is in the process of preparing a National Strategy for Gender Development (NSGD), aimed at specifying how the WGDP will be implemented. Under the Constitution, discrimination on the basis of gender is prohibited, through a special amendment passed in 2000. In the last ten years, Parliament has enacted laws which support women's economic and social wellbeing, notably the Sexual Offences (Special Provisions) Act (SOSPA) 1998, and two Land Acts. The Government (GOT) has taken affirmative action to include women in decision making. The parliament passed a bill in 2000 to increase the number of women's special seats (33% in local government councils and 20% in the Union parliament). GOT has announced plans to increase the participation of women in politics to 30% by 2005 in line with the SADC Declaration of 1997. Tanzania has been at the forefront of work to pioneer "gender-responsive budgeting" (GRB) through the work launched by the Tanzania Gender Networking Programme (TGNP) in 1997. This has led to dialogue between civil society organizations and the Ministry of Finance and to the preparation of guidelines for integrating gender into national budgets. Limitations The Ministry of Community Development, Gender, and Children (MCDGC), has a broad and unfocused mandate, and no clear role or responsibility with respect to implementing the Poverty Reduction Strategy (PRS). The WGDP, NSGD, and other action plans and policies are not prioritized nor implemented effectively. ii Progress in passing gender-sensitive laws has not been matched by effective implementation, and there is a considerable gulf between the principles enshrined in these laws and their implementation on the ground. Gender-based violence remains a pervasive problem in Tanzania, and the SOSPA, in common with other laws, suffers from not being effectively implemented. The gender-responsive budget initiative, important as it is, has stalled, and the partnership between the Ministry of Finance, TGNP, and others needs to be revived, as part of the effort to strengthen the integration of gender issues into the PRS II process while improving the coherence between planning and budgeting. The principal findings of the SCGA are as follows: Who Does What? Toward Economic Inclusion Gender is an economic issue in Tanzania, not just a social or equity issue. Available data suggest that a distinguishing characteristic of Tanzania's economy, shared with other SSA economies more generally, is that both men and women play substantial economic roles. The structural roles of men and women in the agricultural cycle reveal that women are more active in agriculture than men, specifically in food crop production, marketing, and processing of agricultural products. Estimates of the "gender intensity of production" in Tanzania, while highly aggregated, provide some indication of the magnitude of the respective contributions of men and women to the economy. They suggest that men and women are not distributed evenly across the sectors of the economy, as women comprise a slight majority of the labor force in agriculture, while men are a substantially higher majority of the labor force in the industry and service sectors. They suggest, further, that men and women contribute, respectively, 60 and 40 percent of GDP. Gender differences in labor force participation remain strong, with fewer than half as many women as men in paid jobs. Agriculture is an important source of employment for 84% of economically active women and 80% of economically active men. Women constitute 51% of the economically-active labor force in Tanzania. Only 4% of women are in paid jobs, as compared with 10% of men Limited available data suggest that women comprise 38% of the informal sector, a share that is lower than their 51% share of the active labor force. The Other Workday: Interdependence of Market and Household Economies The different structural roles of men and women in the market economy (notably agriculture and the informal sector) are coupled with their equally different­and unbalanced­roles in the household economy. The boundary between economic and household activity is less well drawn in Africa than in other Regions. In addition to their prominence in agriculture, women bear the brunt of domestic tasks: processing food crops, providing water and firewood, and caring for iii the elderly and the sick. This latter task assumes particular importance in the context of the HIV/AIDS pandemic in Tanzania, as the impact of AIDS is not limited to the "visible" market economy, but has an equally--if not more--significant impact on the "invisible" household economy. The time and effort required for these tasks, in the almost total absence of even rudimentary domestic technology, is staggering. Village transport surveys in Tanzania show that women spend nearly three times as much time in transport activities compared with men, and they transport about four times as much in volume. Nearly half of the total time spent on transport tasks in villages in the Makete Region is spent on activities related to domestic tasks ­ fuel and water fetching and traveling to the grinding mill. By far the greater share of this is done by women, corresponding to nearly 2 hours each day, of which one hour is spent fetching water. Urban water supply increased from 68% in December 2000 to 73% in June 2003. Rural water supply coverage increased from 48.5% in December 2000 to 53% in June 2003. In some parts of Tanzania, women have only 2 hours of leisure time per day compared to 4.5 hours for men. Gender Dimensions of Poverty Tanzania does not have much current data or analysis of the gender dimensions of poverty, and a more systematic analysis of available HBS, DHS, and other survey data is an urgent priority. Preliminary analysis of the HBS data suggest that there has been a substantial increase in the share of FHH from the 1991/92 period to 2000/01. Nationally, FHH rose from 6% to 13% over this period, with a jump from 15% to 22% in rural areas. The analysis indicated that FHH were likely to be slightly less poor, based on income/consumption measures, than their MHH counterparts. It is important to bear in mind the limitations of analysis based on the sex of the household head, since this does not capture differences between men and women in different types of household. Evidence from Tanzania reveals worrying health indicators particularly for women, adolescent mothers, and children. Most adolescents are mothers at 18 years of age. Maternal mortality rates remain high, with estimates around 1,500/100,000. Skilled health staff attend 36% of births. Distance and cost are important factors affecting access to health services. The share of female pupils in primary education fell marginally from 48.7 per cent in 2002 to 48.5 per cent in 2003. Gender imbalance in secondary education is still evident. The Bank's Social Sector Review concluded that women in Tanzania are the primary agents of human capital investment. The litmus test of an effective social investment is whether it improves the ability of women to carry out this task. Gender and HIV/AIDS iv The HIV/AIDS pandemic has had a devastating impact on Tanzania, and, as elsewhere in Africa, a perverse gender dynamic is at work. UNAIDS data for 2001 indicate that HIV prevalence is more than twice as high among females aged 15-24 (9.7%), compared with males of the same age (4.3%), and trends appear to have worsened slightly for young women, but not for young men, over the period 1999-2001. The rate of infection among females aged 15­24 has always been higher compared with males of the same age but the trend of infection is decreasing among all age groups. The peak age group of infected females is the 25-29 year old group, while among males it is the 30-34 year old group. Knowledge of how AIDS is transmitted is high, though with significant differences: knowledge is higher among men than among women, and higher in the richer quintiles compared with the poorer. Compared with Uganda and Zambia, knowledge in Tanzania tends to be lower in all quintiles. One of the consequences of the HIV/AIDS pandemic is the emergence of a large population of orphans, currently estimated at more than 2.5 million, that has overwhelmed the traditional extended family. Women have by far the greater share of responsibility for orphans. Gender and Law The legal system of Tanzania is characterized by a pluralistic set of norms. Tanzania has ratified most major international human rights instruments and Regional accords. Nonetheless, despite these good laws, in practice the impact has been minimal. This is in part because the patriarchal culture of the institutions which are charged with implementing these laws has not been addressed. In the last ten years, Parliament has enacted laws which support women's economic and social wellbeing, including the Sexual Offences (Special Provisions) Act (SOSPA) 1998, Land Act, 1999, Village Land Acts, 1999, and the Constitutional amendment. SOSPA provides for protection of women and children from sexual violence in a wide range of circumstances and with prohibitive stern punishments for violation. The Land Acts provide for equal treatment of women and men in acquiring, holding, using, and dealing with land as one of the fundamental principles of the land policy. There is presumption of co-ownership of land between spouses, and spousal consent is mandatory before disposal of a matrimonial home. In the village Land Acts, the principle of equal representation on land institutions has been established. Gender and Violence v Gender-based violence remains a significant problem in Tanzania, notwithstanding the difficulty of obtaining accurate data. Rape is widespread; female genital mutilation affects 10-18 percent of women in the country, with marked regional and ethnic variations. The economic and social costs of this violence, and their links with the spread of HIV/AIDS, have not been addressed systematically; doing so, and supporting efforts to reduce such violence, are an urgent priority for Tanzania's poverty reduction effort. It is estimated that up to 60 percent of women were beaten bytheir husbands. Rape in marriage is not a criminal offence unless the woman is below 18 years of age. On average, 10,000 cases of wife beating are reported annually. Cultural Dimensions Culture has a pervasive impact on social and economic life. It is a cross-sectoral issue which influences the roles and status of men and women in different sectors. The allocation of resources, of decision making power, status, opportunities, and rewards to men and women are defined by gender, itself largely defined by cultural norms, expectations, attitudes, and beliefs. Some of the practices discussed in this assessment, notably FGM, wife beating, early marriage, gender-based violence, payment of bride price, and property grabbing, have their roots in culture. An analysis of gender and the media in Tanzania, undertaken as part of a wider regional effort to address gender issues in the media, shows that women's views and voices are "grossly under-represented" in Tanzania's media. Women comprise only 16 percent of news sources. Even within this low share, gender stereotypes and biases persist. Women comprised 23 percent of parliamentarians, but represented only 10 percent of the cases where parliamentarians were news sources. Women represented less than 10 percent of news sources in politics, economics, and sports. Voice and Participation The voice of women has been heard in public debates in areas such as the Gender Budget Initiative, the National Land Policy, and the NGO Policy, and in legislation such as the SOSPA, the Land Act and Village Land Acts, 1999, and the Constitutional Amendment. The GOT has taken affirmative action to include women in decision-making. The parliament passed a bill in 2000 to increase the number of women's special seats. The GOT has announced plans to increase the participation of women in politics to 30% by 2005 in line with the SADC Declaration of 1997. There has generally been progress in the last five years in the representation of women in most areas of public life. Notwithstanding, several factors continue to limit the participation of women in politics and in high-profile positions. These include the patriarchal system which places women in low social positions, lack of education, where higher vi levels of learning would have made more women eligible for higher levels of public duties, lack of confidence to aspire for electoral positions, and lack of support by political parties. In the local government councils, women are assured 33% of the seats, while in the Union parliament women are assured 20% of the seats. In the 2000 elections, women were mobilized to contest for both constituency seats and special seats for women within the 30% set aside in parliament. In 2003, women comprised 15 percent of Cabinet ministers, 23 percent of parliamentarians, and around 34 percent of local government officials. Recommendations A summary of key suggested actions for consideration by the Country Team (CT) is in Annex 4. PRS Revision: Gender and Poverty Commission a gender analysis of the 2000/01 HBS data set, including where possible backward linkages to the 1991/92 survey, and incorporate this analysis into the PRS II revision and the planned CEM/Poverty Assessment. Analyze further the gender differences in access to productive assets, especially land. Address differences in power and decision- making to the extent this is possible with available data. Strengthen the focus on regional gender dimensions of poverty, with particular attention to Zanzibar. Commission further work on "time poverty," including specific time allocation surveys, and incorporate a time module into subsequent HBS and participatory poverty analysis. In view of the significance of HIV/AIDS, and the impact on communities and individuals, analysis of the labor burdens relating to care of AIDS sufferers, and their implications for productive activities (notably in agriculture), and for household food security, deserves particular attention. Support GOT in addressing the linkages between culture and poverty, with particular reference to issues of bride price, polygyny, widow inheritance, FGM, early marriage, gender-based violence, and their impact on poverty. This is especially important in the context of the HIV/AIDS pandemic. PRS Revision: Time Poverty Prioritize investment in the energy sector, focusing on energy for the poor. Emphasize traditional energy sources (woodlots and energy-efficient technology), with a particular focus on energy requirements for domestic purposes (e.g., cooking fuels). Consider including the domestic energy sector within the framework of the Energizing Rural Transformation project, and incorporate into PRSP revision/implementation. Maintain and expand investment in water supply and sanitation, especially in rural and under-served areas of Tanzania. vii Legal Reform Implement the IDF-supported gender-responsive law reform program, and follow up on this in the framework of subsequent PRSCs. Assess the implementation experience of the Land Acts and the SOSPA with respect to their impact on men's and women's legal rights and protections, so as to identify obstacles to their effective implementation. Address these obstacles in follow-up actions in the justice sector. Commission work to assess the prevalence of gender-based violence in Tanzania (including violence against men and boys), and its economic and social costs. Develop a work program, including around legal reform and implementation of existing laws, to reduce gender-based violence. Institutional and Policy Framework Update and strengthen the implementation of the NSGD. Support a revitalization of the partnership between the Ministry of Finance and TGNP in implementing the gender-responsive budget (GRB) initiative, through reformulation of the gender budget guidelines, and strengthening the linkages between the GRB work and the PER/MTEF work. This could involve an initial stocktaking of the status of efforts to "engender" budgets in Tanzania, on the basis of which a joint work program with key stakeholders could be elaborated. Use the legal studies on SOSPA and on gender-based violence to strengthen the implementation of the National Plans of Action to combat violence and FGM, and to give greater priority, in PRS II, to their effective implementation. Key Tasks for the Bank PER Process. Work to combine insights from the TGNP-organized GRB work with the Bank's support to the PER and MTEF, with the aim of strengthening the gender- responsiveness of both the planning and budgeting process, and at the same time improving the coherence and consistency with the PRSP process. CAS Process. Use the SCGA to inform the diagnostic, the action priorities, and the results matrix. CEM/Poverty Assessment:Commission a study of gender and economic growth linkages in Tanzania, as input into the CEM (along the lines of the work done by Stephan Klasen in Uganda). Address gender/growth linkages as a contribution to the discussion of sources of growth, growth prospects, and pro-poor growth. Incorporate gender analysis of poverty data, including gender-differentiated time allocation analysis ("time poverty") and participatory poverty analysis. viii Energy: Develop a gender analysis of the energy sector, focusing on domestic energy issues. Integrate the findings into the energy sector strategy and into the design and implementation of the Energizing Rural Transformation Project. Law: Implement the Gender and Law Program (IDF). HIV/AIDS: Supervision of HIV/AIDS (MAP) Operation with a view to addressing systematically the "gender dynamics" of AIDS. Human Development Sectors. Commission a review of the gender-responsiveness of Bank interventions in these sectors, notably the Health Sector Development Program, with respect to following through on the messages of the SSR. Violence. Undertake a study of the prevalence of gender-based violence in Tanzania and its economic and social costs. Pay particular attention to issues of violence in refugee camps. Integrate the findings into legal reform and other instruments supporting a country strategy to reduce gender-based violence. Finally, it will be important to begin to consolidate the gender-focused work indicated above more strongly into the PRSC process, as the primary Bank instrument supporting the Government's PRS and development agenda. The probable areas and entry points for integrating gender into future PRSCs in Tanzania would be: (i) encourage and support government and civil society determination, supported both by the Bank and other partners, to strengthen the ways in which gender issues are addressed in the PRSP, as it is revised and updated during the CAS period -- this also means that we address gender dimensions of poverty and growth in the CEM/PA framework and incorporate this work systematically into the CAS; (ii) use this work to underpin and foster a determination by Government to use the PRSC process to single out some strategic gender-focused objectives of the PRSP, based on the rationale that a critical comparative advantage of the PRSC process lies in its ability to address cross-sectoral issues more effectively than sector-focused instruments ­ this is key to effective gender mainstreaming across sectors; and (iii) inclusion of a few gender-focused actions in key policy areas of the PRSC, consistent with the pillars and priorities of the PRSP -- strong candidates would be: (a) reviving the Ministry of Finance/TGNP partnership on gender- responsive budgeting, and pursuing a collaborative work program to integrate GRB into public expenditure management and tracking exercises, including in the formulation and implementation of budget guidelines, and addressing these issues in our supporting PERs; (b) passing and enforcing laws on domestic relations, gender-based violence, and sexual offenses, as part of the governance agenda, and to support the fight against HIV/AIDS; (c) strengthening the gender- responsiveness of specific sectoral undertakings as these are reflected in the PRSC framework - - this will be especially important in the HD sectors aimed at supporting country efforts to meet the MDGs; (d) supporting a reorientation of the sectors considered as priority for poverty reduction to include, for example, domestic energy, and access to justice/legal services; and (e) strengthening the country's gender policy and the institutional framework and capacity for implementing it. 1.Introduction 1. This Strategic Country Gender Assessment (SCGA) summarizes relevant gender issues in Tanzania both to support the dialogue with the Government and to inform the Bank's work program. Specifically, the SCGA aims to support the Government of Tanzania integrate gender issues more systematically into the ongoing revision and update of the Poverty Reduction Strategy (PRS II). It also aims to support the formulation of the Country Assistance Strategy (CAS) and in this way other Bank work program priorities in Tanzania, notably integration of gender issues into the implementation of the HIV/AIDS (T-MAP) operation, and the renewed activities under the grant-funded Gender and Law (G&L) program. 2. Tanzania has long been at the forefront of gender analysis and practice, and has often articulated the importance of gender equality. The country adopted a Women and Gender Development Policy (WGDP) in 2000, and is in the process of preparing a National Strategy for Gender Development (NSGD), aimed at specifying how the national gender policy will be implemented. The NSGD defines capacity-building of key institutions responsible for implementing the gender policy, including the Ministry of Community Development, Gender, and Children (MCDGC) and gender focal points at different levels, as key activities required to support policy implementation. Tanzania has been a pioneer in the area of "gender-responsive budgeting" (GRB), through a partnership between the Tanzania Gender Networking Programme (TGNP) and the Ministry of Finance, which will be addressed further in para. 60 below. 3. Tanzania completed its Poverty Reduction Strategy (PRS) in 2000, and has prepared annual progress reports tracking implementation, the most recent in 2003. The Government is in the process of revising the present PRS to take account of recent developments and more updated poverty analysis, and to redefine and update its key objectives and targets. This process was launched in mid 2003 and is to be completed by [September] 2004. Both Government and civil society stakeholders have recognized that the PRS in its present form does not sufficiently capture the gender dimensions of poverty, and that there are important opportunities for addressing gender issues in the revision. Specifically, there is a need to strengthen the ways in which the PRS revision can integrate gender more systematically into its key components: (i) the understanding of poverty and vulnerability that underpins the PRS; (ii) the prioritization of key policy responses and interventions so as to ensure that these are more gender-responsive; and (iii) the specification and monitoring of performance indicators during implementation. Stronger linkages with the MTEF, and with the annual PER and budget formulation process, which translate the PRS into operational priorities, are also required. 4. GOT and its partners have been engaged in a broad consultative process on the revision of the PRS since August 2003. One element of the consultation has been the call by the 2 Vice President's Office (VPO), in its capacity as overall co-ordinator of the PRS, that all sectors conduct assessments and submit reports to the VPO. Various stakeholders were also invited to send reports and comments to the VPO. Advertisements went out to the general public to submit comments and assessment reports. By the end of May 2004, more than 80 such reports had been submitted. These will be consolidated into one summary report, which will be presented at a Forum convened by the VPO where successes, constraints and recommendations will be agreed. 5. A second element of the consultation process has been through the Gender Mainstreaming Working Group­Macro Policies (GMWG­MP), which has been overseeing the process from a gender perspective on behalf of the Ministry of Community Development Gender and Children (MCDGC). The goal has been to support a systematic effort to engender both the PRS Review (Progress Report) and the PRS document as it is revised (PRS II).1 6. From the start it was agreed that gender mainstreaming has been weakest in the sectors and that the challenge for PRS II is how to get gender mainstreamed, monitored and reported upon by the sectors. Papers were commissioned for ten priority sectors, to be prepared jointly by a consultant and one or more persons in the relevant sector/ministry. The priority sectors were education, health, water, roads, HIV/AIDS, MCDGC, macro- economic policies and planning, governance, legal, and agriculture.2 The papers were presented and discussed by a broad representation of stakeholders, including Members of Parliament (MPs), at the National Gender Platform Forum on the PRS Review held in Dar es Salaam in March 2004. Subsequently, the papers were modified and a summary of targets, indicators and actions compiled in the form of a matrix. The matrix used the format of PRS I. 7. A shift in the introductory section has been the redefinition of the term gender as cross- cutting issue. It has been proposed that gender, as a cross-cutting issue, should be mainstreamed and reported on in all the sectors, not just the "priority" sectors indicated above, and that the MCDGC assume the mandate and responsibility for overseeing the integration of gender into PRS II. 8. There is general agreement among stakeholders in Tanzania that a Strategic Country Gender Assessment (SCGA) is an important and timely exercise which can bring significant value-added. It serves as a further platform for dialogue with Government and between Government and CSOs, combining both external analysis and in-country review work on the 1 The GMWG is constituted by a group of donors, notably the Netherlands, CSOs and individuals concerned with gender mainstreaming in Tanzania. The work of the GMWG proceeded from an Action Plan that was part of the VPO's framework for carrying out the PRS Review. 2 These sectors were chosen on the basis of an effort among stakeholders to identify sectors which were directly beneficial to the poorest and which were essential to stimulate rural sector growth. MCDGC was considered as a "sector" for this purpose in order to ensure that adequate attention would be given to this ministry in the PRS revision process. The choice of sectors was not meant to be exclusive or exhaustive, and the partners involved recognize the importance of addressing gender issues in other setors, notably justice and the cross-cutting approach to HIV/AIDS. 3 PRS. Its purpose is to help in articulating key priority gender issues in Tanzania for the PRS and to inform the Bank's work through the in-country perspective on priority gender issues in the country. The SCGA draws on these PRS sector review papers to the extent possible.3 9. The SCGA presents a selective synthesis of key issues and actions for Tanzania. Part 2 contains a profile of the roles of men and women in the Tanzanian economy and household, and of the nature and extent of gender disparities across a range of assets and resources, to provide a foundation for understanding, and then acting on, key gender issues relevant for growth and poverty reduction in Tanzania. Part 3 discusses the country context, including the country's policies, priorities, legal and regulatory framework, and institutional arrangements for implementing its gender and development goals. Part 4 outlines a set of suggested gender- responsive priority policy and operational interventions that the evidence presented in Parts 2 and 3 indicates are important for poverty reduction and development effectiveness. A summary gender data profile of Tanzania is in Annex 1. Measures to strengthen the country's gender policy framework are outlined in Annex 2. A summary action matrix related primarily to Bank activities is presented for Country Team (CT) discussion in Annex 3. References and bibliography are in Annex 4. 3 See Preliminary Report on PRS II Review from a Gender Perspective, Gender Mainstreaming Working Group-Macro Policies (GMWG-MP), in collaboration with the Ministry of Community Development, Gender, and Children (MCDGC) and the Vice-President's Office (VPO), submitted to the VPO May 21, 2004. 4 2. Country Gender Profile 10. One of the principal insights of gender analysis is that men and women play different roles, face different constraints, and often have different priorities and needs. The gender profile presented in this section examines the different ­ and unbalanced ­ socio-economic roles of men and women in the Tanzanian economy and household. This provides a necessary foundation on which to identify key gender disparities in access to, control over, and use of assets and productive resources, including human development indicators and decision-making at different levels, as these disparities in turn provide a basis for addressing the gender dimensions of poverty in Tanzania. In Part 4, the policy and developmental implications of these disparities, viewed through the lens of the different gender roles, will be addressed. Structural Economic Roles of Men and Women in Tanzania: Toward Economic Inclusion 11. The Tanzanian economy remains dependent on agriculture, which comprises 45 percent of GDP, 75 percent of exports, and 80 percent of employment.4 Industry and services represent, respectively, 17 percent and 38 percent of GDP. A distinguishing characteristic of Tanzania's economy, shared with other SSA economies more generally, is that both men and women play substantial economic roles. Agriculture is an important source of employment for 84% of economically active women and 80% of economically active men.5 The structural roles of men and women in the agricultural cycle reveal that women are more active in agriculture than men, specifically in food crop production, marketing, and processing of agricultural products (90%). 12. One way to capture the dynamics of the different contributions of men and women to the productive economy is in the "gender intensity of production" in different sectors, an approach developed by Elson and Evers (1997).6 Building on this methodology, and using ILO labor force data, and other country and sectoral data for 1990, Table 1 below provides a preliminary assessment of the "gender intensity of production" in Tanzania, and the respective shares of each sector in men's and women's contributions to national product. These estimates, while highly aggregated, provide some indication of the magnitude of the respective 4 See Tanzania at the Turn of the Century: From Reforms to Sustained Growth and Poverty Reduction, Government of the United Republic of Tanzania and the World Bank, A World Bank Country Study, April 2001. 5 See Table 2 below. Also African Development Indicators, 2004. Table 11-5. 6 "Gender intensity of production" refers to the respective shares of men and women in paid employment in these sectors. In principle, this should cover family labor and own-account employment as well as paid labor. However, most labor force surveys understate women's employment, and measures of gender intensity tend to understate the female contribution. 5 contributions of men and women to the economy. They suggest, in the Tanzanian case, that men and women are not distributed evenly across the sectors of the economy, as women comprise a slight majority of the labor force in agriculture, while men are a substantially higher majority of the labor force in the industry and service sectors. They suggest, further, that men and women contribute, respectively, 60 and 40 percent of GDP. It is probable that these estimates understate women's contribution to the economy, though they also do not take account of gender differences in productivity. Table 1: Tanzania - Structure of the Productive Economy, 1990 (Preliminary Estimates). Share of Gender Intensity of Contributions to GDP by Sector GDP* Production** Sector and by Sex** Female Male Female Male (%) (%) (%) (%) (%) Agriculture 46 53.9 46.1 61.4 35.6 Of which Smallholder Sector Exports (specify) Industry 18 20.0 80.0 8.9 24.2 o/w: Manufacturing Services 36 33.3 66.7 29.7 40.2 Informal Sector (estimates) Total/Share: 100.0 40.4 59.6 100.0 100.0 Note: Gender Intensity of Production: female and male shares of employment. Source: Preliminary estimates based on a methodology developed in Elson and Evers 1997. Principal data sources: * = WDI 2001; ** = Africa Country Gender Database (ACGD), staff estimates. 13. More recent country data confirm the general validity of these aggregate estimates. The number of economically-active women age 10 years and above is increasing. Women constitute 51% of the economically-active labor force in Tanzania. This trend confirms women's growing economic development role. The Integrated Labor Force Survey 2000/2001 indicates that the distribution of employment still favors agriculture and agriculture-related occupations, which account for more than 80% of total employment (Table 2). Table 2: Distribution of Employment by Sex and Industry, 2000/01 - and - Gas Sex Agriculture, Forestry, Fishing Mining Quarrying Manu factures Electricity and Construc tion Trade Transport Finance Personal Services Total Male 6,698,817 15,452 161,699 13,464 147,494 565,495 103,929 22,162 622,779 8,351,291 Female 7,191,237 13,771 83,750 1,233 4,196 697,473 7,643 4,339 559,872 8,563,514 Total 13,890,054 29,223 245,449 14,697 151,690 1,262,968 111,572 26,501 1,182,651 16,914,805 In Percent (by Column) Male 48.2% 52.9% 65.9% 91.6% 97.2% 44.8% 93.1% 83.6% 52.7% 49.4% Female 51.8% 47.1% 34.1% 8.4% 2.8% 55.2% 6.9% 16.4% 47.3% 50.6% Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% In Percent (By Row) Male 80.2% 0.2% 1.9% 0.2% 1.8% 6.8% 1.2% 0.3% 7.5% 100.0% Female 84.0% 0.2% 1.0% 0.0% 0.0% 8.1% 0.1% 0.1% 6.5% 100.0% 6 Total 82.1% 0.2% 1.5% 0.1% 0.9% 7.5% 0.7% 0.2% 7.0% 100.0% Source: Integrated Labour Force Survey 2000/01. The distribution of men and women across sectors is uneven: women are the majority in agriculture (52% vs. 48%) and in trade 55% vs. 45%), while men predominate in manufacturing, construction, transport, and finance. However, labor force participation is uneven, with persistent gender inequalities. Only 4% of women are in paid jobs, as compared with 10% of men (Table 3). Table 3: Percentage of Currently Employed Persons by Employment Status Employment Status Current Employment % Male Female Total Female (Male = 100) Paid employment 10 4 7 40.0 Self Employment 8 9 9 112.5 Unpaid Helper 10 11 10 110.0 Agriculture (own farm) 72 77 74 106.9 TOTAL 100 100 100 Source: Data from Integrated Labor Force Survey, 2000/01; and staff calculations. 14. There is, apparently, little or no current information on the informal sector in Tanzania. In 1995, it was estimated that women comprised 38 percent of total employment in Tanzania's informal sector, less than their 52% share of total employment (Figure 1). Figure 1: Women in the Informal Labor Market, Selected Countries 7 Source: Engendering Development, 2001, Figure 3.2 on p. 138. 15. The participatory poverty assessment (PPA) highlights not only the importance of agriculture for poverty reduction, but also its critical gender dimensions, given the substantial roles both men and women play in farming. As reported in the PPA, "a remarkable 47 percent of all responses about the causes of poverty were related to being able to farm productively." (p. 15).7 While men focused on the processes of farming, women focused on the consequences of poor farming--low yields, food shortage, high prices, lack of cash, migration, and hunger (p. 31). Census data on men's and women's roles in farming indicate the dominant role of women in the sector, including in marketing (Table 4). Interdependence of Household and Market Economies: Minimizing Trade-Offs & Building on Externalities 16. The different structural roles of men and women in the market economy (notably in agriculture and the Table 4: Division of Labor in Agriculture informal sector) are coupled with their equally different­ F M and unbalanced­roles in the household economy. A Task % further distinguishing characteristic of the Tanzanian General Crop Production 56 44 economy ­ also shared with other African economies ­ Food Crop Production 75 25 Land Tilling 56 44 is that the boundary between economic and household Sowing 74 26 activity is less well drawn in Africa than in other Regions Weeding 70 30 (Gelb 2001). In addition to their prominence in Harvesting 71 29 agriculture, women bear the brunt of domestic (or Marketing 73 27 Source: National Sample Census of reproductive) tasks that are often arduous, time- Agriculture, 1996, in Keller 1999. intensive, and energy-consuming: processing food crops, providing water and firewood, and caring for the elderly and the sick. This latter task assumes particular importance in the context of the HIV/AIDS pandemic in Tanzania, as the impact of AIDS is not limited to the "visible" market economy, but has an equally--if not more-- significant impact on the "invisible" economy. The time and effort required for these tasks, in the almost total absence of even rudimentary domestic technology, is staggering. Yet this productive work is largely invisible, unrecorded and not included in the System of National Accounts (SNA). 17. Village transport surveys in Tanzania show that women spend nearly three times as much time in transport activities compared with men, and they transport about four times as much in volume. Nearly half of the total time spent on transport tasks in villages in the Makete Region is spent on activities related to domestic tasks ­ fuel and water fetching and traveling to the grinding mill. By far the greater share of this is done by women, corresponding to nearly 2 7 See Deepa Narayan, Voices of the Poor: Poverty and Social Capital in Tanzania, Environmentally and Socially Sustainable Development Studies and Monographs Series No. 20, World Bank, Washington, D.C. 1997. 8 hours each day (Figure 2).8 Women's transport needs are typically more complex than those of men; adequately responding to these needs could increase women's contribution to economic productivity and qualitatively improve household welfare. Women's access to transport also determines their utilization of existing health and other services, and particularly affects the ability of girl children to attend school. 18. It is estimated that in some parts of Tanzania women have only 2 hours of leisure time per day compared to 4.5 hours for men (See Box 4 below). A TGNP report suggests that school enrolment contributed to women's increased workload because older children were no longer available to help in childcare, cooking, and collecting water and fuel wood.9 The authors attribute high primary school dropout rates during the 1980s, however, to the increased pressure on women's time in combining increased productive and reproductive tasks. The report affirms that girls were withdrawn from schools to help mothers with their domestic work and boys were engaged in petty trade and other economic activities to supplement family income. 19. A study by ILO10 in Iringa Figure 2 rural communities revealed that Tanzania: Transport Tasks women spend more time carrying out reproductive tasks than men and 18% most of women's productive work is 47% unpaid. The study suggests that 37% women in this area work fourteen hours a day on a wide range of Domestic Travel Time (%) tasks. The study indicated that it Domestic Agriculture Women Men Other takes approximately ten days of Services & Social 80 6 14 work for women to clear one acre 1.89 hours per adult female per day of land for her own crops. This is in Source: Christina Malmberg-Calvo. 1994, Women in Rural Transport ... addition to work performed in the SSTP Working Paper No. 11. World Bank and ECA. family-owned plot. Farming was mentioned by women to be the most difficult. The main reasons given include poor work tools like use of hand-hoe and manual processing crops. 20. Access to Water. Water access is a significant issue for Tanzania, one which has been exacerbated by the recent drought conditions. The majority of rural households relies on natural 8 See Christina Malmberg-Calvo, 1994. Case Study on the Role of Women in Rural Transport: Access of Women to Domestic Facilities, Sub-Saharan Africa Transport Policy Program, Working Paper No. 11, World Bank and Economic Commission for Africa; and Barwell, Ian. 1996. Transport and the Village: Findings from African Village-Level Travel and Transport Surveys and Related Studies, World Bank Discussion Paper No. 344, Africa Region Series, Washington, D.C. 9 In 2001, 91.5 percent of total energy consumption was from "traditional" sources. (See World Development Indicators, 2004, Table 3.7. 10 ILO 1996. URT/94m04/ Action to Assist Rural Women - Gender Analysis Study. 9 sources (unprotected wells, lakes, or rivers) for their supply. Some positive trends have been registered since PRS I.11 Urban water supply increased from 68% in December 2000 to 73% in June 2003. Rural water supply coverage increased from 48.5% in December 2000 to 53% in June 2003. Coverage of sewerage facilities rose to 17% in 10 major urban centers. There was also an increased participation of communities in management of local water schemes through user associations. However, some setbacks have been noted. These include increase of water collection time in both rural and urban areas on account of the drought.12 Moreover, women still spend a lot of productive time on water collection from distant sources of water. The quantity and quality of water collected by women from poor households is often poor for reasons of availability and cost. They cannot afford enough water, and better sources tend to be more costly. 21. Access to safe drinking water has Figure 3: Daily Hours on Tasks been on the decline since 1976, according to 160 140 Water the PPA (Narayan 1997). Rural households 120 Fuelwood spend an average of 3.1 hours a day Mill 100 Total collecting water, with the brunt of the work 80 borne by women. Men also collect water for 60 business purposes (often with transport), 40 such as brick making and other forms of 20 0 construction; women collect water on foot Ghana Tanzania Zambia for domestic use.13 Regional and seasonal Source: Malmberg-Calvo, 1994. variations are important. In the Makete district, the transport survey (Malmberg-Calvo 1994) established that women spent around 2 hours each day on domestic tasks ­ of these tasks, by far the most important, occupying one hour each day, was fetching water (Figure 3). Persistent Gender-Based Asset Inequality: Linking Gender and Poverty Reduction 22. Poverty diagnostic. A household budget survey carried out in 2000/01 showed a rather modest decline in poverty over the preceding decade. Basic needs poverty decreased from 38.6 percent to 35.8 percent and food poverty from 21.6 percent to 18.7 percent 11 See Water Sector in Gender Mainstreaming Working Group-Macro ­ Policies (GMWG-MP) Preliminary Report on PRS 11 Review from a Gender Perspective, May 2004. 12 It has not been possible to document the extent of these changes, and further data collection and research into the impact of the drought on water collection times would be very important. 13 A study conducted by UNIFEM in Zimbabwe found that it takes about 24 buckets of water per day to care for a patient with full-blown AIDS. Given that Tanzania has been badly hit by the HIV/AIDS pandemic, as shown elsewhere, and it is primarily the responsibility of females to provide care, including water fetching, it would be interesting to assess to what extent the advent of AIDS has further exacerbated the difficulties and the time required to fetch water. See: Empower Women, Halt HIV/ AIDS, UNIFEM; Gender and HIV/ AIDS, at page 3. http://www.genderandaids.org/downloads/topics/UNIFEM%20empower%20women%20halt%20hiv.pdf 10 between 1991 and 2001 (Figure 4). The survey also revealed important differences between urban and rural areas. In Dar es Salaam, poverty declined quite significantly from 28 to 18 percent. Poverty in rural areas is considerably higher than in urban areas, and declined only marginally from 41 percent in 1991 to 39 percent in 2001.14 The HBS data indicate an increase in the share of households headed by women from 18% in the 1991/92 period to 23% in 2000/01. The analysis indicated that FHH were not poorer, based on income/consumption measures, than their MHH counterparts. However, the PPA points out that while consumption patterns may be on a par with MHH, FHH remained more vulnerable because they possessed fewer capital assets (including land and livestock), and experienced social isolation (Narayan 1997). 23. TGNP has begun a pilot study on Figure 4: Percentage of the Population below the Basic Needs Poverty Line, 1991/92 and 2000/01 the characteristics of female-headed households in order to capture some key 45% 40% dimensions of poverty that might otherwise 35% be overlooked.15 Before addressing these 30% characteristics, it is important to bear in mind 25% 91/92 20% 00/01 some limitations of household analysis based 15% on headship. The simple distinction between 10% male and female heads of households does 5% 0% not adequately capture the diversity of family DSM Other urban Rural Total systems and how they allocate resources, Source: Concept Note for Tanzania CEM. June 2004. and analysis based on headship does not necessarily capture differences between men and women in different types of household. Analysis of households on the basis of headship nonetheless provides useful information on the structure and characteristics of different households in Tanzania. Key characteristics of households, based on the 1991/92 survey, are summarized in Table 5. The average size of FHH is consistently smaller than that of MHH. While the majority of female household heads are widowed or divorced, the overwhelming majority of male household heads are married. This suggests that female headship is likely to be the result of disruptive life changes for women, and is indicative of the instability of household structures and composition, with implications for vulnerability to poverty. Table 5: Household characteristics by gender in selected countries (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) Female- Mean size Mean size FH heads MH heads headed of female- of male- widowed or widowed or Year of households headed headed divorced divorced Country survey (percent) households households (percent) (percent) 14 See: Concept Note for Tanzania CEM, Draft of June 10, 2004. 15 TGNP, Poverty Monitoring: Female-Headed Household Study, Progress Report, prepared on behalf of the Macro-Policy Gender Group, March 2003. To get update/revisions from TGNP if available. 11 Tanzania 1992 14.5 4.9 6.2 74.6 2.3 Uganda 1992 28.2 3.9 4.8 50.6 6.8 Zambia 1996 22.4 5.3 4.1 79.2 10.5 Kenya 1994 24.6 4.4 5.5 49.8 2.5 Source: Ye 1998. Country Household Surveys, AHSDB. 24. Analysis of the 1991/92 data set suggests that FHH are poorer than MHH across several indicators (Table 6).16 Table 6: Selected Differences between Male- and Female-Headed Households Indicators Male-headed household Female-headed household Expenditure per adult (tsh) 230,362 206,208 Expenditure per capita (tsh) 157,896 152,042 Physical assets score 41.4 25.5 Family size 6.8 5 Age of head of household 44 55 Years of schooling 5.5 3.5 Percent literate 74 33 Expenditure on food (tsh) 89,779 84,388 Expenditure on health (tsh) 2,677 1,824 Expenditure on water (tsh) 3 0 Source: Narayan 1997. 25. Evidence in Tanzania points to persistent gender disparities in access to and control of a wide range of assets: human capital assets (education and health); directly productive assets (labor, land, and financial services); and social capital assets (e.g., gender differences in participation at various levels, and in legal rights and protections). Persistent social cultural factors continue to maintain inequality in access to and use of services. Such factors include taboos against women eating certain types of food such as maize husks for pregnant Maasai women in Simanjiro district for fear that the unborn baby may be too big and cause a difficult delivery.17 Nutritional anemia affects about 32% of the population with 45% of children under 5 and 80% of pregnant and lactating women.18 Shortages of household food supplies increase the chances that women and girls will have less food and fewer choices on food consumption owing to entrenched gender relations. Access to Health 26. Evidence from Tanzania19 reveals worrying health indicators particularly for women, adolescent mothers, and children. Most adolescents are mothers at 18 years of age. Women's life expectancy is, at 44 years (men = 43), higher than in most other SSA countries (WDI 16 There is a clear need for updated gender analysis of the 2001/02 HBS to inform the PRS revision. 17 See Women and Law in East Africa (Tanzania), Women and Resource Management in Marriage, Dar- es-Salaam, 2000. 18 See Binagi & Msaki, Agriculture and Food Security, PRS2 from a Gender Perspective, MACRO- GROUP, Dar-es-Salaam, April 2004. 19 See: http://www.policyproject.com/pubs/MNPI/Tanzania_MNPI.pdf 12 2004); maternal mortality rates remain high, with estimates around 1,500/100,000 (WDI 2004). Skilled health staff attend 36% of births (WDI 2004). A small percentage (17%) of married women between ages 17-49 use modern contraceptives. Health statistics (Table 7) point to concerns about the problem of unsupervised deliveries in Tanzania. Only 7.4% of women received assistance from a medical doctor during delivery. While maternal mortality figures vary widely by source and are highly controversial, the best estimates for Tanzania suggest that roughly between 7,500 and 15,000 women and girls die each year due to pregnancy-related complications. In addition, another 150,000 to 450,000 Tanzanian women and girls will suffer from disabilities caused by complications during pregnancy and childbirth each year.20 Table 7: PHNIP Country Health Statistical Report- Tanzania, September 2002 Source: PHNI Project, http://www.dec.org/pdf_docs/PNACR557.pdf. 27. According to the 2000/01 Household Budget Survey (HBS), access to health services has improved in general in the last decade. The majority of the population has access to a health facility within a radius of about 4 kilometers. However, in many rural areas, distance to health centers continues to affect access. Some 10.9% of population in rural areas and only 2.8% in urban areas were not able to use medical services due to distance. Quality and affordability of health services remain among the main constraints to effective service provision. Some 32.4% of the rural population and 39.1% in urban areas were not able to access health services due to the cost. Education 28. Access to primary and secondary education continues to be a challenge for poverty reduction. It has been observed that although the advent of the PEDP has enabled many children to exercise their right to free primary education, the increase has not been entirely girl- friendly. Female pupils in primary education continued to decline from 48.7 per cent in 2002 to 48.5 per cent in 2003. This represents 145,000 girls who are not accessing primary education (PEDP Review Report, 2003). As indicated in the 2001/2002 PRS second progress report, 20 Ibid. 13 there are concerns of gender inequities at the higher levels of secondary and tertiary education, as well as in the performance and dropout of girls during the final stages of primary education and throughout secondary education.21 29. Although current trends indicate an Table 8: Secondary Education Data Year: 2000 improvement, the gender imbalance in secondary Form Males Females % F education is still evident. Enrolment trends from 2000 I - IV 125,891 112,303 47.1% to 2003 are shown in Table 8. They suggest that the V - VI 15,757 7,945 33.5% gender gap has declined somewhat in Forms V and Year: 2003 VI, but risen somewhat in Forms I-IV. The move to I - IV 170,568 148,919 46.6% universalize secondary enrolment will have to be V - VI 17,010 8,944 34.5% accompanied by concrete gender-responsive Change 2000-2003 (%) interventions.22 I - IV 35.5% 32.6% -1.1% V - VI 8.0% 12.6% 2.8% 30. The HBS 2000/01 data illustrate how poverty Source: Based on data from Manda and levels are strongly related to the education of the head Mwaimu 2004. of household in Tanzania. Some 51% of individuals are poor if the head of household has no education. Access to education for girls in Tanzania has improved, but women's overall education status is worse than that of men. Current school enrolment is slightly higher for girls, but adult women have lower levels of education than adult men. Primary school enrolment for 7-13 year-old girls is slightly higher than that of boys in this age range, but the boys' retention rate is higher than that of girls. 31. The Social Sector Review (World Bank 1999) argued that basic education is fundamental to Tanzania's efforts to accelerate economic growth and to distribute the benefits of growth throughout the society. The second overarching message of the review was that "women in Tanzania are the primary agents of human capital investment. The litmus test of an effective social investment is whether it improves the ability of women to carry out this task" (p. 1, emphasis added). The three overarching recommendations of the review were: (i) a renewed commitment to getting every child through primary school and improving the quality of schooling; (ii) a new commitment to getting a large share of the next generation of girls through secondary school; and (iii) ensuring that other interventions in health, water, nutrition, and family planning be carefully targeted, and if possible, should support these two initiatives. The Gender Dimensions of HIV/AIDS and Poverty in Tanzania 32. Presently, HIV infects some of the most productive age groups in Tanzania. The productive sectors are experiencing a loss of skilled labor, increasing costs for recruitment and 21 The United Republic of Tanzania, Poverty Reduction Strategy The Second Progress Report, Dar Es Salaam, March 2003. 22 Manda and Mwaimu, Poverty Reduction Strategy Review Process With a Gender Perspective, Education Sector, MACRO GROUP, Dar-es-Salaam, April 2004. 14 benefits, and reduced productivity. Of particular concern are the different HIV prevalence rates for young men and women aged 15-24 in Tanzania. UNAIDS data for 2001 indicate that HIV prevalence is more than twice as high among females aged 15-24 (9.7%), compared with males of the same age (4.3%), and trends appear to have worsened slightly for young women, but not for young men, over the period 1999-2001 (Figure 5). The rate of infection among females aged 15­24 has always been higher compared with males of the same age but the trend of infection is decreasing among all age groups. This is particularly remarkable in the age group 14-24 years as shown in Figure 6 below.23 Figure 5: Trends in HIV Prevalence, 33. These disparities continue to reflect 1999-2001, for 15-24 year olds marked gender and age differences in risk and vulnerability to HIV/AIDS. They suggest that it is 20 18 essential for Tanzania to address the core gender Men1999 16 Women1999 dimensions of HIV/AIDS, namely that (i) risk Men 2001 14 Women2001 factors and vulnerability are substantially 12 different for men and for women, as is most 10 evident in the significant age- and sex- 8 differentiated HIV prevalence rates and in 6 reported AIDS cases--which has implications for 4 2 strategies to contain overall prevalence in Tanzania 0 and for how and to whom AIDS prevention activities are directed; (ii) the impact of HIV/AIDS differs along gender lines--which has implications for care, treatment, and coping Source: UNAIDS. mechanisms, including addressing the needs of AIDS orphans; and (iii) tackling the AIDS pandemic is fundamentally about behavior change--which essentially means effecting a "transformation" of gender roles and relations.24 Figure 6: Age and sex prevalence of HIV infection, Tanzania 1996 - 2002 23 United Republic of Tanzania, Ministry of Health, National AIDS Control Program, HIV/AIDS/STI, Surveillance Report, January ­ December, 2002, Report No. 17, December 2003. 24 See Muntemba and Blackden, The Gender Dimensions of HIV/AIDS in Africa: Putting Gender into the MAP, AFTPM (draft) Technical Note, March 2002. 15 Source: URT, MOH, NACP Surveillance Report No. 17, December 2003. 34. In Tanzania, the Population, Health and Nutrition Information Project indicates Figure 7: Tanzania AIDS Cases by Age and Sex, 1998 that the peak age group of infected females is 1,600 the 25-29 year old group, while among males 1,400 Male it is the 30-34 year old group (See also 1,200 Female Figure 7). Available literature in Tanzania 1,000 indicates that high rates of under-five mortality 800 are directly linked to the HIV/AIDS epidemic. 600 The loss of a parent could reduce the chances 400 200 of a child receiving schooling.25 0 0-4 5-14 60+ 35. There are important socio-economic 15-19 20-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 differences in knowledge of HIV/AIDS. DHS Age data provide an interesting comparison of Tanzania with Uganda and Zambia (Figure 8). Source: UNAIDS Epidemiological Fact Sheet unaids.org. The data suggest knowledge of how AIDS is transmitted is high, though with significant differences: knowledge is higher among men than among women, and higher in the richer quintiles compared with the poorer. Compared with Uganda and Figure 8 Zambia, knowledge in Tanzania Knowledge of AIDS by Income, Gender tends to be lower in all quintiles ­ an 100 issue which needs to be tackled forcefully during the implementation 90 of the T-MAP operation. 80 70 Percent Tanzania Men 60 25 See Ainsworth et al. 2002. The Impact of Adult Mortality in Primary School Enrollment in Tanzania Women Uganda Men Northwestern Tanzania, Africa Region Human Development Working Paper Series, Washington, D.C. 50 Uganda Women Zambia Men Zambia Women 40 Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q5 Quintile Source: Country DHS Surveys, Various Years. 16 36. One of the consequences of the HIV/AIDS pandemic is the emergence of a large population of orphans that has overwhelmed the traditional extended family. In Tanzania, the gross estimate of HIV/AIDS orphans under 18 years who had lost at least one or both parents by mid 2002 exceeds 2.5 million. A study conducted in four regions around Lake Victoria of Kagera, Shinyanga, Mwanza, and Mara found that 45% of the orphans interviewed were living alone without a parent or guardian, except possibly an older sibling, on the property left by the parents.26 These children by and large fend for themselves, as the oversight traditionally provided by the extended family gradually decreasing. Current custody and adoption laws do not address their circumstances. No adult is charged with their responsibility. The study concluded that orphans may be living alone because of unfair inheritance practices dominant in patrilineal societies around the Lake Zone where women do not inherit property left by their husbands, and in such cases women would go back to their natal families. Sometimes orphans find themselves either abused by inheriting families or abandoned ­ the situation that contribute to the increasing number of street children and young girls involved in prostitution in Tanzania. Women are more likely to take responsibility for orphans.27 37. Studies in Tanzania provide evidence of the increasing number of households that are headed by teenagers and the increasing burden on single mothers resulting from the death of one or both parents due to HIV/AIDS. One study in Tanzania reveals that one-third of youths who are 10-14 years old live in households headed by someone other than a parent.28 There is also a rising number of households headed by grandparents. Around half of adolescents 10-14 years old in Tanzania live with both parents and almost one-quarter live with neither parent. Adolescents living with one parent are approximately twice as likely to live with only their mother as with only their father, and about one-fifth of adolescents ages 10-19 live in female- headed households. 38. The HIV/AIDS pandemic has raised the nutritional demands and placed financial constraints on poor families. Women and girls are more involved in caring for the sick and therefore expected to make sacrifices in making food available for the sick. Moreover, the caring role reduces women and girls' time for farming with the effect of reducing levels of the household's food supply.29 The link between the time spent by women on care tasks and household food insecurity, given "time poverty," needs to be the subject of more detailed analysis, so that the nature of the trade-offs can be assessed. 26 See ESAURP, Children Neglected: HIV/AIDS Study: Identification and Needs Assessment. A Report to NORAD, September, 2002. 27 UNICEF ­ MICS, Measure DHS, 1997-2002. 28 Facts About Adolescents From The Demographic And Health Survey, Statistical Tables for Program Planning Tanzania, 1999, http://www.popcouncil.org/pdfs/gfdreports/tanzania99.pdf. 29 Several studies have pointed out the fact that caring for HIV/AIDS patients reduces women's work time spent on farming thus resulting into less food at household level. See The Gender Promotion Program: National Report for Promoting the Linkage between Women's Employment and the Reduction of Child Labor, International Labour Office, Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania, August, 2001. Also Binagi & Msaki (Footnote 18 above). 17 3. Institutional & Policy Framework 39. This section aims to provide summary information on the legal, institutional, and policy framework within which Tanzania addresses issues of gender inequality, as a basis for outlining a set of priority interventions, in the next section. Particular attention is given to land issues, as a means of addressing the wider question of property rights. Laws, Institutions, and Norms: Toward Social Inclusion Legal Framework 40. The legal system of Tanzania is characterized by a pluralistic set of norms. There is statutory law derived through the colonial legacy, customary law which was codified soon after independence in 1963, and religious laws notably Islamic and Hindu Laws. Customary law and Islamic law operate side by side in many facets of life, their interaction often regulated by statutory law against the backdrop of changing social conditions. Cultural practices, blending custom and tradition with modern realities, influence the manner in which formal laws operate. 41. Tanzania has ratified most major international human rights instruments, including CEDAW, ICESCR and ICRC. It has also signed the African Political and SADC Heads of States Declaration on Gender, 1997. Under the Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania, discrimination on the basis of gender is prohibited [Article 13(5)], and a significant step occurred in 2000 with the passage of the 8th Constitutional amendment, in which a prohibition on discrimination on the basis of gender was added to the Bill of Rights. 42. In the last ten years, Parliament has enacted laws which support women's economic and social wellbeing, including the Sexual Offences (Special Provisions) Act (SOSPA) 1998, Land Act, 1999, Village Land Acts, 1999, and the Constitutional amendment. SOSPA provides for protection of women and children from sexual violence in a wide range of circumstances and with prohibitive stern punishments for violation. Likewise, the two Land Acts provide for equal treatment of women and men in acquiring, holding, using, and dealing with land as one of the fundamental principles of the land policy. The two Acts provide for participation of women as appointed and elected members of institutions dealing with land management, administration and dispute settlement. Furthermore, there is presumption of co- ownership of land between spouses, and spousal consent is mandatory before disposal of a 18 matrimonial home. In the village Land Acts, the principle of equal representation on land institutions has been established. 43. Nonetheless, despite these good laws, in practice the impact has been minimal. This is because the culture of the institutions which are charged with implementing these laws has not been addressed. The mechanisms, processes and institutions through which citizens and groups articulate their interests, exercise their legal and human rights, meet their responsibilities, and mediate their differences have continued to apply norms which run counter to the goals and spirit of the new laws.30 Moreover, justice remains inaccessible to most women, children, and poor men. Table 9: Typology of Cases Addressed by TAWLA Cases 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 Matrimonial 4 - 2 42 52 97 131 101 Probate and administration 5 - - 33 48 56 67 67 Land Disputes 1 - 1 11 15 17 20 24 Property Disputes - - - 4 6 10 20 8 Mortgage - - - - 2 2 3 1 Tenancy - - - - - - 5 9 Child Custody - - - 5 3 6 4 5 Maintenance (spouse /children) - - - 4 6 7 11 13 Affiliation/ paternity - - - 3 1 3 4 - Domestic Violence and Sexual abuse - - - 1 1 1 1 - Female Genital Mutilation - - - 1 - - - - Sexual Harassment - - - 1 1 4 2 7 Rape - - - - - 1 4 2 Execution of Judgment - - - 1 1 - 2 1 Immigration - - - - 1 - - 1 Contracts - - - - 1 2 4 6 Labour disputes 1 - - 9 12 15 21 12 Defamation - - - - - 1 4 4 Child Abuse - - - 1 - 2 - 1 Criminal Cases - - - 4 7 3 15 9 General Claims - - - 8 7 17 8 8 Source: TAWLA: Special Bulletin, 10th Anniversary 1990-2000 , Dar es-Salaam, May 2000. 44. GOT does not have a legal aid program, and these services continue to be provided by CSOs in a way that is sporadic and mostly urban-based. The legal problems confronting women are overwhelmingly in the category of matrimonial and probate and administration, as shown in the types of cases brought by women to TAWLA's Legal Aid Clinic between 1992 and 1999, (Table 9). Of particular interest is that poor men with matrimonial problems came forward to seek legal aid. There is no institutional framework to handle family disputes sensitively and expeditiously. With the rising toll of deaths due to HIV/AIDS, inheritance-related cases and matrimonial disputes have increased dramatically. With a court case taking an 30 Rwebangira, M.K; Legal Status of Women and Poverty in Tanzania. Nordic Africa Institute , Uppsala, 1996. 19 average of 3-5 years, this process is too slow for such cases. Since it is widows who have to grapple with property grabbing under the pretext of customary law, this inefficiency poses a particular problem for women.31 Access to Land 45. Under the Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania the right to own property is protected under Article 23. However, ownership, control of, and access to land fall under statutory and customary law. Before the enactment of the Land Act (1999) and the Village Land Act (1999), women's rights to dispose of land were not equal to those of men. They were restricted by customary law, which dictated that women could not dispose of clan land while men could. The courts had declared such Customary Law Rule unconstitutional.32 Both the Land Act (1999) and the Village Land Act (1999) have corrected this anomaly by placing both men and women under similar restrictions.33 46. However, in practice women are still restricted by customary law in the area of inheritance law and procedure, under which women are not entitled to inherit land if there are male heirs, and they have no right of residence on family land if they are widowed. Widows are allowed to choose to be inherited by their deceased husband's kin, to go back to her own people, or to live where her children have been allocated to live.34 47. Tying a widow's rights to those of children brings practical conflicts in real life, as in the case of polygamous marriages, childlessness, or when the children are daughters, as both the children and the women as mothers are affected. Invariably, such laws deprive women and their children of household and family resources, despite their contribution to the family wellbeing. Such practices exacerbate poverty among widows. A widow may have contributed the most to the survival of the family and to the acquisition of assets, yet her right to access land is not secured unless she has a son or there are no other wives with sons. From an economic standpoint, these practices may discourage women from long-term economic investments in the marriage's economic empire. Efforts to reform customary law of inheritance has been underway since 1983 but have been stalled in the process of consensus-building among stakeholders. 31 Rwebangira, M.K, and Tungaraza M. "Legal Assessment of Laws Affecting HIV/AIDS in Tanzania", A Report submitted to TAWLA and the Ministry of Justice and Constitutional Affairs, 2003. Also Rwebangira, M. K Culture , Law and Gender, A Paper Presented to the East Africa Workshop on Gender Mainstreaming in HIV/AIDS: Moving from Policy to Practice Organised by the Commonwealth Secretariat, 23-26 March, 2003. 32 See Bernado Ephrahim v Holaria Pastory & Gervas Kaizilege Civil Appeal No. 70 of 1989 as per Mwalusanya J on rule 20 of the CLDO, 1963. 33 Section 3(2) of the Land Act, 1999. 34 See S.66A and s. 27 of the Customary Law Declaration Order, 1963, see also the case of Scholastica Benedict v. Martin Benedict [1993] TLR 1 in which the Court of Appeal reaffirmed the legality of this rule. 20 48. Access to land acquired during marriage is regulated by the Law of Marriage Act, 1971 which supercedes customary and Islamic laws.35 The Law of Marriage Act provides for division of matrimonial assets acquired by husband and wife through joint efforts during marriage including land.36 While women in most urban areas have won court orders for division of matrimonial assets, such orders are rare in rural areas where customary law dictates remain strong despite not having legal force. In some cases women who have been awarded division of land in rural areas have been prevented from implementing such orders.37 Without models of good practice through legal services not only to win such awards but also to see them implemented, changes allowing women to access productive resources such as land would be hard to bring about. Gender-Based Violence 49. Violence against women remains a significant problem in Tanzania (Box 1). As in many countries, it is difficult to obtain accurate data on the prevalence of gender-based violence, or its costs to the economy and society. According to the U.S. State Department Country Human Rights Report for Tanzania in 2002, domestic violence against women is widespread, and the law does not prohibit spousal battery. According to this report, the Tanzania Women's Media Association (TAMWA) reported that up to 60 percent of women were beaten by their husbands. Cultural, family, and social pressures prevented women from reporting abuse to the authorities. Though there are wide regional and ethnic variations, female genital mutilation (FGM) affects 10-18 percent of women in the country. Rape remains a significant problem, despite legal provisions for imprisonment of rapists; sexual and gender-based violence remain a problem in the refugee camps.38 Box 1: Violence Against Women Violence against women remains widespread throughout Tanzania, especially because customary laws condone domestic violence. Husbands may punish their wives for not bearing children and the [U.S. State Department] Human Rights Report in 2002 noted that large numbers of women in the region of Ruvuma were killed by their husbands or committed suicide as a result of domestic battery. On average, 10,000 cases of wife beating are reported annually, according to the Ministry of Home Affairs. The social stigma of women who admit abuse prevents many from reporting the crime. Furthermore, law enforcers (almost entirely men) tend to view spousal battery as a "family affair" that should be resolved privately. Less than fifty percent of domestic violence cases go to the court system, leading many women to believe that cases are only channeled through the police. Source: Brown, Laliberte, and Tubbs, 2003, and references cited therein. 35 See Judicature and Application of Laws Ordinance, 1961, Cap. 453 s. 9 (3A). 36 See section 114 of the Law of Marriage Act, 1971. 37 See Bukoba RM's Court Matrimonial Cause No. 1/1991, Hermelinda Mutarubukwa v. Thadeo Mutarubukwa. (Unreported). 38 See U.S. State Department Human Rights Report, Tanzania, 2002 accessible at: http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2003/27756.htm 21 50. In principle, violence on any person is a criminal offence under the Penal Code as amended by the Sexual Offences (Special Provisions) Act, (SOSPA) 1998. The SOSPA aims to protect the dignity and integrity of women. Currently, the SOSPA amends several other laws and makes special provisions in those laws with regard to sexual and other offenses to safeguard further the integrity of women and children. Under this law, sexual offences against women and children have been elaborated and sentences have been broadened. Rape has been defined to cover sexual relations with children below 18. The offense of trafficking women is identified, while FGM is criminalized when performed on children below 18. Additionally, the law provides for compensation in case of sexual offences. However, effective implementation of this Act remains an issue in both urban and rural areas. 51. The Revolutionary Council of Zanzibar also enacted a similar law, Act no. 7 of 1998 also known as the Sexual Offences (Special Provisions) Act, 1998. Section 125 (1) makes defilement of boys and girls a criminal offense, punishable by corporal punishment and imprisonment of not less than 25 years. There is a provision that excludes this from being a criminal act on the part of the man if his wife has attained puberty or if he believed his wife had attained puberty. Unfortunately, the definition of the child specifies not only the age (under 18 years) but a further provision which excludes the application of the provision if the person is married. This has been interpreted to mean that the law endorses early marriage, and gives adults the opportunity, through forced marriage, to "manipulate rape" of minors. (Rwebangira 2003). 52. There are also several policy commitments and guidelines concerning violence against women and children, which are promoted through the Women and Gender Development Policy (WGDP), the Child Development Policy, and the Youth Policy, among others. In an effort to operationalize these policy commitments, in 2001 MCDGC facilitated the development of a National Plan of Action for Combating Violence against Women and Children. The vision of the plan, although it does not set clear targets, is intended "to have a society free of physical, psychological, emotional and sexual violence against women and children by the 2025" (p.5). More recently, through a participatory process that involved civil society actors, the Government has prepared a National Plan of Action, set targets, for the period of 2001 ­ 2005 for the elimination of FGM. However, there are no national plans to address other harmful practices such as wife inheritance, and trafficking women and girls. These harmful practices have important implications for women's rights and empowerment. 53. Various institutions are also in place for dealing with harmful practices. The courts of law are empowered to handle cases of spousal abuse, as well as cases of FGM. The Ministries of Education and Health provide support through educational materials such as primary care programs (POFLEP), which educate the public on these harmful practices. Under the 22 MCDGC, a Family Development Section has been given full coordination responsibilities to handle this particular issue.39 54. Rape in marriage is not a criminal offence unless the woman is below 18 years of age. Yet surveillance data reveal that 80% of HIV infection is through heterosexual transmissions and that over 50% of the women living with HIV/AIDS are married. This suggests that most adult women are infected in marriages, a finding consistent with that in many countries where married women are at risk of HIV because of the sexual behavior of their husbands. Marriage is considered the most stable relationship but the prevalence rates of infection indicate that women are limited in deciding or negotiating safe sex or in preventing unprotected sex. To reduce the phenomenon of infection through violence, strategies have to focus on sites of violations of women's sexual health and sexual rights specifically, in marriages, in homes, in schools, work places and custodial institutions.40 Institutional Framework 55. The GOT established the Ministry of Community Development, Women's Affairs and Children (MCDWC) in the 1980s, when the Women in Development (WID) movement was a guiding theme for socio-political advocacy in Tanzania and worldwide. The MCDWC's mandate was later transformed to the Ministry of Community Development, Gender and Children (MCDGC). The role which the MCDGC plays has been evolving. An assessment of MCDGC in PRS II concluded that the mandate of the MCDGC is too broad, and that it lacks a specific mandate in the context of PRS II. One of the recommendations of the assessment was that MCDGC should assume responsibility for monitoring and reporting on progress in addressing gender issues through the Poverty Monitoring Reports and the Poverty and Human Development Report (PHDR). Culture and Norms 55. It is not possible, within the framework of this paper, to address cultural issues exhaustively. Culture has a pervasive impact on social and economic life. It is a cross-sectoral issue which influences the roles and status of men and women throughout Tanzanian society. The allocation of resources, of decision making power, status, opportunities, and rewards to men and women are defined by gender, itself largely defined by cultural norms, expectations, attitudes, and beliefs. Some of the practices discussed elsewhere in this paper, notably FGM, wife beating, early marriage, gender-based violence, payment of bride price, and property grabbing, have their roots in culture (Box 2). In setting the context in which gender relations are understood by Tanzanian researchers and activists, the Swedish Sida gender profile suggests that gender relations are structured by a patriarchal social system in which men are dominant 39 Rwebangira, M.K and Balyagati, W; PRS II Review from a Gender Perspective, HIV/AIDS Sector; MACRO GROUP, Dar-es-Salaam, April 2004. 40 The links between drunkenness and violence against women were brought out strongly in the PPA (Narayan 1997). It is closely associated with food insecurity and men's laziness (Chapter 4). 23 and women subordinate, in which men have power, ownership, and control over things of value, such as land, and in which women are powerless and have no or fewer ownership rights (Keller 1999). The study notes that all Tanzanian societies have proverbs on gender relationships. One example is from Tarime: "The wife is the most important implement in the house. You are supposed to use it intelligently and wisely" (Keller 1999). Box 2: Cultural Dimensions An interesting perspective on differences in the ways males and females are treated in Tanzanian society is provided in a recent study. From birth, families treat their daughters as if they will leave home and join another family unit. This is apparent even in the ceremony accompanying the traditional naming process through which children are given first names from past generations. The naming ceremony is conducted at the door of the family home. If the child is a boy, he is a future heir to the family property and responsible for linking the past and future generations. Therefore, the family bestows his name as he is held facing the inside of the house. Conversely, a baby girl is named facing outside, a symbol that she will ultimately leave the home and not inherit any family property. Language serves to reinforce unequal gender roles. Children are admonished with the phrase "unalia kama mwanamke" (you are always crying like a woman), and a popular song in Kiswahili equates the intelligence of women with that of children. In adult life, social taboos often prevent women from speaking or participating equally in public gatherings or meetings. Women are often silent in the presence of men, leaving their communities to conclude that they cannot make important decisions regarding family life, let alone be given power to own land or administer an estate. Source: Brown, Laliberte, and Tubbs 2003. 56. The portrayal of women in popular media also serves to strengthen and emphasize the perception of women as helpless and subservient. TAMWA completed a survey of the depiction of Tanzanian women in various media and found that the overwhelming majority of images reflect a patriarchal system. Women are described as housewives or prostitutes who have little control over their lives and apparently little interest in effecting meaningful change in their lives or those around them. An analysis of gender and the media in Tanzania, undertaken as part of a wider regional effort to address gender issues in the media, shows that women's views and voices are "grossly under-represented" in Tanzania's media. The survey indicates that women comprise only 16 percent of news sources. Even within this low share, gender stereotypes and biases persist. For example, the survey shows that at the time women comprised 23 percent of parliamentarians, but represented only 10 percent of the cases where parliamentarians were news sources. Similarly, women represented less than 10 percent of news sources in politics, economics, and sports.41 Voice and Participation 41 Gender and Media Baseline Study: Tanzania Report, Media Institute of Southern Africa and Gender Links, Johannesburg, 2003. 24 57. Tanzania has moved from a one-party state to a multi-party system in a period of less than ten years. The constitutions of Mainland Tanzania and Zanzibar provide for an affirmative action clause to promote women's participation in electoral politics at the levels of local council and parliamentary seats. The voice of women has been heard in public debates in areas such as the Gender Budget Initiative, the National Land Policy, and the NGO Policy, and in legislation such as the SOSPA, the Land Act and Village Land Acts, 1999, and the Constitutional Amendment. The GOT has taken affirmative action to include women in decision making. The parliament passed a bill in 2000 to increase the number of women's special seats. In the local government councils, women are assured 33% of the seats, while in the Union parliament women are assured 20% of the seats. The GOT has announced plans to increase the participation of women in politics to 30% by 2005 in line with the SADC Declaration of 1997. In the 2000 elections, women were mobilized to contest for both constituency seats and special seats for women within the 30% set aside in parliament. 58. Table 10 below shows trends in the position of women in politics and decision making from 1997 to 2003; the table indicates that there has generally been progress in the last five years in the representation of women in most areas of public life. Notwithstanding, several factors continue to limit the participation of women in politics and in high-profile positions. These include the patriarchal system which places women in low social positions, lack of education, where higher levels of learning would have made more women eligible for higher levels of public duties, lack of confidence to aspire for electoral positions, and lack of support by political parties. Table 10: Men and Women in Politics and Decision-Making, 1997-2003 Women (No.) Men (No.) Total (No.) Women (%) DECISION MAKING 1997 2002 2003 1997 2002 2003 1997 2002 2003 1997 2002 2003 Cabinet Ministers 3 4 4 24 23 23 27 27 27 11 15 15 Deputy Ministers 3 5 5 13 12 12 16 17 17 19 29 29 Parliament Members of Parliament 48 62 62 227 213 213 275 275 275 18 22.5 22.5 Elected 12 12 218 218 230 230 5 5 Special Seats 48 48 47 47 100 100 Nominated 2 2 8 8 10 10 20 20 House of Representatives 13 12 12 63 59 59 76 71 71 21 17 17 Elected Regional Government -All are nominated Regional Commissioners 1 2 2 19 19 19 20 21 21 5 10 10 Regional Administrative 4 4 4 16 16 17 20 20 20 20 20 Secretaries Local Government (total) 1190 1190 2287 3477 3477 34 34 Elected 250 250 2287 2537 2537 10 10 Special seats 940 940 940 940 100 100 Nominated District Commissioners 20 19 23 79 80 86 99 99 109 20 19 21 District Administrative 20 14 14 89 85 85 99 99 99 10 12 14 25 Secretaries District Executive Directors 20 20 94 94 114 114 18 18 Public / Civil Service Permanent Secretaries 4 6 7 23 23 23 21 27 30 15 22 23 Deputy Permanent 7 7 7 7 0 0 Secretaries Directors 29 30 89 89 118 119 25 26 Assistant Directors 35 35 118 118 153 153 23 23 Commissioners 2 3 16 16 18 19 11 15 Source: Gender Unit, President's Office, Civil Service (Rwebangira 2003). Gender Policy and Programs: Toward Effective Mainstreaming 59. Tanzania adopted a Women and Gender Development Policy (WGDP) in 2000, and is in the process of preparing a National Strategy for Gender Development (NSGD), aimed at specifying how the WGDP will be implemented. The NSGD defines capacity-building of key institutions responsible for implementing the gender policy, including the MCDGC and gender focal points at different levels, as key activities required to support policy implementation. The challenge is how the Government of Tanzania, with support from its financial partners, will capture these concerns as they address poverty reduction in the PRS II process. 60. Government has been making concerted efforts to establish a credible budget process, wherein overall fiscal discipline is accompanied by allocative and operational efficacy. This work is being carried out in the context of the Public Expenditure Review (PER) exercise and the development of a cogent Medium Term Expenditure Framework (MTEF). Efforts to mainstream gender issues in the budget is fully consistent with the Government's move to output/outcome-oriented budgeting under the MTEF. Since 1997, Tanzania has embarked on a "women's budget initiative," coordinated by a coalition of NGOs, headed by the Tanzania Gender Networking Programme (TGNP). The Tanzania initiative includes technical and financial analysis of budgets at both central and grassroots levels, and consultations with both women and men to provide input into the budgeting process, with the specific aim of making the budget more responsive to gender and poverty concerns.42 In January 1999, the Ministry of Finance organized a workshop on mainstreaming gender in the Government budget. Officials from Ministries of Agriculture, Health and Ministry of Community Development, Gender and Children as well as the districts of Magu and Kibaha participated. A specific recommendation coming out of the workshop was the need to develop precise guidelines on how to mainstream gender in the government budget (by sector) for incorporation in the Rolling Plan and Forward Budget for each year. Budget guidelines were indeed prepared for the 2001 budget cycle. 42 There is an extensive literature on gender-responsive budgeting, including the Tanzania initiative. For a summary see: Gender Budget Initiatives: Strategies, Concepts, and Experiences, Papers from a High-Level International Conference on "Strengthening Economic and Financial Governance through Gender Responsive Budgeting," Brussels, Belgium, 16-18 October 2001, and in particular Mary Rusimbi, "Mainstreaming Gender into Policy, Planning, and Budgeting in Tanzania," pp. 119-125. 26 Implementation of this initiative has suffered in recent years, as the budget guidelines which were initially prepared did not appear to provide sufficient substantive guidance to budget officers in different ministries to address gender issues more systematically. There is consensus among key stakeholders that a concerted effort to restore dynamism to this process, and to rebuild the partnership between the Ministry of Finance, key line ministries, and the principal NGOs that have been involved, notably TGNP, is now required. This will provide an excellent basis for strengthening the gender-responsiveness of PRS II, while at the same time building greater coherence between planning and budgeting during PRS implementation. 27 4. Conclusions & Recommendations 61. Available data for Tanzania suggest that gender disparities persist, and that gender inequality is costly to Tanzania's economic and social development, and to the realization of its growth and poverty reduction objectives. Poverty has significant gender dimensions in Tanzania, where women predominate among the core poor. Gender differences in labor force Box 3: Can Africa Claim the 21st Century? participation and earnings, in time allocation, in Women are one of Africa's hidden growth schooling and literacy, in health and the impact reserves, providing most of the region's labor of HIV/AIDS, and in access to and control of but their productivity is hampered by a wide range of human, economic, and social widespread inequality in education and access. Thus, gender equality can be a potent force for capital assets (see Annex 1) are impediments accelerated poverty reduction. (p. 2). to growth and poverty reduction in Tanzania. Because men and women differ in their access to, and control over, these assets, economic capacities and incentives are strongly gender-differentiated in ways which affect supply response, resource allocation within the household, labor productivity, and welfare. These differences have implications for the flexibility, responsiveness, and dynamism of the economy, and directly limit economic growth, a point reiterated in the recent study, Can Africa Claim the 21st Century? (Box 3).43 62. Most gender inequities result from economic policies and sector strategies which do not recognize gender differences in resources, roles and constraints; legal systems which limit women's access to land and other forms of property; and political systems which limit women's voice and participation at the national, local and community levels. Absence of attention to the different needs, roles and constraints facing women and men, it is now recognized, can significantly reduce the economic efficiency and impacts of programs and policies while leaving unaddressed serious equity issues. 63. The principal findings of this SCGA are summarized below. Economy/Growth/Agriculture: There is considerable evidence in Tanzania that women predominate in the agricultural sector, and that women do most of the farm work. Sector policies and programs need to recognize and act on gender-differentiated structural roles in 43 Can Africa Claim the 21st Century?, Report prepared jointly by the African Development Bank, African Economic Research Consortium, Global Coalition for Africa, Economic Commission for Africa, and World Bank, Washington, D.C. 2000. 28 agriculture explicitly. Women lack access to and control over productive resources (land, capital, credit, other business support services), seriously undermining their economic empowerment. There appears to be only sporadic analysis of the costs of gender inequality for economic growth in Tanzania (See Box 4 for one example), and this is clearly an area requiring further analysis in the framework of the PRS revision, the research program addressing sources and determinants of growth and their links with poverty reduction, and the preparation of the CAS. Box 4: The Cost of Different Gender Roles in Agriculture: A Tanzania Case Study A case study of banana and coffee growers in the Kagera region used a linear programming model to examine the implications of changes in the gender division of labor on productivity and output. Women are involved in almost all activities on the farm, including housework (in which the men hardly participate). Even in traditional male activities such as cash crop farming, women were found to make significant labor contributions. Surveys in the region established that women provided 52% of labor for economic activity, compared with 42% for men [the remaining 6% being children's contribution?]. Men were estimated to have 4.5 hours of leisure time per day compared with 2 hours/day for women. The issue under investigation was whether gender roles limit productivity and efficiency. Labor scenarios comparing the traditional division of labor with partially and fully liberalized divisions of labor were developed. The model results indicated that existing gender roles are economically inefficient. If traditional gender roles in the farming system are abandoned, farm cash incomes could increase by up to 10 percent, while the productivity of labor and capital would improve by 15 and 44 percent respectively. Source: Anna Tibaijuka, The Cost of Differential Gender Roles in African Agriculture: A Case Study of Smallholder Coffee-Banana Farms in the Kagera Region, Tanzania, Journal of Agricultural Economics, Vol. 45 No. 1, January 1994, pp. 69-81. Household Tasks/Time Poverty: Tanzania benefits from quite good data and analysis on men's and women's time allocation, revealing the significance of domestic tasks and their impact on poverty (time and effort spent in water/wood fetching, food product transformation, and food preparation), as well as the disproportionate burden of these tasks that falls on women. There are significant trade-offs, especially for women, among important tasks and goals at the individual and household level. The time constraints facing women have been magnified by the HIV/AIDS pandemic and the disproportionate burdens of care and coping which fall on them. This suggests giving much greater priority to basic infrastructure, focusing on domestic energy, water supply and sanitation, as well as appropriate transport services. Concurrent investment in time-saving infrastructure is a necessary priority alongside prioritizing investment in human capital development. Human Capital Development. Gender disparities persist in education, and health indicators remain poor. It is important to follow through on the key messages of the Bank's Social Sector Review (World Bank 1999) namely that women in Tanzania are the primary agents of human capital investment and that the litmus test of an effective social investment is whether it improves the ability of women to carry out this task Legal Framework: Discrimination on the basis of gender is prohibited under the Tanzanian Constitution, through a special amendment passed in 2000. The country has been pro- active in passing gender-sensitive laws relating to sexual offenses land rights, and affirmative 29 action in the political arena. Notwithstanding this progress, multiple legal systems (statutory, customary, and religious) co-exist in Tanzania, and the impact of these laws has been minimal. There are important gaps between principles of equality enshrined in laws and their effective implementation. Cultural factors, rooted in patriarchal family and kinship systems, tend to subordinate women and exacerbate their economic dependency and vulnerability. Access to justice therefore remains a key issue for the poor in Tanzania. HIV/AIDS: There are significant age- and gender-specific differences in risk and vulnerability to HIV/AIDS, and in the impact of the disease. Cultural beliefs and practices relating to sexuality, fertility, and reproductive rights, including socially-constructed power relations which emphasize male domination and female subordination, undermine women's ability to negotiate safe sex and to protect themselves. This is compounded by high levels of violence, including sexual violence, and women's economic insecurity, leading to use of sex as a survival strategy. Increased reliance on home-based care, as a cost-saving measure, leads to substantially higher workloads for women, along with poor health and poverty. Recommendations 64. The issues raised in this SCGA suggest the following core priorities for Tanzania and for the World Bank's Country Assistance Strategy and work program. A summary of key suggested actions for consideration by the Country Team (CT) is in Annex 4. PRS Revision: Gender and Poverty Commission a gender analysis of the 2000/01 HBS data set, including where possible backward linkages to the 1991/92 survey, and incorporate this analysis into the PRS II revision and the planned CEM/Poverty Assessment. Analyze further the gender differences in access to productive assets, especially land. Address differences in power and decision- making to the extent this is possible with available data. Strengthen the focus on regional gender dimensions of poverty, with particular attention to Zanzibar. Commission further work on "time poverty," including specific time allocation surveys, and incorporate a time module into subsequent HBS and participatory poverty analysis. In view of the impact on communities and individuals of HIV/AIDS, analysis of the labor burdens relating to care of AIDS sufferers, and their implications for productive activity, and for household food security, deserves particular attention. Support GOT in addressing the linkages between culture and poverty, with particular reference to issues of bride price, polygyny, widow inheritance, FGM, early marriage, gender-based violence, and their impact on poverty. This is especially important in the context of the HIV/AIDS pandemic. PRS Revision: Time Poverty As mentioned above, commission further work on "time poverty," including its implications in the context of the increased labor burdens resulting from HIV/AIDS. 30 Prioritize investment in the energy sector, focusing on energy for the poor. Emphasize traditional energy sources (woodlots and energy-efficient technology), with a particular focus on energy requirements for domestic purposes (e.g., cooking fuels). Consider including the domestic energy sector within the framework of the Energizing Rural Transformation project, and incorporate into PRS revision/ implementation. Maintain and expand investment in water supply and sanitation, especially in rural and under-served areas of Tanzania. Legal Reform Implement the IDF-supported gender-responsive law reform program, and follow up on this in the framework of subsequent PRSCs. Assess the implementation experience of the Land Acts and the SOSPA with respect to their impact on men's and women's legal rights and protections, so as to identify obstacles to their effective implementation. Address these obstacles in follow-up actions in the justice sector. Commission work to assess the prevalence of gender-based violence in Tanzania (including violence against men and boys), and its economic and social costs. Develop a work program, including around legal reform and implementation of existing laws, to reduce gender-based violence. Institutional and Policy Framework Update and strengthen the implementation of the NSGD. Support a revitalization of the partnership between the Ministry of Finance and TGNP in implementing the gender-responsive budget (GRB) initiative, through reformulation of the gender budget guidelines, and strengthening the linkages between the GRB work and the PER/MTEF work. This could involve an initial stocktaking of the status of efforts to "engender" budgets in Tanzania, on the basis of which a joint work program with key stakeholders could be elaborated. Use the legal studies on SOSPA and on gender-based violence to strengthen the implementation of the National Plans of Action to combat violence and FGM, and to give greater priority, in PRS II, to their effective implementation. Key Tasks for the Bank PER Process. Work to combine insights from the TGNP-organized GRB work with the Bank's support to the PER and MTEF, with the aim of strengthening the gender- responsiveness of both the planning and budgeting process, and at the same time improving the coherence and consistency with the PRSP process. CAS Process. Use the SCGA to inform the diagnostic, the action priorities, and the results matrix. 31 CEM/Poverty Assessment:Commission a study of gender and economic growth linkages in Tanzania, as input into the CEM (along the lines of the work done by Stephan Klasen in Uganda). Address gender/growth linkages as a contribution to the discussion of sources of growth, growth prospects, and pro-poor growth. Incorporate gender analysis of poverty data, including gender-differentiated time allocation analysis ("time poverty") and participatory poverty analysis. Energy: Develop a gender analysis of the energy sector, focusing on domestic energy issues. Integrate the findings into the energy sector strategy and into the design and implementation of the Energizing Rural Transformation Project. Law: Implement the Gender and Law Program (IDF). HIV/AIDS: Supervision of HIV/AIDS (T-MAP) Operation with a view to addressing systematically the "gender dynamics" of AIDS. Human Development Sectors. Commission a review of the gender-responsiveness of Bank interventions in these sectors, notably the Health Sector Development Program, with respect to following through on the messages of the SSR. Violence: Undertake a study of the prevalence of gender-based violence in Tanzania and its economic and social costs. Pay particular attention to issues of violence in refugee camps. Integrate the findings into legal reform and other instruments supporting a country strategy to reduce gender-based violence. 65. Finally, it will be important to begin to consolidate the gender-focused work more strongly into the PRSC process, as the primary Bank instrument supporting the Government's PRS and development agenda. The probable areas and entry points for integrating gender into future PRSCs in Tanzania would be: (i) encourage and support GOT and civil society determination, supported by the Bank and other partners, to strengthen the ways in which gender issues are addressed in PRS II, as it is revised and updated--this also means addressing the gender dimensions of poverty and growth in the CEM/PA framework and incorporating this work systematically into the CAS; (ii) use this gender-focused analytical and policy work to support GOT in identifying some strategic gender-focused objectives of PRS II to incorporate into PRSC3, based on the rationale that a critical comparative advantage of the PRSC process lies in its ability to address cross-cutting (including gender) issues more effectively than sector- focused instruments; and (iii) inclusion of a few gender-focused actions in key policy areas of the PRSC, consistent with the pillars and priorities of PRS II--strong candidates would be: (a) reviving the Ministry of Finance/TGNP partnership on GRB, and pursuing a collaborative work program to integrate GRB into public expenditure management and tracking exercises, including in the formulation and implementation of budget guidelines, and addressing these issues in our supporting PERs; (b) passing and enforcing laws on domestic relations, gender-based violence, and sexual offenses, as part of the core PRS II governance agenda, and to support the fight against HIV/AIDS; (c) strengthening the gender-responsiveness of specific sectoral undertakings as these are reflected in the PRSC framework--this will be especially important in the HD sectors aimed at supporting country efforts to meet the MDGs; (d) supporting a reorientation of the sectors considered as priority for poverty reduction to include, for example, 32 domestic energy, and access to justice/legal services; and (e) strengthening the country's gender policy and the institutional framework and capacity for implementing it. 33 Annex 1 Tanzania Summary Gender Profile GDP per capita, $PPP 120 Adult living without HIV/AIDS 100 Primary school enrollment gap 80 60 40 Access to improved water Literacy gap, all adults source 20 Representation of women in Life expectancy adults government (off scale, value is 208 percent) Percent of adequately nourished children SSA Tanzania Note: This figure indicates that although Tanzania has a GDP of less than 40 percent the average of SSA. Despite this low economic development, the country maintains average levels of development in its health related indicators. The gender disaggregated data for education, literacy and especilly the high representation of women in parliament show a gender gap that is smller than the SSA averages. Technical notes: this spider web is constructed to show where the country is in relation to the Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) average in the aspects of economic development, health and education. The SSA average was normalized to 100. The indicators were constructed in a way that a higher magnitude of an indicator indicates a higher level of development. To achieve this consistency, we inverted the percent of malnourished children and the HIV/AIDS prevalence to percent of children being adequately nourished and adult living without HIV/AIDS, respectively. If a country line is inside the SSA line, the country's development level is below the SSA average, and vice versa. Definition of indicators: · GDP per capita, $PPP = GDP per capita converted to international dollars using purchasing power parity rates; · Primary school enrollment gap = the ratio of female to male gross primary school enrollment rate; · Literacy gap = the ratio of female to male literacy rate for people aged 15+; · Life expectancy = life expectancy at birth in years; · Representation of women in parliament = percent of women in parliament; · Adult living without HIV/AIDS = percent of adults living without HIV/AIDS; · Access to improved water source = percentage of the total population with reasonable access to an adequate amount of water from an improved source; · Percent of adequately nourished children = 100 minus the percent of under-five children suffering from moderate & severe underweight, below minus two standard deviations from median weight for age of reference population. Sources: Africa Country Gender Database (ACGD) 34 35 Indicator Data (early period) Data (most recent period) HUMAN ASSETS: CAPABILITY Female year Male year Female year Male year Source1 Health Life Expectancy at Birth 47 1970 44 1970 45 2000 44 2000 1 Crude Birth Rate (per 1,000 people) 50 (1970) 39 (2000) 1 Infant Mortality Rate (per 1,000 live births) 129 (1970) 93 (2000) 1 Infant Mortality Rate (per 1,000 live births) 65 (1997) 2 richest quintile Infant Mortality Rate (per 1,000 live births) 87 (1997) 2 poorest quintile Under 5 mortality rate (%) 218 (1997) 149 (2000) 1 Total Fertility Rate (births per woman) 7 1970 5 2000 1 Total Fertility Rate (births per woman) richest NA 4 1996 9 quintile Total Fertility Rate (births per woman) poorest NA 8 1996 9 quintile Adolescent Fertility Rate (births per 1,000 126 1996 125 2000 9 women aged 15-19) Maternal Mortality Ratio (per 100,000 live births) 1,100 2000 9 Risk of unintended pregnancy (% of married 13 2000 9 women aged 15-19) Contraceptive Prevalence (% women aged 15- 1 1977 25 2000 9 49) Births Attended by Skilled Health Staff (% of 50 1977 56 1999 10 Total) Education Adult Illiteracy Rate (15+) 80 1970 45 1970 32 2001 15 2001 1 Young adult illiteracy rate (15-25 years old) 64 1970 27 1970 11 2001 6 2001 1 Net Primary Enrollment Rate Rural (% of age NA 3 group) Net Primary Enrollment Rate Urban (% of age NA 3 group) Net Primary Enrollment Rate (% of age group) 65 1981 68 1981 49 2000 47 2000 9 Gross primary enrollment rate (% of age group) 26 1970 41 1970 65 2000 65 2000 9 Gross secondary enrollment rate (% of age 2 1970 4 1970 5 1999 6 1999 1 group) Share of Secondary Enrollments net (%) NA 1 Share of Tertiary Enrollments gross (%) 0 1970 0 1970 0 2000 1 2000 9 Progression to Grade 5 (% of cohort) 82 1975 88 1975 84 2000 78 2000 9 HIV/AIDS Adult HIV Prevalence (% of age group 15-49) 8 (2001) 4 Females % of infected adults population 56 1999 4 HIV Prevalence Rate in Young People (15-24) 9.7 2000 4.3 2000 10 Adults (15-49) Living with HIV/AIDS 1,300,000 (2001) 4 Percent infected in age group 15-19 5 2000 1 2000 4 Percent infected in age group 20-29 24 2000 18 2000 4 Percent infected in age group 30-39 12 2000 16 2000 4 36 Indicator Data (early period) Data (most recent period) HUMAN ASSETS: CAPABILITY Female year Male year Female year Male year Source1 Total Number of People Currently Infected 1,500,000 (2001) 4 AIDS Orphans (Cumulative) 810,000 (2001) 4 Women Attending Antenatal Clinics in major 21 2000 4 urban areas (% infected) Women Attending Antenatal Clinics outside 16 2000 4 major urban areas (% infected) Female Sex Workers / Male STD patients in 50 1993 13 1997 4 major urban areas (% infected) ECONOMIC ASSETS: OPPORTUNITY Labor Force Participation Adult economic activity rate 82 2000 93 2000 8 Agricultural Labor Force % of total female/male 92 1980 80 1980 90 2000 78 2000 9 labor force Industry Labor Force % of total female/male 2 1980 7 1980 1 2000 8 2000 9 labor force Services Labor Force % of total female/male 7 1980 13 1980 8 2000 14 2000 9 labor force Gender Intensity of Production Agriculture labor force (% female-male) NA 54 1990 46 1990 10 Industry labor force (% female-male) NA 1990 1990 10 Services labor force (% female-male) NA 1990 1990 10 Informal Sector employment (% female-male) 38 1995 62 1995 10 Contribution to GDP (%) 33 1990 67 1990 10 PHYSICAL ASSETS: SECURITY Access to improved drinking water source (%) 50 (1990) 54 (2000) 1 Access to improved drinking water source (%) 42 (1990) 42 (2000) 1 Rural Access to improved drinking water source (%) 80 (1990) 80 (2000) 1 Urban Access to improved sanitation (%) 88 (1990) 90 (2000) 1 Access to improved sanitation (%) Rural 40 (1990) 86 (2000) 1 Access to improved sanitation (%) Urban 93 (1990) 98 (2000) 1 Traditional energy use (%) 81 (1971) 91 (1997) 1 Total Time Allocation (hours/week) NA - Time Allocated to Water/Energy Provision NA - (hrs/day) Transport Tasks (hours/week) NA - Share of earned income (% of total) NA - Land Ownership (%) NA - Access to Financial Services (%) NA - SOCIAL ASSETS: EMPOWERMENT Representation in Parliament (%) 22.5 2003 77.5 2003 10 Representation in Cabinet (%) NA 7 Representation at Ministerial Level 15 2003 85 2003 10 Country Policy on Gender Equality 2 1 2000 8 37 Indicator Data (early period) Data (most recent period) HUMAN ASSETS: CAPABILITY Female year Male year Female year Male year Source1 Household Headship (%) 18 1991 82 1991 23 2001 77 2001 10 Household Headship, Rural (%) 10 1993 90 1993 3 Household Headship, Urban (%) 18 1993 82 1993 3 1Sources: 1 GDF/WDI, 2 WDI 2001, 3 Human Welfare Indicators, 4 UNAIDS, 5 ILO/UNSD, 6 Standardized Data Files, 7 IPU, 8 UNDP-Human Development Report, 9 genderstats, 10 Data compiled for this assessment. 2 Convention on the Elimination of all forms of discrimination against women (1979): 1=ratified, 2=signed 3=not signed Annex 2 Suggested Measures to Strengthen the National Strategy for Gender and Development One of the important ways for Tanzania to move forward effectively in meeting its gender goals is to strengthen and then implement the NSGD and other policy instruments. Key areas for strengthening the NGSD are as follows: Focus and Scope: The NSGD will benefit greatly if it is more focused on a set of specific, implementable tasks which can be integrated into operating work programs and budgets. It is important that the NSGD provide a basis for prioritizing, and subsequently budgeting, interventions. Policy, Coordination, Facilitation: It is important to clarify the respective roles and responsibilities both of the MCDGC and of other key ministries and actors involved in the implementation of the WGPD, especially in relation to the implementation arrangements for PRS II. The role of MCDGC could be envisaged more as catalyst and facilitator, and with a strategic, policy and coordination mandate, rather than as an implementor of programs and projects. This would help to ensure that key central and line ministries assume responsibility for gender mainstreaming in their core areas of competence, with policy direction and support from MCDGC as required. The division of labor between MCDGC and other ministries could be much more clearly defined, so that it becomes a national strategy and not just, or predominantly, a MCDGC strategy. Integration with Key Policies and Instruments: The NSGD can be implemented more effectively if it is more strongly integrated with, and explicitly supportive of, the existing instruments used by the Government of Tanzania to define and implement its policies and strategies. This is especially the case with respect to the PRS process, the annual public expenditure review (PER) and budget formulation processes, and the policy focus on meeting the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). While the NSGD refers to the fact that it "takes into account" the PRS (para. 2.1.2), along with other key policy declarations, the NSGD, as currently formulated, remains too isolated from these processes in terms of what it wants to implement, and how it will be implemented. Gender Focal Points in Ministries: The confirmation of gender focal points (GFPs) in all ministries constitutes an important opportunity to promote gender mainstreaming in these 38 ministries. However, it is critically important that the GFPs are seen as credible experts within their respective sectors, and that they are well integrated into the planning and policy processes of their ministries. In view of Tanzania's important and pioneering experience in "engendering" budget processes, and given the openness of the PER and budget formulation work to address gender concerns more systematically, one avenue to consider might be to strengthen the capacities of the GFPs in the specific area of budget preparation and implementation, and to use the focus on budgets as a means of concretizing attention to gender in the work programs and budgets of key ministries in relation to the overall PRS and sector priorities. Prioritizing Objectives and Strategies: The NSGD contains valuable ideas and proposals across a wide range of sectors. However, it is difficult to assess either the priority to be given to these proposals or their feasibility, given the reality of hard budget constraints. The credibility of the NSGD, and the buy-in from other key partners inside and outside government, will be greatly strengthened if it were to specify critical priorities and provide a basis for defining their budgetary requirements, as this would also provide a foundation for sequencing priority actions over several budget years. It might mean that the proposal to establish GFPs at the local level could be done after a workable GFP system is in place centrally, and in conjunction with how other ministries and agencies are putting in place local-level capacities. There could be constructive synergies and overlaps with how agriculture, water, justice, health, and education services seek to address gender issues in their local-level service provision. The NSGD will be stronger if it is itself clear about what priority to give to "criminalizing violence against women," to introducing "simple cheap and appropriate technology to reduce workload," and to establishing "women radio stations throughout the country," all of which are included in the NSGD, and all of which will require specific programs and resources. Data: The NSGD would also be stronger if the issues and topics it discusses could be substantiated with data, where possible. This is done only with respect to the health sector. Data on many of the issues raised are in fact presented in the PRS documents. The gender reviews of the priority sectors will also help in this respect. Tanzania ­ Country Gender Assessment 39 Annex 3 Tanzania ­ Strategic Country Gender Assessment Priority Policy and Operational Interventions (to be further refined and updated in discussion w/ CT) Principal Priority Sectors/Tasks Key Gender Issues Principal Actions Responsibility Timeframe I. POLICYDIALOGUEANDCOUNTRYRELATIONS CAS Gender roles in the economy Gender inclusive participatory CT/TTL in collaboration FY05 Gender disparities in access to process with other CAS partners deliverable and control of resources Gender analysis of the poverty data and of the economy Gender to inform core diagnostic and priority setting PRS Revision Articulate gender-differentiated Gender to inform poverty GOT and other CY04 in experience of poverty diagnostic stakeholders involved in relation to Gender-responsive priorities Gender reviews of sector PRSP revision process delivery of Gender-inclusive participatory working papers revised PRSP process Gender as criterion for prioritizing key actions II. ECONOMIC AND SECTORANALYSIS CEM/Poverty Assessment Experience of poverty different Gender analysis of household TTL/CT and other FY05 for men and for women survey data partners, including GOT deliverable Headship-based analysis Gender analysis of other and civil society insufficient to capture gender dimensions of poverty stakeholders dimensions of poverty Gender-inclusive participatory CT/TTL with GOT Focus on gender differences in analysis of poverty counterparts involved in vulnerability, risk, and poverty Document gender roles in the CEM preparation Tanzania ­ Country Gender Assessment 40 dynamics economy. Local stakeholders could Gender-based obstacles to Conduct analysis of gender- include TGNP, TAWLA growth and productivity, growth linkages in the country especially in agriculture. to estimate economic costs of Gender roles in the Tanzanian gender inequality economy Incorporate findings into policy Gender dimensions of trade and recommendations pro-poor growth policies Identify knowledge gaps and Gender-differentiated needs and further research needs priorities Gender to inform setting of action priorities PER Responsiveness of budgets to Integrate gender explicitly into Ministry of Finance gender-differentiated priorities the budget guidelines for the Key line ministries FY05/06 cycle. TNGP GMWG-MP Donor partners III. LENDINGOPERATIONS PRSC3 Gender roles in the economy Develop, in collaboration with Ministry of Finance Gender-inclusiveness of service GOT and other stakeholders, Key line ministries delivery program for addressing gender TNGP Shifts in priority of services issues in PRSC process. Focus GMWG-MP considered pro-poor (i.e., focus on: (i) budget issues; (ii) legal Donor partners on domestic energy; access to issues; (iii) service delivery; justice/legal services) and (iv) implementing gender Property rights and legal status policy and related capacity- of women building. Land Law and related issues Energizing Rural Gender roles in household Document men's and women's Transformation energy provisioning different roles in rural economy Domestic energy requirements and household Links with transport Invest in labor-saving "Double workday" time burden technology, including transport Prioritize investment in Tanzania ­ Country Gender Assessment 41 alternative energy sources to meet domestic needs (fuel) Second Social Action Fund Gender-differentiated roles in the economy and in the community Gender inclusion in priority setting Second Agric. Services Gender-differentiated roles in Targeting services to different agricultural production needs of males/females Gender differences in incentives Addressing labor constraints and productivity Raising labor productivity of Labor constraints female farmers Access to technology and other services IV. PORTFOLIOMANAGEMENT Portfolio management: Gender differentiated impact of Conduct impact assessment/ TTLs and GOT ongoing operations portfolio review from gender counterparts Gender responsiveness of standpoint, prioritize key portfolio of operations sectors (energy, roads, water) Retro-fit priority operations Review/focus on key ongoing operations: Social Action Fund; HIV/AIDS (T-MAP) operation; energy, roads, water, Health Sector Development Program Tanzania ­ Country Gender Assessment 42 Annex 4 Bibliography and References Ainsworth, Martha, Kathleen Bogle, and Godlike Koda, 2002. The Impact of Adult Mortality on Primary School Enrollment in Northwestern Tanzania, Africa Region Human Development Working Paper Series, Washington. D.C. Barwell, Ian. 1996. Transport and the Village: Findings from African Village-Level Travel and Transport Surveys and Related Studies, World Bank Discussion Paper No. 344, Africa Region Series, Washington, D.C. Binagi & Msaki, Agriculture and Food Security, PRS2 from a Gender Perspective, MACRO-GROUP, Dar-es-Salaam, April 2004. Blackden, C. Mark, and Elizabeth Morris-Hughes. 1993. Paradigm Postponed: Gender and Economic Adjustment in Sub-Saharan Africa, Technical Note No. 13, Poverty and Human Resources Division, Technical Department, Africa Region. Blackden, C. Mark and Chitra Bhanu. 1999. Gender, Growth, and Poverty Reduction, Special Program of Assistance for Africa 1998 Status Report on Poverty, World Bank Technical Paper No. 428, Washington D.C. Brown, Amanda, Kate Laliberte, and Erica Tubbs. 2003. Advocating for Social Change and Development: An Analysis of the Capacity of Local Women's Organizations in Tanzania, Eliot School of International Affairs. Can Africa Claim the 21st Century?, Report prepared jointly by the African Development Bank, African Economic Research Consortium, Global Coalition for Africa, Economic Commission for Africa, and World Bank, Washington, D.C. 2000. Cleaver, Kevin M. and Goetz A. Schreiber. 1994. Reversing the Spiral: The Population, Agriculture, Environment Nexus in Sub-Saharan Africa, Directions in Development Series. World Bank. Clones, Julia Panourgia. 1992. The Links Between Gender Issues and the Fragile Environments of Sub-Saharan Africa. Working Paper No. 5. Women in Development Unit, Poverty and Social Policy Division, Technical Department, Africa Region, World Bank. Tanzania ­ Country Gender Assessment 43 DHS, 1999. Facts About Adolescents From The Demographic And Health Survey, Statistical Tables for Program Planning Tanzania, 1999, http://www.popcouncil.org/pdfs/gfdreports/tanzania99.pdf. Elson Diane, and Barbara Evers, 1997. Gender-Aware Country Economic Reports. Working Paper No 2,Uganda, Prepared for DAC/WID Task Force on Programme Aid and Other Forms of Economic Policy-Related Assistance. Empower Women, Halt HIV/ AIDS, UNIFEM; Gender and HIV/ AIDS, at page 3. http://www.genderandaids.org/downloads/topics/UNIFEM%20empower%20women%20halt %20hiv.pdf ESAURP, Children Neglected: HIV/AIDS Study: Identification and Needs Assessment. A Report to NORAD, September, 2002. Gelb, Alan. 2001. Gender and Growth: Africa's Missed Potential, Findings No. 197, Africa Region. World Bank, Washington, D.C. December. Gender Budget Initiatives: Strategies, Concepts, and Experiences, Papers from a High- Level International Conference on "Strengthening Economic and Financial Governance through Gender Responsive Budgeting," Brussels, Belgium, 16-18 October 2001, and in particular Mary Rusimbi, "Mainstreaming Gender into Policy, Planning, and Budgeting in Tanzania," pp. 119-125. Gender and Media Baseline Study: Tanzania Report, Media Institute of Southern Africa and Gender Links, Johannesburg, 2003. GMWG-MP, 2004. Preliminary Report on PRS II Review from a Gender Perspective, Gender Mainstreaming Working Group-Macro Policies (GMWG-MP), in collaboration with the Ministry of Community Development, Gender, and Children (MCDGC) and the Vice-President's Office (VPO), submitted to the VPO May 21, 2004. ILO 1996. URT/94m04/ Action to Assist Rural Women - Gender Analysis Study. ILO, 2001. The Gender Promotion Program: National Report for Promoting the Linkage between Women's Employment and the Reduction of Child Labor, International Labour Office, Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania, August. Keller, Bonnie, with Demere Kitunga and TGNP. 1999. Towards Gender Equality in Tanzania: A Profile on Gender Relations, Swedish International Development Authority, Stockholm, Sweden. Tanzania ­ Country Gender Assessment 44 Manda and Mwaimu, 2004. Poverty Reduction Strategy Review Process With a Gender Perspective, Education Sector, MACRO GROUP, Dar-es-Salaam, April. Malmberg-Calvo, Christina. 1994. Case Study on the Role of Women in Rural Transport: Access of Women to Domestic Facilities, Sub-Saharan Africa Transport Policy Program, Working Paper No. 11, World Bank and Economic Commission for Africa Muntemba, Shimwaayi, and Blackden, C. Mark. 2001. "Gender and Poverty in Africa," in Balshawe and Calderisi, Eds, Faith in Development, OCMS Publications, Oxford, U.K. Muntemba, Shimwaayi, and C. Mark Blackden, The Gender Dimensions of HIV/AIDS in Africa: Putting Gender into the MAP, AFTPM (draft) Technical Note, March 2002. Narayan, Deepa. 1997. Voices of the Poor: Poverty and Social Capital in Tanzania, Environmentally and Socially Sustainable Development Studies and Monographs Series No. 20, World Bank, Washington, D.C. National Bureau of Statistics Tanzania (NBST), 2002. Household Budget Survey 2000/01. Key Findings, Dar es Salaam, July. Population Council: http://www.policyproject.com/pubs/MNPI/Tanzania_MNPI.pdf. Rwebangira, M.K; Legal Status of Women and Poverty in Tanzania. Nordic Africa Institute , Uppsala, 1996. Rwebangira, M.K, and Tungaraza M. "Legal Assessment of Laws Affecting HIV/AIDS in Tanzania", A Report submitted to TAWLA and the Ministry of Justice and Constitutional Affairs, 2003. Rwebangira, M. K Culture , Law and Gender, A Paper Presented to the East Africa Workshop on Gender Mainstreaming in HIV/AIDS: Moving from Policy to Practice Organised by the Commonwealth Secretariat, 23-26 March, 2003. Rwebangira, M.K and Balyagati, W; PRS II Review from a Gender Perspective, HIV/AIDS Sector; MACRO GROUP, Dar-es-Salaam, April 2004. TGNP Poverty Monitoring: Female-Headed Household Study, Progress Report, prepared on behalf of the Macro-Policy Gender Group, March 2003. Tibaijuka, Anna. 1994. The Cost of Differential Gender Roles in African Agriculture: A Case Study of Smallholder Coffee-Banana Farms in the Kagera Region, Tanzania, Journal of Agricultural Economics, Vol. 45 No. 1, January. Tanzania ­ Country Gender Assessment 45 UNICEF ­ MICS, Measure DHS, 1997-2002 United Republic of Tanzania, 2003a. Poverty Reduction Strategy The Second Progress Report, Dar Es Salaam, March. United Republic of Tanzania, 2003b. Ministry of Health, National AIDS Control Program, HIV/AIDS/STI, Surveillance Report, January ­ December 2002, Report No. 17. Water Sector in Gender Mainstreaming Working Group-Macro ­ Policies (GMWG-MP) Preliminary Report on PRS II Review from a Gender Perspective, May 2004. Women and Law in East Africa (Tanzania), Women and Resource Management in Marriage, Dar-es-Salaam, 2000. World Bank, 1999. Tanzania: Social Sector Review, A World Bank Country Study, Washington, D.C. World Bank. 2001a. Engendering Development: Through Gender Equality in Rights, Resources, and Voice. A World Bank Policy Research Report, Washington, D.C. World Bank. 2001b. Tanzania at the Turn of the Century: From Reforms to Sustained Growth and Poverty Reduction, Government of the United Republic of Tanzania and the World Bank, A World Bank Country Study, April. World Bank. 2004. African Development Indicators, 2004. Washington D.C. World Bank. 2004. Concept Note for Tanzania CEM, Draft of June 10, 2004. Ye, Xiao. 1998. Gender Analysis of Poverty and Education Issues in SSA Household Data Sets, Background papers for the 1998 SPA Status Report, Poverty Reduction and Social Development Group, Africa Region. World Bank.