9789 WORLD BANK COMPARATIVE STUDIES I The Political Economy of Agricultural Pricing Policy Trade, Exchange Rate, and Agricultural Pricing Policies in Pakistan Naved Hamid, Ijaz Nabi, and Anjum Nasim The Political Economy of Agricultural Pricing Policy Trade, Exchange Rate, and Agricultural Pricing Policies in Pakistan Naved Hamid, I'az Nabi, and Anjum Nasim WORLD BANK COMPARATIVE STUDIES The World Bank Washington, D.C. Copyright © 1990 The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/THE WORLD BANK 1818 H Street, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20433 All rights reserved Manufactured in the United States of America First printing December 1990 World Bank Comparative Studies are undertaken to increase the Bank's capacity to offer sound and relevant policy recommendations to its member countries. Each series of studies, of which The Political Economy of Agricultural Pricing Policy is one, comprises several empirical, multicountry reviews of key economic policies and their effects on the development of the countries in which they were implemented. A synthesis report on each series will compare the findings of the studies of individual countries to identify common patterns in the relation between policy and outcome-thus to increase understanding of development and economic policy. The series The Political Economy of Agricultural Pricing Policy, under the direction of Anne 0. Krueger, Maurice Schiff, and Alberto Valdes, was undertaken to examine the reasons underlying pricing policy, to quantify the systematic and extensive intervention of developing countries in the pricing of agricultural commodities during 1960-85, and to understand the effects of such intervention over time. Each of the eighteen countly studies uses a common methodology to measure the effect of sectoral and economywide price intervention on agricultural incentives and food prices, as well as their effects on output, consumption, trade, intersectoral transfers, government budgets, and income distribution. The political and economic forces behind price intervention are analyzed, as are the efforts at reform of pricing policy and their consequences. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions in this series are entirely those of the authors and should not be attributed in any manner to the World Bank, to its affiliated organizations, or to members of its Board of Executive Directors or the countries they represent. The material in this publication is copyrighted. Requests for permission to reprodcre ponrions o,f it bhould be sent to Director, Publications Department, at the address shown in the copyright notice above. The World Bank encourages dissemination of its work and will normally give permission promptly and, when the reproduction is for noncommercial purposes, without asking a fee. Permission to photocopy portions for classroom use is not required, though notification of such use having been made will be appreciated. The complete backlist of World Bank publications is shown in the annual Index of Publications, which contains an alphabetical title list and indexes of subjects, authors, and countries and regions; it is of value principally to libraries and institutional purchasers. The latest edition is available free of charge from Publications Sales Unit, Department F, The World Bank, 1818 H Street, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20433, U.S.A., or from Publications, The World Bank, 66, avenue d'lna, 75116 Paris, France. Naved Hamid and Anjum Nasim are professors of economics in the Lahore University of Management Sciences and consultants to the World Bank. Ijaz Nabi is a senior economist in the World Bank's Asia Country Department 2. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Hamnid, Naved. Trade, exchange rate, and agricultural pricing policies in Pakistan / Naved Hamuld, Ijaz Nabi, Anjum Nasim. p . cm. -- (The Political economy of agricultural pricing policy) ISBN O-8213-1715-6 1. Agricultural prices--Government policy--Pak1stan. 2. Produce trade--Government policy--Pakistan. 3. Foreign exchange problem- -Pakistan. I. Nabi. Ijaz. II. Nasim, Anjum, 1950- IIX. Title. IV. Series: World Bank comparative studies. Political economy of agricultural pricing policy. HD2075.5.Z775H36 1990 338,1'8--dc2o 90-Z1583 CIP Abstract Over the last three decades, government intervention had negative effects on the producer prices (and hence, the output and export earnings) of wheat, rice, and cotton in Pakistan. These outcomes were the result of a strategy designed to keep domestic food prices low and to build up the country's industrial sector by protecting it from overseas competition. Although agriculture is still an important part of Pakistan's economy, providing employment for roughly half of the work force, its share of the gross national product (GNP) dropped to 24 percent in 1988. In 1950, by contrast, the agricultural sector accounted for 53 percent of GNP. Of Pakistan's 80 million hectares of land, roughly 21 million are cultivated, mostly in Punjab and Sind. Because of the irregularity of rain and inadequate annual precipitation, about 70 percent of Pakistan's farmland is irrigated. Government intervention in agricultural prices has taken many forms over the years. Along with indirect intervention arising from overvaluation of the rupee, the most important types of direct intervention included the government monopoly on international trade in rice and cotton, government control of internal trade in wheat, and (at times) regulation of domestic sales of flour through a network of ration shops. The customary justification for intervention has been that it kept prices stable, particularly for consumers, who paid substantially less than world prices for wheat, rice, and cotton in the 1960s and 1970s. Pakistan's policies, however, depressed the prices received by farmers, resulting in depressed farm production. Over the period of this study, the combination of direct and indirect (i.e.total) price intervention may have reduced actual output (compared to the potential) of wheat by 12 percent, irri rice by 25 percent, basmati rice by 32 percent, and cotton by 44 percent. (Irri rice refers to high-yield varieties developed at the International Rice Research Institute; basmati rice is a traditional long- grain aromatic variety produced mainly for export in Pakistan.) The study also reports that, over the long run, total price intervention may have led to a very substantial reduction in foreign exchange earnings. The loss to farmers over the long run as a result of total intervention can also be put in counterfactual terms. Without intervention, average value added would have been 45 percent higher for wheat, 65 percent higher for basmati rice, 53 percent for irri rice and 48 percent for cotton. In the 1980s, intervention in agricultural prices in Pakistan was greatly curtailed. The exchange rate became more realistic, and domestic prices for the crops discussed in this study were allowed to rise to world levels. v TABLE OF CONTENTS Page No. Chapter I Introduction 1 Chapter 1II The Macro-economic Setting of Pakistan's Agriculture 8 Section 2.1 The Geography, Population and Economic Growth 8 Section 2.2 The Importance of Agriculture 12 Section 2.3 The structure of Agricultural Holdings 14 Section 2.4 Some Additional Macro Issues 16 Chapter III Indirect Interventions in Agriculture: Commercial Policy and the Exchange Rate 18 Section 3.1 Commercial Policy in Pakistan 18 Section 3.2 The Equilibrium Exchange Rate 23 Chapter IV Agricultural Outputs and Prices 28 Section 4.A1 The Cropping Pattern 28 Section 4.A2 Crop Output 29 Section 4.A3 Trends and Movements in Crop Prices 32 Section 4.B History of Agricultural Pricing Policies 35 Chapter V Direct and Indirect Effects of Price Interventions on Relative Producer Prices 46 Section 5.A1 Net Effect of Direct Price Interventions on Relative Prices 47 Section 5A.2 Effect of Indirect Price Interventions on Relative Prices 49 Section 5A.3 Effect of Direct and Indirect Price Interventions on Relative Prices 49 Section 5A.4 Effects of Price Intervention on Relative Value Added Chapter 5B Government Intervention and Price Variability ChaRterVI The Output, Consumption and Trade Effects of Price Policies 55 Section 6.1 The Output Effects 55 Section 6.2 Short-Run Consumption Effects 61 Section 6.3 The Export Effects 65 Section 6.4 The Foreign Exchange Effects 67 ChaRter VII The Effect on the Budget and on Resource Transfer 68 Section 7.1 The Effect of the Pricing Policy on the Budget 69 Section 7.2 Transfer of Resources Between Agriculture and the Rest of the Economy 75 Section 7.3 Government Investment and Total Expenditure Policy 76 vi Chapter VIII Income Distribution Effects of Agricultural Pricing Policies 79 Section 8.1 Rural Farm Income Effects 79 Section 8.2 Rural Labor Real Income Effects 92 Section 8.3 Urban Real Income Effects 93 Chapter IX The Political Economy of Agricultural Price Interventions 97 Section 9.1 Wheat 98 Section 9.1.1 Administrative Structure of Procurement/Rationing System for Wheat 100 Section 9.1.2 The Ration Shop System 102 Section 9.1.3 The Procurement System 104 Section 9.1.4 Administrative Costs, Corruption and Smuggling 105 Section 9.2 Sugarcane 107 Section 9.3 Rice 110 Section 9.3.1 The Conflicting Groups since 1977 112 Section 9.3.2 Corruption 115 Section 9.3.3 The 1986 Reform 115 Section 9.3.4 The Regional Dimension 117 Section 9.4 Cotton 117 Section 9.5 Assessment of Policy Reform Efforts 123 Chal!Leawr X Conclusions 124 Text Tables 129 References 218 ARpendixesi 221 Chapter 1 Introduction Agriculture is the mainstay of Pakistan's economy. Nearly 24% of total output and 50% of total employment is generated in agriculture. It accounts for 30% of Pakistan's exports. Agriculture also provides surplus for investment in the manufacturing sector and to meet other expenditures of the government. This surplus is extracted not through direct taxation of agricultural incomes but indirectly through govermnent control over the prices received by farmers for crop output. Typically, what this means is that farmers receive lower prices than what they could get without government intervention in price determination.l/ This study attempts to explain the nature and consequences of such interventions by presenting a political economy analysis of agricultural pricing policies in Pakistan. The advantage of this approach is that agriculture is placed in a macro-economic framework and the policy analysis takes into account group interests that often conflict. The analysis focusses on four main crops of Pakistan i.e. wheat, cotton, rice and sugarcane. Together, these crops represent 74% of the gross value added of crop output and 63 % of cropped area. The government usually intervenes in agricultural prices in two ways: through direct price interventions such as sales and excise taxes and indirect interventions through control over the exchange rate. The exchange rate measures the value of a foreign currency in terms of the Pakistani rupee. If the exchange rate is overvalued, foreign currency becomes cheaper relative to the rupee. To a farmer selling rice to a foreign customer, an over-valued exchange rate implies that he gets fewer rupees for every ton of rice that he sells abroad compared to when the exchange rate is in equilibrium. Among economists, such intervention is known as turning the terms of trade against agriculture. Thus intervention by the government in the exchange rate that affects the farmers' terms of trade can have serious implications for the prices received by farmers and therefore for their income. While agricultural terms of trade affect directly the incomes received by farmers, industrial interests are also affected because often they use agricultural produce as raw material. They would like the price of agricultural raw material to be low. They would also prefer to import their machinery cheaply. Those objectives 1/ There are countries, for example, Korea, Malaysia and most developed countries, where the objective of agricultural price intervention is to subsidize rather than tax agriculture. The methodology of this study is equally relevant for analyzing those situations. -2 - are met when terms of trade are turned against agriculture through our-valued exchange rates. This was an important element of the import-substitution strategy for industrialization pursued in Pakistan since 1947. It helped to transfer large surpluses out of agriculture into industry. This strategy was not unique to Pakistan. Most countries, at some stage of their development, have used similar mechanisms for obtaining surplus for investment in manufacturing. In Japan, it was done through heavy land taxes and in the Soviet Union through collectivization. In the post-war era, in most developing countries, surplus for industrial investment has been obtained from agriculture through the price mechanism. In Pakistan it is widely believed (i) that a substantial transfer of resources out of agriculture did take place and (ii) that this probably retarded the development of agriculture. However, so far no comprehensive study has been carried out to examine these hypotheses rigorously. This study is an attempt to do so. In addition to the farmer and industry groups, urban consumers, traders of agricultural commodities, and the government bureaucracy also attempt to influence agricultural prices. Urban groups consume agricultural produce as food and, being politically vocal, exert considerable pressure on the government to keep food prices low. Traders in agricultural commodities clearly have their interests to protect. The bureaucracy itself is an important pressure group since agricultural surplus is the most important source of government revenues and thus a key determinant of government salaries. Thus, while intervening in prices, exchange rate and taxation policies that affect agriculture, policy makers have to carefully balance the conflicting interest of all these groups. This makes it especially rewarding to study the policy macking process in its political economy context. Such an analysis is presented in this study. At the center of our analysis is the following counter-factual: had there been no interventions in agricultural prices, how much more output, exports, and foreign exchange earnings would have resulted? Furthermore, what would have income distribution, inter-sectoral resource allocation and budgetary expenditures looked like in the absence of interventions? Related issues are: how do different interest groups and ideology influence the scope and nature of the price interventions; what are the interest groups and how does the government resolve conflicts between them. Input price interventions are discussed where relevant, but the primary focus of the study are output price interventions. Price intervention by the government is justified also for reasons of achieving price stability. It is argued that international markets are capricious and international prices too volatile. As it is, farmers face -3- considerable uncertainty from changes in weather. They can do without the additional uncertainty caused by volatile international prices. Thus government must intervene to protect farmers from this volatility. In this study, for each of the four main crops grown in Pakistan i.e. rice, cotton, sugarcane and wheat, differences in domestic and international price variability will be estimated to determine whether price stability is an important objective of intervention, and to what extent that objective is met. Before proceeding with the analysis, a caveat is in order. This study presents the counter-factual i.e. what would have happened, had policies been different? While this approach is very useful in quantifying the cost of not having pursued alternative policies, it does have a flaw. It ascribes forgone opportunities to particular policies alone, in this case output price polices. The assumption is that farmer supply responses would have come forth even under a different set of prices. This assumption implies that the necessary infrastructure (irrigation, rural roads, crop storage facilities etc) and input investments (fertilizers, pesticides etc) are in place in different price settings. This is some what heuristic given that investment decisions themselves are likely to be endogenous to output price policies i.e., the government may have to tax agriculture to invest in infrastructure. The caveat mentioned above not withstanding, this study is an attempt at quantifying the consequences of price policies in Pakistan's agriculture. It is a useful illustration of the macro and microeconomnic linkages in analyzing policy decisions. The methodology adopted in the study places agriculture within the overall development strategy of Pakistan and thus contributes to the debate on the role of agriculture in development. Furthermore, in carrying out this study, we have put together a large and systematic data base on important aspects of Pakistan's agriculture. This we hope will be useful to researchers and policy makers. Previous Work and This Study We are by no means the first to visit agricultural price policies in Pakistan. The terms of trade between agricultural and non-agricultural sectors have been of considerable interest, and have been constructed, for different methodologies and time periods, by Lewis and Hussain (1966), Lewis (1970), Gotsch and Brown (1980), Cheong and D'Silva (1984), Kazi (1987) and Qureshi (1987). In her study, Kazi (1987) provides an update of terms of trade series of Lewis and Hussain (1967) and Lewis (1970). Referring to this series she comments, "the first phase 1951-52 to 1954-55 is marked by a decline in the prices of farm goods vis-a-vis non-agricultural goods. This is followed by a period of continuous improvement in the terms of trade in favor of agriculture from - 4 - the md-fiftias to 1967-68, tapering off till 1970-71. The final phase till the late seventies is characterize by wide fluctuiationis in the series along a sharply increasing trend". Her own indices, based on a different methodology, for the period 1970-71 to 1981-82 show an average improvement in agricultural terms of trade of 0.5 per cent from 1970-71 to 19Y1-82, but these indices are also marked with wide fluctuations. As for the responsiveness of agricultural output to the terms of trade, attempts to relate terms of trade to agricultural output by Gotsch and Browrn (1980) and Kazi (1987) suggest that the relationship is statistically insignificant. At a disaggregated level, output supply response has been studied by Falcon (1964), Cummings (1975), Gotsch and Brown (1980), Ashiq (1981), Nuzhat, et.al. (1983) and Tweeten (1985). In our study we have relied on supply response estimates (output elasticities) from Tweeten (1985) to obtain estimates of output in the abseice rf governeient price intervention. We have considered output response under two alternative scenarios: (i) farimiers receive border prices (appropriately adjusted) at the official exchange rate (ii) farmers receive border prices but the exchange rate is one that would have prevailed if tariffs, quotas and other trade restrictions were replaced by a free trade regime. Our study, therefore, goes beyond the stage of providing indices and calculating trends in agricultural terms of trade. We look at the magnitude of output losses or gains in agriculture which can be attributed to the price policy pursued by various governments. We then !- at he uemaand side and compare actual consumption with consumption at border and free trade prices. [Demand elasticities were obtained from Hamid, et.al. (1987)]. The new output and consumption figures provide a measure of potential exports (or imports) at border and free trade prices and an estimate of foreign exchange earnings foregone. Income distribution has received considerable attention in the literature on pakistani agriculture. For a review of these studies see Qureshi (1987). The emphasis in our study is on comparing rural incomes in the presence and absence of price interventions. We have divided the country into ten agro-climatic zones and within each zone we consider small, medium and large farmers. We then study the proportion by which actual incomes were betow potential incomes for each zone and each farm category - potential income is the income that farmers would have received if border prices or free trade prices had prevailed. These calculations are done for 1980, the year when the last agricultural census was conducted. Since incomes are calculated by valuing the crops at actual and non-intervention prices, the appropriate real income (for purposes of comparison overtime) are obtained by deflating the nominal incomes by the relevant prices deflators. The price indices at actual prices (P), border prices (P') and free trade prices (P*) are constructed both for the rural and urban sectors. For those categories of consumers whose earnings were less likely to be affected by price interventions, the comparison of price indices at P, P' and P* provide a direct measure of the loss or gain in real income because of the price intervention policies. Our study estimates transfers from agriculture to the rest of the economy. We include both measures of budgetary transfers, i.e., government revenue from the agricultural sector and expenditures on it, and price related transfers arising from the difference between actual prices and border prices, or free trade prices, of inputs and outputs. Gotsch and Brown (1980), Cheong and D'Silva (1984) and Qureshi (1987) report estimates of transfers at border prices. Gotsch and Brown (1980) estimate of price-related transfers for wheat by comparing value of actual output with its value at border prices. Qureshi (1987) has carried out similar calculations for wheat, basmati rice and irri rice. Our study provides estimates for five crops (wheat, basmati rice, irri rice, cotton and sugarcane). However, we estimate transfers not only at border prices but at free trade prices as well. We also take into account the cost of tradeable inputs at border and free trade prices. An underlying theme throughout our discussion, which distinguishes it from previous research in this area, is the role of different interest groups in shaping the pricing policy. The different phases and changing priorities in intervention are outlined. A detailed discussion of the decision making process in formulating pricing policies is provided. The accommodation of conflicting interests and the prevailing and changing ideological positions are discussed. Finally, the administrative limitations of pricing policies that result in smuggling and corruption are identified. Plan of the Study The study is organized as follows: Chapter 2 presents the macroeconomic setting of Pakistan's agriculture and the structure of agricultural holdings. Macro variables such as the distribution and growth of Pakistan's GNP, saving and investment rates, public expenditure and inflation, and population and labor force participation are presented and discussed in this chapter. Commercial policy was the key instrument of the development strategy in Pakistan. Its salient features are outlined in Chapter 3 emphasizing the role of the exchange rate. Exchange rate distortions are discussed with reference to an "equilibriumw rate which is calculated. -6 - Chapter 4 identifies the important food and cash crops in Pakistan. The output trends are presented along with the prevailing producer, consumer and border prices for each of the crops. Part B of this chapter presents a brief history and objectives of price interventions. This sets the stage for evaluating the effects of direct and indirect interventions in agricultural relative to the non-agricultural prices. This is done in chapter 5, part A. One objective of such interventions is to reduce farmers' price uncertainty. Chapter 5, part B examines the extent to which interventions resulted in lowering price variability in Pakistan. Having quantified the price wedge due to interventions, the next task is to examine its effect on output. This is done in chapter 6. After taking into account consumption effects, the impact of price interventions on trade is presented in terms of export effects and then in terms of foreign exchange effects. Finally, foreign exchange earnings foregone due to intervention are quantified as a proportion of Pakistan's total foreign exchange earnings. The issue of inter-sectoral resource allocation through agricultural pricing policy is addressed in chapter 7. The budgetary effects are presented first, followed by an estimate of resource transfers between agriculture and the rest of the economy. Biases in the government's investment and expenditure policies in agricultural and non- agricultural sectors are also d&risused. Pricing policies have implications for income distribution of farmers across regions as well as farm size because of possible differences in cropping patterns. Moreover, consumers in urban areas and rural hired labor clearly are also affected by the pricing policies. These issues of income disttibution effects are taken up in Chapter 8. The political economy considerations, ie. the role of different interest groups in shaping the price policy, are tackled directly in chapter 9. This takes the form of a detailed discussion of the decision making process in formulating price policies for each of the important crops in Pakistan's agriculture. The accommodation of conflicting interest and the prevailing (and sometimes changing) ideological positions are discussed. Some of the administrative limitations of pricing policies, that result in smuggling and corruption are also pointed out. Finally, chapter 10 presents the main conclusions of the study. Acknowledgements This study was financed by the World Bank as part of the research project, 'A Comparative Study of the Political Economy of Agricultural Pricing Policies". The guidance and advice of Mrs. Ann Krueger, Alberto Valdez, Maurice Schiff, Hans Binswanger and participants at workshops held in Washington, Madrid, Istanbul and Lisbon are gratefully acknowledged. Excellent research assistance was provided by Tehmina Haq, Nadeem Elahi and Mahrukh Sultan. ChaRter 2 The Macro-economic Setting of Pakistan's Agriculture Introduction In this chapter a brief review of Pakistan's economy is undertaken to place agriculture in its proper context. This background will be very useful when, in subsequent chapters, we deal with agricultural prices in detail. It will help to understand some of the macro pre-occupations of planners while devising policies to deal with specific issues in agriculture. Because it is intended to be no more than a brief overview, it touches on important issues such as structural changes in agriculture, technological change, subsidies, and inflation, only to highlight what is relevant to our discussions. We recognize that some of these issues, if treated properly, may be worthy of a book in themselves. The chapter is organized as follows: Section 2.1 presents the general background in terms of Pakistan's geography, population, labor force and economic growth. The position of agriculture in Pakistan's economy and the recent changes in it are discussed in Section 2.2. Salient features of agricultural production arrangements are outlined in Section 2.3. Finally to complete the macroeconomic picture, we take up in Section 2.4, subsidies and inflation as they relate to agriculture. Section 2.1: The Geography. Population and Economic Growth Pakistan lies between 25°30' and 36°45' north latitudes and 61° and 75°30' east longitudes. Situated in the North-West of the Indo-Pak subcontinent, it is bounded on the North and North-West by the Himalayan, Hindukush and Karakoram mountain ranges. On the North-West and West, there is a 1600 miles long frontier with Afghanistan and 500 miles with Iran, while on the North-East and East it is bounded by Kashmir and the Indian States of Punjab, Haryana and Rajasthan. On the South, lies the 740 miles long coast with the Arabian Sea. The total area of Pakistan is 804,000 square kilometers or 79.6 million hectares. Out of this about 20.8 million hectares (26 per cent) are cultivated (See table 2.1 for key statistics on land utilization). Most of the cultivated area is in the provinces of Punjab (11.5 million hectares) and Sind (5.4 million hectares) which comprise the Indus Basin agroclimatic zone. The basin is a vast plain of alluvial deposits of the river Indus and its five tributaries. The soil is calcareous, of medium texture, and mostly of good quality. - 9 - The climate of the Indus Basin varies from subtropical to semi-arid and arid with hot summers and cold winters. Average temperatures range from a maximum of 41°C in May/June to a minimum of about 16°C in December/January. Rainfall varies from less than 125 mm in the arid region to over 2000 mm in the sub-mountain areas of Northern Punjab and NWFP. Rain is concentrated in two seasons; the summer monsoons in July and August and winter rains which fall in January and February. The timing and quantity of rain is subject to considerably uncertainty. From time immemorial these two rain seasons have helped to define the basin's two crop seasons; rabi (winter) and Kharif (Summer). Because of the low rainfall, and its extreme seasonality, agriculture in the Indus Basin depends heavily on artificial irrigation and Pakistan today possesses what is probably the largest canal irrigation network in the world. This has resulted in nearly 14.2 million hectares (69 per cent) of the cultivated area being irTigated of which 84 per cent has canal irrigation while 16 per cent is irrigated from other sources, primarily tuibewells. PoRulation and labor force According to the 1981 census, the population of Pakistan was 84.3 million, and in 1987 it crossed the 100 million mark, i.e., the tenth largest country in the world in terms of population. The population in Pakistan has been expanding quite rapidly having doubled between 1961 and 1985. The rate of growth of population has also increased during this period, from 2.8 per cent per annum in the 60's to 3.1 per cent per annum in the 80's. Although there has been some decline in the crude birth rate (from 49 per thousand in 1961 to 42 per thousand in 1981), the crude death rate has declined faster (from 23 per thousand in 1961 to 15 per thousand in 1981), resulting in an increase in the population growth rate. Pakistan, despite the rapid growth of population in the last 2 1/2 decades, is still not a very densely populated country. In 1981 the density of population was around 105 persons per sq km. It is interesting that in the 1950's there was also a substantial increase in agricultural land (mainly because of expansion in irrigation) with the result that arable land per person employed in agriculture increased from 3.93 hectares in 1951 to 4.04 hectares in 1961. However, since 1961 arable land per person has declined steadily and in 1981 it was 2.75 hectares (Table 2.2). - 10- Pakistan, like most other developing countries, has experienced a fairly rapid process of urbanization: the share of urban population has increased from 17.8 per cent in 1951 to 28.2 per cent in 1981. The average annual growth rate of urban population was 4 per cent in the 60's and 4.3 per cent in the 70's. However, unlike many countries the concentration of urban population has tended to decline somewhat. In 1981 there were 54 cities which accounted for 75 per cent of the urban population (compared to 41 in 1951), and out of these the 7 largest accounted for 51 per cent of the urban population (Table 2.2). As we shall see later, this rapid urbanization has some important implications regarding agricultural pricing policies in respect to food crops such as wheat. The education and literacy level of the population in Pakistan is still extremely low. In 1981 less than one fourth of the adult population had received any formal education and less than 7.5 per cent had 10 years or more of schooling (Table 2.3). The literacy rate in 1981 was only 26.2 per cent, with virtually no improvement in it over the last decade. Not only is the performance in quantitative terms extremely poor but the quality of education has also declined dramatically. This sorry state of affairs in education may seriously affect the rural sector's ability to innovate and grow. Paidstan is rather happily placed for international trade, even though Karachi is the only port of any significance. The internal road and rail network is adequately developed to facilitate large scale movements of goods between the port and the hinterland. Agricultural commodities (cotton and rice) are Pakistan's major exports today. Before independence the area comprising Pakistan was the main supplier of agricultural commodities (wheat and cotton) to all of India with exports to Britain as well. C-iven proximity to the Middle East, Pakistan enjoys a transport cost advantage for trade with that area. Unfortunately, this advantage has not been exploited so far in terms of commodity exports. However, since the 'seventies, the Middle East has provided a huge market for Pakistani labor; according to some estimates at its peak in the early 'eighties there were over 2 million Pakistani workers, almost 10 per cent of Pakistan's labor force, in the Middle East and North African oil producing countries. This huge outflow of labor has had a significant impact on nearly all aspect of Pakistan's economy but probably the most important has been the dramatic increase in the size of the domestic market on account of remittances. In FY1983 remittances through official channels were almost 3 billion dollars, i.e., nearly 10 per cent of the GNP. According to some estimates, the amounts entering - 11 - the country in kind and through informal channels at the time were almost as much again. Since then workers remittances have, however, declined and currently are around 2 billion dollars a year. Economic Growth and Trade: The record of economic growth in Pakistan has been fairly good with GNP increasing at about 6 per cent per annum between 1960 and 1987. As a result, real per capita income (at FY 1986 prices) has increased from Rs. 2527 in FY 1961 to Rs. 6057 in FY 1987 (Table 2.4). In dollar terms in 1987 Pakistan had a per capita income of 350 US dollars which was, after Sri Lanka, the highest in South Asia. This growth has been achieved with a relatively low rate of domestic investment and savings (but capital inflows in terms of remittances and foreign aid have been substantial). In the period 1970 to 1985, investment as a proportion of the GNP fluctuated between 14 and 20 per cent with an average of about 17 per cent. This indicates either that the efficiency of investment in Pakistan has been extremely high or that investment is understated. Pakistan has a fairly open economy and it has become even more so with the huge inflow of cash remittances and goods brought in by workers from abroad. This openness is not fully reflected in the trade data, still exports plus imports increased from 20 - 25 per cent of the GNP in the 60s to 30 - 35 per cent of the GNP in the 80s. The shares of investment, savings, imports and exports in the G.N.P. though fluctuating, did not register any significant trends during the period 1970 to 1987. Investment as a proportion of GNP fluctuated between 14 and 20 per cent with an average of about 17 per cent, while the savings rate, despite a sharp decline in the mid-seventies, shows a small increase over the period. Imports increased sharply in FYs 1974 and 1975 and again in FYs 1979 and 1980 in response to the two oil shocks. The exports as a share of GNP show some cyclical movements. Their share, at nearly 16 per cent of the G.N.P., was at its peak in FY 1973 (the first year following the separation of Bangladesh), because of a large devaluation and the world commodity boom at that time. Following the collapse of the boom, the share of exports declined and because of the poor performance of the agricultural sector in the 1970s, particularly cotton which in one form or another makes up the bulk of Pakistan's exports, this process continued up to FY 1978 by when exports were less than 10 per cent of the GNP. Export shares began to improve once again and in FY 1981 reached 13 per cent. In FY 1982 there was a sharp decline because of the world wide recession and the rise in the value of dollar to which the rupee was pegged. In January - 12 - 1982 Pakistan switched to a (managed) floating exchange rate regime and the share of exports has tended to increase over the last few years. (We take up the story of exchange rates in detail in the next chapter). Section 2.2: The importance of Agriculture At the time of independence Pakistan was pre-dominantly agricultural. In FY 1950 agriculture accounted for 53 per cent of the real GNP, since then the share of agriculture in GNP has declined steadily and in 1988 it was just under 24 per cent. The agricultural sector growth rate has fluctuated considerably during this period. Shortly after independence, a strategy of industrialization based on import substitution was launched which involved a large implicit tax on agriculture. As a result, industry expanded rapidly while agriculture stagnated (agricultural growth rate was only 1.6 per cent in the 'fifties. Attempts were made to promote agricultural growth by Ayub Khan's government in the 60's. Large scale public investment was undertaken in the Indus Basin Replacement Works, and the Salinity Control and Reclamation Projects (SCARPs). Simultaneously, land reforms were also introduced. The result was that agriculture registered a growth rate of 3.2 per cent per annum between FY 1961 and PY 1965, and after the introduction of high yield varieties of wheat and rice agnriclhltre gro-th increased even further (growth rate for the early period of the 'green revolution' i.e., from FY 1967 to FY 1970 was 7.8 per cent per annum). In the 70's agriculture once again went through a period of relative stagnation (the growth rate for the period FY 1971 to FY 1978 was 1.7 per cent per annum) but the trend in agricultural growth reversed once again, and from FY 1979 to FY 1987 the growth in agriculture was over 4 per cent per annum. Agriculture's contribution to other spheres of Pakistan's economy is even greater than its share in the GNP. For example, it provides employment for about 50 per cent of the labor force and directly accounts for about 30 per cent of the total exports (Table 2.5). If one takes into account the raw material content of cotton textiles and other agrobased manufactured exports its share would be over 60 per cent of the total exports. In terms of imports the share of agriculture was lower in the early 80's compared to the 70's because agricultural growth resulted in increasing self-sufficiency in wheat. In recent years the import share has risen because of higher imports of agricultural inputs and declining self-sufficiency in edible oils and sugar. In the 80's agricultural imports accounted for around 14 per cent of total imports'. i' It may be mentioned that the total import bill was much larger than the export earnings in this period, therefore, in absolute terms the gap between the value of agricultural imports and exports was not that large. - 13 - Table 2.6 gives an idea of some of the trends in food production and availability. It shows that between FY 1960 and FY 1987 food production increased threefold. This increase was more rapid than the growth of population and resulted in improved consumption per capita over the period. The growth in major non-food items has kept pace with increase in food production, but when trends in the production of various crops grouped according to whether they are exported, imported or non-traded are examined one finds that growth in export crops such as cotton and rice has been the most rapid, the growth of import substituting crops such as wheat and sugar was somewhat slower, and production of non-traded crops (except maize) has either stagnated or declined during the period. Clearly there has been a tendency to neglect the non-tried crops, other than maize, and the decline in gram production and stagnation in the production of other pulses (which are the main source of protein for the poor) has resulted in deficits and rising prices. In 1982 the Government had to arrange emergency imports of pulses and since then some imports have occurred in most years. The cropping pattern in Palistan has, of course, not remained static. Since the 'sixties, the share of food grains, cash crops, vegetables, fruits and condiments has increased steadily while that of pulses, oil seeds and other crops (mainly fodder) has declined. Amongst food grains the share of wheat, rice and maize increased from 82.5 per cent in FY 1960 to 91.4 per cent in FY 1987. Technological change and output and input pricing policies that led to the introduction of high yield variety seeds in wheat, rice, and more recently cotton, subsidies on fertilizer and pesticides and greater availability of irrigation water have contributed to this change. Along with the change in the cropping pattern there has also been an increase in land utilization. As table 2.1 shows, since FY 1951 cultivated area in Pakistan has increased by over 5 million hectares, cropped area by about 8 million hectares and cropping intensity by 15 per cent. Agricultural growth is accounted for by the changing technological environment in agriculture. In this context, the most dramatic changes have been in the use of fertilizer. Total fertilizer use increased from 19,000 nutrient tons in FY 1960 to 443,000 nutrient tons in FY 1973 and 1,719,000 nutrient tons in FY 1987. All crops but sugarcane registered three-fold or more increase in the use of fertilizer between FY 1973 and FY 1986 (see table 2.7a). Total credit disbursed by govermnent institutions, cooperatives and commercial banks increased in real terms nearly twenty five times between FY 1961 and FY 1987 (table 2.7b). This was accompanied by a greatly increased tubewell and canal irrigation with the result that farmgate water availability increased from 64 million - 14 - acre feet in FY 1966 to 110 million acre free in FY 1987 (Table 2.7c). Farm mechanization in this period also proceeded rapidly. In FY 1966 only 1,665 tractors were imported and by the 'eighties the annual import figures had increased to over 20,000, and currently there are nearly 300,000 tractors in use in the country. These are the statistics that describe the success of 'green revolution' technology in Pakistan's agriculture. The 'green revolution' was by no means, flawless (see Alavi for a discussion of some of the negative effects). Problems associated with personal and regional income disparities and the continued need for innovation, storage and marketing continue to pose challenging problems for Pakistan's policy makers. Current price interventions in agriculture have taken place in this complex, technologically changing, environment. Consequently, as we shall see, responses to these interventions have also been manifold and subtle and not always anticipated by policy makers. Sectioni 2.3: The structure of Agricultural holdings Agricultural production in Pakistan is carried out under several types of tenancy and farm size arrangements. There is a lively debate in Pakistan regarding changes in these land tenure arrangements given that government has intervened actively in agriculture to promote technological changes. Economists in the Marxist tradition focus on the distributional impact of structural change and thus are pre-occupied with identifying the capitalist class of farmers, mainly in terms of changing labor requirements. Growth oriented economists, on the other hand, are concerned mainly with measuring productivity increases. They see the relevance of the distribution debate only in as much as it helps to identify farmers who are more successful than others in innovating and thus merit consideration in govermment policy. The debate has been confounded somewhat by ambiguities in the data (due to changes in definitions) in the agricultural censuses conducted in 1960, 1972 and 1980. In 1960 data were extracted from revenue records while in the latter two censuses farm operators were directly asked about their size of holding and tenurial status (it is a common practice for non-cultivating owners to be shown as operators and to understate tenancy in revenue records). The comparisons of 1972 and 1980 does not pose these problems because definitions are consistent. - 15 - Tenancy Tenancy as a production arrangement was wide spread in Punjab and Sind Provinces of Pakistan. Since independence in 1947, tenancy in these two Provinces has been declining, initially because of attempts by the government at tenancy reform (which aimed to give greater security to the tenant) and later in the 1960's and 1970's due to tensions created by technological change. These tensions were primarily on account of increased productivity and greater claims by landowners as a result of greater investment in new inputs. In Punjab and Sind, respectively, area cultivated by pure tenants declined from 37 per cent and 54 per cent in 1960 to 19 per cent and 36 per cent in 1980. Because of the definition problem referred to above, 1960 tenancy figures are probably understated so that the decline in tenancy may have been even greater. Rented area of owner-cum-tenants, on the other hand, increased somewhat. This class of cultivators was the most successful in innovating and deriving benefits from technological change. They rented land from small landowners with fragmented holdings and also some of the land which had been taken back by large landowners from their landless tenants because of the fear of land reforms. Furthermore, there is growing evidence of change in tenurial arrangements with a greater tendency to rent out land on fixed cash rents as opposed to share cropping (table 2.8). From landowners' viewpoint, this change in contractual arrangements is more suitable to the changing agricultural environment since under fixed-rent tenancies, it is the tenants who bear the risk of crop failure. Fanm Size Landownership data in Pakistan are unreliable because of the widespread practice of registering land under false names. In any case, comparison between 1960 census on the one hand, and 1972 and 1980 on the other, would be meaningless because of the measurement problems noted earlier. Tables 2.9a and 2.9b reproduce the patterns of land-ownership in 1972 and 1980 in Punjab and Sind Provinces. There were slightly more medium sized farmers in both provinces in 1980 compared to 1972. Similarly, area owned by medium sized farmers is also somewhat larger in 1980 compared to 1972. The evidence on operated holdings in the two provinces indicates that the average farm size increased slightly between 1972 and 1980. Those concerned with rural unemployment and income distribution have interpreted these changes to imply that technological change is accompanied by bankruptcies of small farmers and therefore results in greater rural landlessness. The landless in the rural labor force have increased from 6.1 per cent in 1961 to 24.9 per cent in 1972 given the rapid increase in farm - 16 - mechanization, this may imply an alarming increase in rural unemployment (for a discussion of these issues see Nabi, et.al., 1985). Section 2.4: Some Additional Macro issues To complete the macro perspective on agriculture, we briefly describe in this section the pattern of subsidies and inflationary pressures in Pakistan as they relate to agriculture. Subsidies In Pakistan the role of public enterprises in the economy is substantial and has grown over time. From the very beginning public utilities such as Railway, Airline, Electricity, Gas, Telephone and Telegraph, were the monopoly of the Government. Nationalizations of the 1970's turned Banking, Life Insurance, Shipping, Cotton and Rice export into Government monopolies as well. Furthermore, parastatals dealing with agriculture also increased as the government expanded its role in the distribution of agricultural inputs such as fertilizer, pesticides and seeds. In these public enterprises the principle of full cost pricing has been seldom used so that subsidies are widespread. As a result of such public sector activity, agriculture has received substantial direct subsidies (but still less than industry; for details see chapter 7 on sectoral resource transfers). For example, fertilizer has been subsidized from the very beginning while the price of irrigation water does not cover even the operation and maintenance costs until recently pesticide-s were also subsidized-. Tne details regarding the level and trends in subsidies are presented in Table 2.10. Food subsidies are primarily for the benefit of urban consumers, export rebates are for manufactured goods and subsidy on fertilizer is partly for high cost domestic producers. Subsidies on agricultural inputs have generally accounted for 30 to 50 per cent of the total subsidies which have been between 5 to 10 per cent of government expenditure in the period 1973-87. Thus it can be seen that for most of the period the actual subsidies for agriculture were quite limited and most of the subsidies were directly or indirectly for urban consumers and industry. It should be mentioned that the subsidy on irrigation water is an implicit ones as O&M of the irrigation system is included in current government expenditure. It is estimated that the present gap is around Rs. 1.5 billion. - 17 - Inflation Pakistan had a fairly stable price level during the 1960s and the average annual rate of inflation during this period was only 3.3 per cent. However, in the 1970s, in common with the rest of the world, considerable inflationary pressures were experienced and the average annual inflation rate for the period 1970 to 1982 increased to 12.7 per cent. As can be seen from Table 2.11, following the first oil shock, the inflation rate shot up to 20 per cent in the period 1973-1975. It has declined ever since, except for a few years following the second oil shock, and in the last three years it has averaged less than 6 per cent a year. This reduction in inflation took place despite an increase in the budgetary deficit since the early 1980s. The reason for this apparent contradiction is that during this period the government was able to increasingly finance its deficit through domestic non-bank borrowing. * 18 - Chapter 3 Indirect Interventions in Agriculture: Commercial Policy and the Exchange Rate Introduction This chapter is central to the discussion of agricultural pricing policies in the subsequent chapters. Much of that discussion will focus on the indirect price distortions faced by farmers for their crops. These distortions are caused by government interventions in the foreign exchange market that result in the under or over- valuation of the exchange rate. These policy induced distortions imply, in turn, implicit taxes and/or subsidies to farmers both regarding outputs and inputs. For instance, for basmati rice growers an over valued exchange rate will lower the price of imported fertilizer as well as that of exported basmati rice, compared to their respective world prices. These price wedges are additional to the direct subsidies and taxes and deternine the incentive structure to farmers. In this context, the role of commercial policy, i.e., tariffs, quantitative controls and other incentives to selected sectors of the economy is crucial. This chapter first (section 3. 1) discusses the significant episodes in Pakistan's commercial policy in order to prepare the ground for our attempt to estimate the "euuilibrium' exchnange rate in ction 3.2. By comparing the actual exchange rate with the 'equilibrium", we calculate exchange rate distortions. This will enable us to quantify the indirect distortions in producer prices in chapter 5. Section 3.1 Commercial Policy in Pakistan We discuss the salient feartues of Pakistan's commerciai policy with two objectives in mind. First, it will indicate the extent of intervention in the economy by successive governments and some of the "inherent' biases against exports in general and exports of agricultural products in particular. Secondly, by highlighting the intervention in foreign exchange markets, it will prepare us for the next section where we discuss in detail the notions of nominal, real and equilibrium exchange rates. The earlv neriod (up to 1958) In 1952, following the collapse of the Korean war commodity boom, Pakistan faced its first balance -19 - of payments crisis. To deal with it the government resorted to licensing and quantitative controls rather than devaluation of the rupee. This paved the way for import-substituting industrialization and set the course of the relationship between industry and agriculture, the pattern of public investment and govermnent intervention which, with some modifications, persist till today. The import control system adopted in 1952 lasted well into the 1960's. This system allowed the rupee to remain overvalued throughout the period, which in turn created excess demand for imports at duty-paid prices and made rationing of imports through quantitative controls necessary. The result was that stringent quantitative controls on imports along with high tariffs raised the prices of domestic manufactures well above world market levels,while capital goods imports were much more lightly taxed. At the same time, prices of food and raw materials, the latter being the mainstay of the domestic jute and cotton industries, were held below world market prices. This system effectively redistributed income from agriculture to industry, by turning the terms of trade against the former and in favor of the latter. "The ratio of agriculture's domestic terms of trade to those of industry at world prices during the first half of the 1950s was on average less than two-fifths. While this gradually improved over the period, it never exceeded two-thirds' (Lewis 1970a, p. 65). According to one estimate, the transfer of income from agriculture to manufacturing was nearly Rs. 3.6 billion in 1965 alone. This equalled 15 per cent of value added in agriculture and approximately 70 per cent of value added in manufacturing in that year (Griffin and Khan 1972). Hence, 'the early industrialization was 'financed' in a most direct sense by the agricultural sector" (Lewis 1970a, p. 66). AMub Khan's government (1958-1969) The martial law government of Ayub Khan which came to power in 1958 began to dismantle the system of direct controls on imports and investment. One important component of this program was the adoption of the Export Bonus Scheme in 1959. This scheme was essentially a floating multiple exchange rate system under which exporters of manufactured goods received Bonus Vouchers equal to a certain percentage of their export earnings in addition to the rupee equivalent of their export earnings converted at the official rate. These vouchers allowed the holder to either: (i) purchase an equivalent amount of foreign exchange at the official rate which could be used to import any item on the Bonus liste'; or (ii) to sell the voucher in an organized market. Since Bonus !' There were over 200 items, including all luxury consumer goods, on the list. - 20 - Vouchers were generally quoted on the stock exchange at 1.5 to 1.8 times their face value, the effective exchange rate of exports on which the bonus rate was 20 per cent was Rs. 6.19 to Rs. 7.62 per dollar against the official rate of Rs. 4.76 per dollar. This to a large extent compensated exporters of manufactured goods based on local raw materials for the overvaluation of the rupee, allowing them to successfully compete in international markets, and made it possible for the planners to pursue an import-substitution-based strategy of growth along with export expansion. Also, the scheme provided some flexibility to import controls and acted as a safety valve for imports of critical items for the industry. However, this elaborate exchange rate management promised little to agriculture and agricultural exports continued to be made on the official exchange rate of Rs 4.76 per dollar. A gradual liberalization of imports was begun with the introduction of Open General Licensing (OGL) System and the Repeat and Automatic Licensing Schemes introduced in 1961, reaching a peak in 1964 with the introduction of the Free List for selected raw materials. This liberalization process was unfortunately reversed when, in order to meet the foreign exchange shortages which arose after the war with India in 1965, the Government once again resorted to direct controls. Investment controls also effectively functioned as import controls by restricting the import of capital goods, raw materials and spare parts in the face of an overvalued rupee. As a means of channelling investment into directions desired by planners, however, the controls were largely ineffective. Sector-wise protection incentives resulting from these policies are summarized in table 3.1. Bhutto's eoverunent (1971-1977) Following the war with India and the creation of Bangladesh a new Government under Bhutto came into power in December, 1971. During Bhutto's regime (i.e., from 1972 to 1977) government intervention in the economy took on an entirely new dimension and a series of 'economic reforms" were introduced which included nationalization of conmmercial banks, life insurance and certain industries, a new labor policy giving security of employment to workers and greater freedom to the trade unions, and land and tenancy reforms. Also in May 1972 the rupee was devalued from Rs. 4.76 to Rs. 11.00 to the dollar and the Bonus Voucher System was abolished. The rupee/dollar rate was subsequently adjusted to Rs. 9.90. After the 1972 devaluation and the abolition of the Bonus Voucher Scheme, the system of trade controls underwent a fundamental change. The number of items freely importable was greatly increased and in the first year after the devaluation there were about 300 items on the free list. the list was gradually expanded and by - 21 - 1976-77 the number of items on it had been increased to 407''. Control was, however, exercised by creating obstacles in the licensing process and by altering import duties. it is very difficult to measure the overall impact of these changes as no work has been done on effective rates of protection in Pakistan during this period. It appears that initially nominal rates of protection declined as duties were lowered in response to devaluation. Later duties were adjusted upward each year according to revenue needs; e.g., a surcharge was levied on all dutiable imports after the flood in 1973, and when export duties were abolished in 1974, higher import duties were levied on many commodities to make up for the lost revenues. On the export side, varying rates of bonus on exports had previously been used to encourage manufactured exports. However, devaluation combined with the world commodity boom, which improved Pakistan's terms of trade, resulted in a temporary undervaluation of the rupee and the Government levied export duties on nearly all exports. As world prices rose, export duties were also increased, and in October 1973 they reached a peak of 45 per cent on raw cotton, 40 per cent on cotton yarn, 25 per cent on gray cloth and 15 per cent on other finished cotton and leather products. As the boom collapsed, export duties were gradually reduced until all such duties on manufactures were abolished in August, 1974Y. There was some delay in the adjustment of export duties and this may have had some negative impact on exports. In 1976/77 further steps were taken to encourage exports by means of rebates on excise and customs duties, a 50 per cent reduction in tax on income from exports, and expansion in the concessionary finance scheme to all manufactured exports. The Zia regime (1977-1988) The military government which took power in 1977 began a gradual process of reduction of direct government intervention in industry and the encouragement of private sector. One of its first steps was the denationalization of the agricultural processing industries (cotton ginning, flour milling and rice husking units). Since then only a few additional industrial units were denationalized, although there was much talk of privatization. The Govemment also introduced constitutional safeguards against arbitrary nationalization of industry in the future. The import policy specified fairly broad categories; thus each item covered numerous individual commodities. 2' However, the Govemment continued to eam large profits through its monopoly in the export trade in cotton and rice. - 22 - It considerably widened the scope for private sector involvement, by permitting private investment in cement, fertilizers, tractors, automobiles and most other industries which had earlier been restricted to the public sector. Industrial deregulation and fiscal incentives to enhance the profitability of new investments were used to get the private industrial investment going after its collapse in the mid-1970s. In addition to investment incentives, govemnment policy was also directed toward the improvement of incentives for exports. The major incentives given to exporters of manufactured goods were export rebates, liberal raw material and machinery import facilities, income tax concessions and export finance at concessionary rates. Perhaps the most important policy reform affecting exports was the introduction of a flexible exchange rate in January, 1982. Before that time the rupee/dollar exchange rate was fixed, and appreciation of the dollar in 1980/81 had reduced the competitiveness of Pakistan's exports in world markets. Initially the plan was to peg the value of the rupee to an index which was a weighted average of currencies of Pakistan's major trading partners. However, during the first year or so the rupee was depreciated against the basket of currencies to bring its value to the level prior to the appreciation of the dollar in 1981. Subsequently, its value was managed with respect to the basket of currencies using a loose form of purchasing power parity concept. The flexible exchange rate initially allowed the Govermment to reduce other direct export incentives''. For example, in August 198Q compensatory export rebates on both cotton and woolen yarn were eliminated, and those on other manufactured items were substantially reduced. However, the unprecedented rise in the dollar in 1984 was not fully adjusted for, resulting in overvaluation of the rupee to correct for which in 1985 the government expanded the system of export rebates once again. The government then took advantage of the fall in the dollar in 1985-87 to not only correct for the overvaluation that had taken place earlier but also to devalue against the basket of currencies and eliminate export rebates completely. After 1980, the Government gradually began to liberalize imports by reducing the number of banned goods and lifting other restrictions. In 1983/84 the system of selective import controls was changed significantly by adopting a negative list. Whereas previously all items not specifically permitted were banned, now all items not specifically banned were importable. Another significant feature of import liberalization was the virtual elimination of licensing ceilings for permitted imports, though import licensing remained in effect. The import liberalization measures were, however, primarily designed to increase the availability of raw materials and capital The flexible exchange rate also facilitated the import liberalization process by allowing the Government to eliminate restrictions without running into balance-of-payments problems. - 23 - goods to the industrial sector rather than to expose domestic industry to greater foreign competition. Nevertheless, the replacement of quantitative restrictions by tariffs for a large number of items was a significant development since in Pakistan quantitative restrictions have been a more important source of protection than tariffsy'. However, increase in the Rupee/dollar rate without a corresponding adjustment in the nominal tariff rates tended to increase the level of protection to domestic industry which, alongwith the elimination of export rebates, increased the bias in favor of import substitution. In conclusion, what we observe is that the primary objective of the commercial policy in Pakistan has been import substituting industrialization. In the early years, terms of trade were distorted against agriculture, through a series of protective measures that resulted in an over-valued exchange rate and lower prices for agricultural exports. In this period, agriculture was used in a very direct sense to promote industry. Since the 1970's, some of the exchange rate distortions have been removed which have raised prices of agricultural exports and has improved terms of trade vis-a-vis industry. However, the bias against agricultural exports still remains. In the next section we attempt to quantify distortion in the exchange rate and examine the trends in them. Section 3.2: The Equilibrium Exchanue Rate Our objective in this section is to estimate an "equilibrium" exchange rate and compare it with the purchasing power parity and the actual exchange rates. The 'equilibrium' exchange rate reflects both the changing balance of external accounts as well as commercial policy, and will be used to analyze the indirect effects on protection of traded crops in Pakistan. In table 3.2 we report a series of exchange rates. First we examine the actual exchange rate Eo in column (1). It was constant (fixed by the govermnent) till 1971-72 and then fell sharply as a result of the devaluation of 1972. It then remained unchanged until January 1982 when Pakistan delinked its currency from the U.S. dollar and pegged it to a basket of currencies of trading partners (see the previous section). This allowed the exchange rate to fluctuate against the dollar. The result has been a gradual devaluation of the rupee in terms of the U.S. dollar. Another exchange rate reported is the E% (column 2, table 3.2) which is the purchasing power y' Though the importance of quantitative restrictions had decreased since the 1960s, by 1980/81 quantitative restrictions were still the dominant type of protection for more than one-third of all items imported (PIDE, 1983). - 24 - parity exchange rate. To calculate it, we assumed that in 1972/73, when Pakistan had a small surplus on the trade balance, the official exchange rate was correct. For the all other years the F,, is obtained by adjusting the 1972/73 exchange for the difference in the rates of inflation in Pakistan and its major trading partners. For the former we used the consumer price index in Pakistan and for the latter the US wholesale price index. According to this exchange rate the Rupee should have fallen against the dollar gradually and consistently since 1961 and in 1987 it should have been less than half its value in 1961. A comparison of the official exchange rate (E. and the purchasing power parity exchange rate (E.. gives a measure of the over-valuation of the rupee during this period (Column 4, table 3.2). It shows that in FY 1961 rupee was overvalued by 46 per cent and this increased to 55 per cent by FY 1972, when the overvaluation was eliminated by the devaluation. As the rupee was revalued the next year and inflation in Pakistan was much higher than in the US the overvaluation re-emerged and it continued to increase till the delinking of the rupee in FY 1982. Since then the rupee has been steadily devalued in real terms and as a result the overvaluation has declined, it was less than 10 per cent in FY 1987. A similar story can be told in terms of the 'equilibriumw exchange rate, which is the exchange rate that would have prevailed in the absence of government intervention, i.e., under a neutral trade policy. Trade policy here includes al! elements of the cOmmercial policy such as import controls, tariffs and quotas, export taxes or subsidies and price controls, some of which were discussed in the previous section. This exchange rate would also have eliminated external imbalances, i.e., deficits on the current account which were not sustainable in the long run. We obtain the 'equilibrium' exchange rate using, what may be called, the elasticity approach. As argued above the eauilibrium exchange rate must take inLo account the effects of external accounts imbalances as well as distortions due to commercial policy. Taking into account the trade balance imbalance alone an exchange rate, E, is calculated as (see appendix 2A for derivations): El= ( AQ + 1) E. (1) CQ + %Q. where QD, Q, are quantities demanded and supplied of foreign exchange (columns 6 and 7 of the table 3.3, the former is the value of imports and the latter is the value of exports plus remittances). AQ is the difference between the two (column 8 of table 3.3), E. is the nominal exchange rate given in table 3.2 (column (1)), and e,, tD are - 25 - supply and demand elasticities (with assumed values 1 and 2 respectively). The equilibrium exchange rate, E*, which takes into account both trade balance as well as commercial policy is calculated as (again see Appendix 2A for derivation) E* I[ AQ. + AQ1 + 1 ]E. (2) . Q. + %Q. where AQI = tM QD1D - tX Q f. (3) 1+ tM -t t,: is the uniform equivalent tariff t.: is the uniform export tax which was obtained from data on govermment revenue from export taxes. The values are reported in table 3.3, column (5). The calculation of tM, however, is not straightforward. A methodology for estimating it is given by Sjaastad, (1980). It involves the estimation of an import equation of the following form: (see appendix 2B for details of the methodology): In Imports = Ty + -yx In (PM) + y2 lnY + -y3 ln BT + y4 In (M - X) + UM (4) P; where PM /P;; is the foreign terms of trade, Y is income, BT is trade balance as a fraction of national income and M-X is the difference between value of imports and exports, and UM is the error term. All variables in (4) are in natural logarithm. Regression Estimates of the Import Equation estimated by us are as follows: In Imports = -4.27 - 0.718 In TOT + 0.77 In Y + 4.4 BT (4.04) (9.4) (5.4) R2 = .86 DW = 1.96 - 26 - where: TOT terms of trade Y = real GNP BT ratio of balance of trade to the nominal GNP. (Equation was estimated after adjusting for first autocorrelation). The residuals of the estimated equation give the difference between imports at foreign terms of trade (PM ) and the true commercial policy corrected terms of trade (PM). (Assuming, of IFT Px course that there are no specification and measurement errors). The difference between residuals of successive years, when divided by the regression coefficient yl , yield the uniform equivalent tariff (given as TM in column 4 of table 3.3). The reported values on 1 + T, the equivalent import tariff, in column 3 of table 3.3 show that the economy's tariff structure has not changed very much over the period. In 1960 and early 1970s the equivalent import tariff tended to increase (a 3 year moving average centered at 1972/73 was 1 9 compared to 1.5 fo. 1963/64), since then it has a steadily declined and at the end of the period it was more or less the same as at the beginning (the 3 year moving average for 1985/86 being 1.6). The large year to year fluctuations in T, calculated with this method was also noted for Peru by Valdes. We can now use TM to calculate the equilibrium exchange rate E* which is given in column 10 of table 3.3 and column 3 of table 3.2. A comparison of the equilibrium exchange rate (E*) and the purchasing power parity exchange (E,m), discussed earlier, shows that according to the former the overvaluation was much less than that shown by the latter during the 1960s (column 6, table 3.2). This difference probably arises because as discussed earlier, the Export-Bonus Scheme partly compensated for the overvaluation of the rupee during this period and it is not possible to take account of that in the calculation of the equilibrium exchange rate. After devaluation, and elimination of the Export Bonus Scheme, in 1972 the two rates are fairly close to each other (within plus or minus 10 per cent). The overvaluation of rupee as compared to equilibrium exchange rate also declined after 1982 but not by as much as shown by the purchasing power parity exchange rate. - 27 - In the subsequent chapters the equilibrium exchange rate is used to calculate the indirect effects of price intervention on Pakistan's agriculture. - 28 - Chapter 4 Agricultural Outputs and Prices Introduction Our focus in this chapter is two-fold. First, in 4A, we identify the important crops in Pakistan which have been central in govermnent's pricing policies. We then describe the performance of these crops since the 1960's in terms of total output, yields and acreage. We also discuss the important crop transactions i.e. imports and exports, consumption and government procurement. The last largely determines the effectiveness of government's price policy, because unless the government intervenes in market transactions through procurement, its price policy declarations are likely to have little effect. Trends in prices of the five crops are taken up next in this chapter. For farmers we have producer and border prices at farmgate.1' This enables us to calculate nominal protection rates and identify the crops that are taxed or subsidized at the official exchange rate. We also comment on prices paid by consumers and the price stabilization objectiveC of the goverUment. In the 2nd part of this chapter, 4B, we present an overview of the history of price policy intervention in Pakistan's agriculture. Here we also discuss the different phases through which price policy has passed during the last two-and-a half decades. Section 4A.l:The CropRnig Pattern Soil and climate conditions define two major cropping patterns in Pakistan. These are wheat in rabi and cotton or rice in kharif. Wheat-cotton combination is sown in those districts where sub-ground water level is low and November is frost free while wheat-rice combination requires plenty of moisture in the kharif season. Cotton became widespread in the colonial period initially for export and later as raw material for the textile industry now located in India. Fine quality rice began to be grown in post-colonial Pakistan primarily for the export market in which Pakistan has enjoyed a virtual monopoly. Y' See Appendix 1 on 'Domestic and Transport Adjusted Border Prices" for details. - 29 - The six major food grains grown in Pakistan are wheat (66%), rice (18%), bajra (4%), Jowar (3%), maize (7%) and barley (2%) which together are grown on 11.7 million hectares. (We have included rice as a food crop, although it is also a major foreign exchange earner for Pakistan). After adding 1.5 million hectares of pulses, the total food crop area comes to 13.2 million hectares. The main cash crops in Pakistan are sugarcane, cotton, oilseeds and tobacco which together account for 3.7 million hectares. Additionally, 0.4 million hectares each are under fruits and vegetables (plus condiments) and about 3.1 million hectares are planted to other crops, primarily fodders. The area breakdown presented above indicates that the major food crops in Pakistan are wheat and rice while the major cash crops are sugarcane and cotton. Together these crops account for nearly 63 % of the cropped area and 74% of the gross value added (at current factor costs) in the crop sector. Area and value of output under these crops is reported in table 4.1. In the discussion that follows we shall focus on those four crops. Section 4A.2:Crop output Between FY1961 and FY1987, area under wheat in Pakistan increased from 4.6 million to 7.7 millions hectares (an increase of about 68 per cent). Over the same period, wheat output more than trippled from 3.8 million to 12.0 million tons. Thus the larger proportion of increase in output was due to an increase in wheat yields which doubled over this period. It is this performance which has led observers to cite Pakistan as an outstanding success of 'green revolution' technology. As it was started in Chapter 2, these increases in yields were achieved through intensive use of fertilizer, high yield variety seeds and tubewell irrigation. Increased water availability also resulted in expansion in wheat acreage throughout the period. Wheat is the staple food crop in Pakistan. Table 4.2.1 illustrates some of the important transactions in wheat. Despite the success in expansion of domestic wheat output, population growth has kept pushing up the demand, which increased nearly 2½h times over this period. Consequently, in most years, since FY1961, wheat consumption (demand) has been in excess of wheat output (domestic supply) and the deficit has been met through imports. The political aspect of this wheat defficiency has have been a major concern in government's agricultural policy. The govermment has pursued an active wheat procurement policy since the late 1960's. The maximum quantities procured, at about 35% of the total wheat produced, were in FY1982 and FY1987. - 30 - Rice: Up till the late 1960's several varieties of rice were grown in different areas of Pakistan. Since then, however, two varieties have come to dominate. These are basmati (long grained aromatic variety) and irri (high yield varieties). The performance of rice in Pakistan is narrated in terms of these two varieties. Basmati Rice: In 1969 about 0.6 million hectares were planted with basmati and by 1987 the area had increased to about 0.9 million hectares. (Details of area and production of rice by variety are not available for the years prior to 1969). A major constraint on area expansion for basmati rice is soil quality. The fine quality of Pakistani basmati which has enabled Pakistan to enjoy a monopoly in the international basmati market, requires a very special soil and climate so that large area expansion is relatively difficult. Yields in general, though unchanged have fluctuated considerably over the period, reflecting the importance of weather and pests for this crop. Total output for hasmati has increased by 60 , pnumarily due to area expansion (see table 4.2.2). Basmati rice constitutes a major export crop (around 25% of the output is exported) and is an important earner of foreign exchange for Pakistan. The institutional arrangements under which rice is transacted are discussed in Chapter 9. Here we mention merely that government procurement has increased considerably since the mid-seventies. After the abolition of private export in 1973, exports have been carried out directly by the government so that procurement has acquired a new significance. Iri Rice: Importance of Irri rice has increased since the late 1960s when the high yield Irri varieties were first introduced into Pakistan (table 4.2.3). Output has more than doubled since FY1970 mainly on account of area increases as yields have not increased very much during this period. Nearly 50 % of the irri crop is retained for domestic consumption and the rest is exported. Like basmati the government, through the Rice Export Corporation, plays an important role in the market transaction of irri. - 31 - Cotton: Lint cotton output has increased four-fold, from 0.3 million tons in FY1961 over 1.3 million tons in FY1987 (table 4.2.4). Cotton yields over this period have doubled and so has the area which increased from 1.3 million to about 2.5 million hectares. Pakistan has an important share of the world cotton market, and in recent years, it has become one of the largest exporter of raw cotton. However, cotton is also domestically consumed in the textile industry. This has resulted in some conflict between export and local consumer interests, which we discuss in Chapter 9. Sugarcane: Table 4.2.5 presents yields and output of sugarcane. We observe that sugarcane output in Pakistan has increased by just over 2 times since FY1962. The increase in yields, however, has not been very impressive. In the early 1960s, the yield was 13.5 thousand kgs per acre and in the last 3 years it has averaged 14.9 thousand kgs. Yields have also been subject to considerable fluctuation, they reached their peak in the late 1960s at 16.8 thousand kgs per acre. In FY1961 sugarcane was grown on about 0.4 million hectares. This increased to 0.8 million hectares in FY1987. Thus most of the output expansion in sugarcane has come from increase in area rather than yields. In FY 1961 Pakistan produced only 56,000 tons of sugar, by FY1987, sugar output stood at 1.3 million tons. This is an indicator of the rapid growth of the sugar industry, primarily at the expense of brown sugar (gur) produced on the farm. Price policies have played an important role in the promotion of the sugar industry as will be discussed in chapter 9. Our discussion thus far shows that the output of all the major food and cash crops in Pakistan has increased substantially. However, except for wheat and cotton (particularly in the last three years) area expansion has been the major source of growth. Throughout this period the govermnent has maintained an active price policy. Our analysis in the subsequent chapters will focus on how this price policy affected the performance of these crops. - 32 - Section 4.A.3: Trends and movements in crop prices Wheat: Inflation adjusted domestic producer (procurement) price of wheat in Pakistan has declined steadily from about Rs 2200 in the early 1960s to Rsl900 in the 1980s (Table 4.3.1). Wheat output, on the other hand, has expanded steadily and so has consumption. Thus the increase in the supply of wheat appears to have come from a reduction in unit costs as a result of government investment in agriculture, subsidies on the 'green revolution' inputs and technological change. The following question arises. Was the domestic producer (procurement) price too low? Could the output have been larger had farmers received a "better' (border) price? On average, the inflation adjusted border price for wheat, at about Rs. 2400 per ton over the period, was 20 per cent higher than the corresponding producer price. But not always so. In the late sixties and early seventies, for instance, it was lower which suggests greater variability of border prices compared to producer prices (note the much higher standard deviation for border prices). Thus border prices though higher may have resulted in greater price uncertainty for the farmer and it is not clear what the supply response would have been. We must view the nominal rates of protection in Table 4.3.1 with this in mind. We observe that in most years in the period under consideration, there was negative nominal protection, i.e., the price policy taxed wheat growers (on average, the negative nominal rate of protection was around 10 per cent). Since on the average consumer prices were also less than the border prices, it appears that the government used direct intervention to maintain lower consumer prices, however, in setting the procurement price an additional objective may have been price stabilization. On the demand side, we observe that consumption of wheat expanded steadily due mainly to population growth. Still inflation adjusted consumer price although slightly higher than the producer price was substantially below the border price and was kept within a narrow range with a mean of Rs 2087 per ton and a standard deviation of 147, which was even less than that for producer prices. Thus both lower consumers prices and their stability appear to have been important considerations in the government's price policy. - 33 - Basmati rice: Inflation adjusted producer price of basmati was on average around 60% of the corresponding border price (Table 4.3.2). The nominal protection rate was -38% suggesting a fairly high rate of tax on basmati rice growers. The tax rate has been high for the entire period, except the sixties, and has tended to increase over time. In fact while the inflation adjusted border price increased over time the corresponding producer price declined. The border price though higher was also more unstable, thus government intervention, while lowering the domestic producer price, also resulted in lower price instability. As seen above, basmati rice output increased by 60% in this period, much less than any other major crop and the increase was almost entirely the result of expansion in area. This, poor performances of basmati was probably largely the result of the government's adverse price policy. Basmati is essentially an export crop and its domestic consumption is less of a concern in government policy. The government appears to have passed on some of the international price instability to domestic basmati consumers (the S.D. for basmati consumer price falls between the S.D.s for producer and border prices). Irri rice The story of irri rice (Table 4.3.3), in some ways is similar to that of basmati. Nominal rates of protection have been negative and high, -29 per cent while the procurement price has been more stable compared to the border price. Increase in output has been more than that for basmati (output doubled), but again it was primarily because of area expansion. However, there was one important difference between basmati and irri rice, i.e., while the implicit tax on the former has been high and increasing since the 60s, that on the latter has been declining. The reason for this seems to have been differences in the world price movements. It is seen that while the inflation adjusted border price of basmati rice increased during the period, that of irri rice declined. Consumer price of irri, though higher than producer price has been fairly stable. Like basmati, irri was also seen as a revenue earner for the government and this consideration was reflected in its pricing decisions, but the decline in world prices in the mid-80s forced the government to subsidize its export in the last few years. Cotton: Inflation adjusted producer price of cotton has followed the movements in the border price but it has consistently remained below the latter. In other words throughout the period there was a tax on cotton growers - 34 - (on average, nominal rate of protection was -19 per cent), but the tax was not as high as it was on rice. The tax was the highest in the 1970s when the Bhutto government used both export taxes and export monopoly to extract the maximum fiscal revenue. Cotton output increased four fold over the period 1960 to 1986 but the slowest increase was in the 1970s. Possibly because of the adverse pricing policies of the government. As in the case of other crops the border price for cotton was more unstable than the domestic price but the difference was not as great as in the case of rice and sugarcane. Suaarcane: Inflation adjusted producer price of sugarcane has declined steadily since 1962 when it was several times the border price. However, the border price has fluctuated wildly, with a S.D. of 45 for the producer against 228 for the border price. For the period as a whole the average nominal rate of protection is positive. In the 60s there was a large implicit subsidy to the sugarcane growers and after that, until recently, a substantial tax on them. Since 1962 the production of sugarcane has doubled while the consumption of sugar has increased much more rapidly as refined sugar has replaced the farm produced gur. The inflation adjusted price of sugar has been remarkably stable over the entire period with an average of Rs 9111 per ton (1985-86 prices) and a S.D. of only 821. In the 1960s government policies had come in for considerable criticism for encouraging 'inefficient' sugar production but the large fluctuations in world price since then seem to indicate that the policy was not entirely without merit. However, it cannot be denied that compared to all the other crops examined sugarcane has received the most favoured treatment and at times it resulted in considerable mis-allocation of resources. A summing UD We observe in this Chapter that government price intervention has resulted in lower prices for consumers as well as producers (except in the case of sugar), than what would have been had border prices prevailed. Thus producers have been taxed while consumers have been subsidized (to some extent). We observe, moreover, that in the late 1960's and early 1970's, taxes declined, but then increased sharply as the government - 35 - attempted to increase its revenues, by taxing export crops, and protect domestic consumers of wheat and sugar, by not passing on increases in world prices to them. Thus it is evident that had the government not intervened, average producer prices would have been higher but so too would have been price instability. (We shall return to the question of price instability again in Chapter 5 when we look at it in terms of relative prices after taking into account the effects of exchange rate distortions). The central question is: would farmers have produced more had the higher border prices been passed on to them? This question is taken up in Chapter 6. In subsequent chapters, we shall also evaluate the export, budgetary and income distribution effects of price policies. But first, in Chapter 5, we examine the effects of direct and indirect intervention on relative crop prices. However, before doing that, in part 4B of this chapter we present an overview of the history of price policy intervention in Pakistan. Chapter 4.B. Histora of Agricultural Pricing Policies At the time of Pakistan's independence the government had limited sources of revenue other than taxes on foreign trade. However, these fitted in well with its awoved policy of import substitution based rapid industrial development. Import duties on manufactures and export taxes on raw cotton and jute not only generated fiscal revenue but also encouraged the setting up of industry in the country by raising prices of imported manufactures and providing cheap raw materials to the domestic industry. In addition, foreign exchange earnings from agricultural commodities such as jute and cotton, which accounted for eighty to ninety per cent of the foreign exchange eamings during the 1950's, were made available to the fledgling industry for the import of machinery and equipment at a low cost because of an overvalued rupee. To pursue the strategy of import-substituting industrialization, the government put in place an elaborate system of import controls which allowed it to maintain an overvalued currency. The overvaluation was in effect an indirect taxation of agriculture. The salient features of these indirect interventions were discussed in chapter 3 and are summarized below. The pattem of the trade regime was set early in Pakistan's history when in 1953, during the balance of payment crisis following the collapse of the Korean war boom, the government resorted to direct import controls - 36 - rather than a devaluation. The resulting over-valuation of the Rupee turned the terms of trade in favour of industry and against agriculture and thus started the process of transfer of resources out of agriculture. It seems that the framers of 'agricultural price policy in Pakistan, as in many other countries, assumed that peasant production would not be affected by a reduction in prices resulting from high export taxes and compulsory Government procurements' (Papanek, 1967). However, the net effect of these policies was a spectacular growth rate in the industrial sector but a stagnant agricultural sector. The period 1948 to 1958 was one of declining per capita agricultural production. Population in rural areas grew at the rate of 2.4% while crop production grew at only 0.9 per cent. The country experienced food shortages in all the years except two during this period, and food imports during the period 1955 to 1962 averaged, 1 million tons per year (nearly 10% of domeastic production). Some trade liberalization took place in 1960 under Ayub Khan with the introduction of the Bonus Voucher Scheme, which was essentially a system of multiple exchange rates. However, it only provided support to industry and agricultural exports continued to receive the least favourable exchange rate. Bhutto's government devalued the rupee in 1972 which should have improved agriculture's prospects. However, to raise revenues and control inflation, first heavy duties were levied on agricultural exports and then rice and cotton export trade was made a state monopoly. Thus during this period, direct controls and the exploitation of the agricultural sector reached its maximum. Zia's military government, which came to power in 1977, began a serious attempt to dismantle the system of government interventions by denationalizing agricultural processing, liberalizing imports, adjusting the exchange rate, derationing sugar and wheat, and allowing private sector participation in export of cotton and rice. These measures have tended to reduce to some extent the price distortions in the agrarian economy. An idea of the overall impact of the commercial policy and exchange rate distortions can be had by comparing the free trade equilibrium exchange rate (estimated in chapter 3) with the actual exchange rate. The distortions in the exchange rate that have prevailed at different times during this period (as reported in Column (5) of Table 3.2) show that the distortions were high and increasing up to 1972 reflecting the regime of import- substituting industrialization based on import restrictions, high tariffs and multiple exchange rates. In the 1970s the distortion were less, because of the devaluation in 1972, but as discussed below, direct interventions increased - 37 - during this period. In the 1980s the exchange rate distortions declined steadily because of the depreciation of the Rupee following its delinking from the US dollar in 1982. At the same time direct interventions were also reduced. In the rest of this chapter we shall look at the evolution of direct interventions in Pakistan's agriculture. Many of these interventions have their origin in World War II when the British government in India introduced controls on prices and enforced rationing to cope with the war-induced shortages. These measures were retained by the young Pakistan government after independence to cope with disruptions of the partition. Broadly speaking, the direct intervention in agriculture since the late 1950s went through three phases which coincided, more or less, with the three political regimes associated with Ayub Khan (1958-69), Bhutto (1971-77) and Zia (1977- 88). The extent and nature of government intervention during these phases is summarized in exhibit I and discussed below. 1960 to 1971 - Phase I During the first half of the period the primary objective of government policy was to promote rapid industrialization. For this purpose, the exchange rate policy was used to keep domestic prices of food and raw materials produced by the agricultural sector low. However, during this period large public investments were made in irrigation and drainage works following the Indus Water Treaty with India in 1960, under World Bank sponsorship. The conflict in 1965 with India, which resulted in the suspension of US aid, and the drought in 1965/66 made it extremely difficult for the government to ensure the availability of food grains at the old prices. It also made the government aware of the hazards of excessive dependence on aid financed food imports. Therefore, in the second half of the period food security was added to the objectives of govermment policy. For this purpose the producer price of wheat was raised and expenditure on input subsidies was increased. The change in govermment policy coincided with the availability of the high yielding varieties of wheat developed in Mexico and provided the impetus for what is popularly known as the 'Green Revolution'. Thus for the rest of the period food grain availability did not pose any problems. We feel it is appropriate to categorize the entire period as Phase I because direct government price intervention was limited to a single crop, wheat, and that too for a short period. Otherwise the market was allowed to operate more or less unhindered and private traders were free to buy and sell in the domestic market as well as to export. It can be seen from Tables 4.3.1 - 4.3.5 that during this period producer prices were fairly close to the - 38 - border prices at official exchange rate (nominal protection rates were low) except in the case of sugar which was heavily protected. Exhibit I Phases of Intervention Government's Role W h e a t Year/Phase Producers Consumers Phase I - Domestic Production handled - Ration Shop System, supplied (1960-1971) almost entirely by private by PL-480 Inmports, worked as traders prior to 1968 fair price shops. From 1968 onwards goverrnment - Open market remains important procurement, on voluntary basis, also became important Phase 11 - Voluntary (and at times - Ration Shop System expanded 1972 to 1976 compulsory procurement) and flour ('atta') provided - Nationalization of flour at a subsidized price ('atta') mills in 1976 Phase III & IV - Voluntary procurement - Declining importance of the 1977 to 1988 - Denationalization of flour Ration shop system, particularly mitls in 1977 after derationing of sugar in 1983 - Rationing of 'atta' discontinued as of April 1987 Year/Phase Producers Consumers Phase I - Govermnent intervenes onLy 1960-1971 through exchange rate distortion. Phase 11 - Compulsory Procurement - Quotas (a percentage of the 1972 to 1976 - Monopoly of exports, RECP amount procured) were retained (parastatal) set up. by private traders for sale Domestic prices kept betow in the domestic market. world prices at official exchange rate Rice mills nationalized in 1976 Phase 111 & IV - Rice mills denationalized 1977 to 1988 1977 Compulsory procurement - From 1986 private traders abolished in 1986 free to sell as much as they - Export by private sector like in the domestic market. permitted under restrictive conditions in 1987. - 39 - Exhibit I (Cont.) C o t t o n Year/Phase Producers Consumers Phase I - Government intervenes only 1960 to 1971 through exchange rate distortion. Phase 11 - VoLuntary Procurement - Forward trading in Cotton 1972 to 1976 - Monopoly on exports, CEC abolished. (parastatal) set up. - Domestic market free - Ginning nationalized in 1976. otherwise. Phase III & IV - Ginning denatfonalized 1977 1977 to 1988 - Export by private sector permitted under restrictive conditions in 1987. S u g a r Year/Phase Producers Consuwers Phase I - Sugar mills buy cane from growers - Sugar mills sell on open 1960 to 1971 in their zone only, at price fixed market and to the by the government government. High import duties, and restriction Government suppLies on imports and investment minimum requirement sanctions through ration shops (no government subsidy but price below open market). Phase 11 - As above - Sugar mills can seLL only 1972 to 1976 to government which supplies entire amount through ration shops (open market sale illegal, black markets develop) Phase III - System of mill zones abolished - Sugar derationed (1983), 1977 to 1988 in 1987. Sugar cane growers mills sell entire free to sell to any one. output in open market. (Competition amongst mills - Government imports sugar raises prices above government and makes bulk sales in fixed prices in some areas) open market from time to - Restrictions on investment time to stabilize prices sanctions reduced. in the face of fluctua- tions in domestic output. - Private import of sugar in 1985. - 40 - Exhibit I (Cont.) I n D u t s Year/Phase Fertilizers Pesticides Tractors Phase I - Subsidy on Fertilizer NA NA 1960 to 1971 - Private sector allowed to set up industry - Distribution by the private sector Phase II - New industry restricted - Subsidy on - Import, assembly 1972 to 1976 to public sector pesticides and distribution - Marketing of fertilizer - Government of tractors made taken into public monopoly on government sector and parastatals import, and monopoly established. distribution Phase III - Private sector allowed - Subsidy eli- - Private sector 1977 to 1988 to set up industry minated and allowed to set up - Private sector given private sector Assembty/manufac- greater role in free to import ture/distribution fertilizer distribution and distribute facilities - Price controls/subsidy pesticides in on urea eliminated in 1984 1986. - 41 - The primary government intervention in pricing was indirect, i.e., through an overvalued currency, and it was the same for all crops. In this period, however, wheat and edible oils were imported under PL 480 program and agro-based domestic industries such as textiles, sugar and vegetable Xhee (hydrogenated oil) were highly protected. 1972 to 1976 - Phase II In December 1971 Z.A. Bhutto's Peoples Party govermnent came into power. The regime was a populist one, and the Minister of Finance and the Minister of Agriculture were radical socialists. The view amongst the party leadership was that since independence capitalists had controlled the government and exploited the poor people of the country, and now that a people's government had come into power the capitalists would make every effort to topple it by sabotaging the economy. Therefore, every rise in price or, where prices were fixed by the government, shortage in the market was seen as a capitalist conspiracy and the government responded by taking over the activity and restricting or eliminating the role of the private sector. As a result, during this period there was a rapid increase in the number of parastatals dealing with agriculture and in government intervention in this sector. An idea of the expanding role of the state in agriculture can be had from the major actions of the govermnent listed below in chronological order: 1972: -- Open market sale of sugar was banned and all sugar was distributed by the government through ration shops. -- Fertilizer distribution was taken over by the state and several parastatals were set up at the provincial level to handle it. -- Firms involved in tractor import, assembly and distribution were nationalized and placed under the control of the Pakistan Tractor Corporation. 1973: -- Rice export was made a State Monopoly and Rice Export Corporation was set up for this purpose. -- Cotton export was also monopolized and the Cotton Export Corporation was established. -- Subsidy on wheat reached almost Rs. 2 billion, i.e., about 10 per cent of the government's current budget. Compulsory procurement of wheat in the Punjab was attempted. - 42 - 1974: -- All private vegetable ghee (hydrogenated cooking oil) mills were nationalized and government monopoly on the purchase of cotton seed oil was established under the control of the Ghee Corporation of Pakistan. 1975 -- For procurement, storage and marketing of agricultural commodities two new parastatals were established at the federal level. 1976: -- All flour mills, rice mills and cotton ginning factories, which numbered several thousands, were nationalized. Thus by the end of the period government intervention in pricing and trade of major agricultural commodities (wheat, rice, cotton, sugar and edible oils) and inputs (agricultural machinery, fertilizer, pesticides, diesel fuel and credit) was all pervasive. The role of the private traders was greatly reduced and the open market almost eliminated. The increasing role of direct interventions can be clearly seen from Tables 4.3.1 - 4.3.5 which show that the gap between producer prices and border prices increased for all crops (except sugarcane) during this period. with thhe NPRs in the range of -.; iJ o -0.42 compared to 0.27 to -0.16 in the 60s. 1977 to 1988 - Pam M and On coming to power in 1977 the Zia government began a process of dismantling the controls which had been established during the previous period. Although the process was a slow one but over the 11 years substantial progress was made. The first step taken by the Zia government on coming into power was the denationalization of flour mills, rice mills and cotton ginning factories. This was followed by lifting of the ban on private investment in vegetable ghee, tractor and fertilizer industry. In 1980 the New Agricultural Policy was announced, and an important element in it was to promote agricultural development by gradually increasing domestic agricultural prices and bringing them at par with world prices. At the same time it was proposed to reduce subsidies on agricultural inputs and in future limit their use only to promoting new inputs, technologies or crops. Also the role of the private sector was to be expanded and that of the government reduced. In line with the above policy the Agricultural Prices Commission (APCOM) was established in 1981 to advise the government in setting support prices for all major crops. In its annual recommendations APCOM - 43 - takes into account, amongst other things, relative profitability of different crops (at maret prices of inputs and outputs) and their export/import panty prices. Based on APCOMs tecommendations, agncultural prices have been regularly increased to bring them in line with border prices. Besides reducing direct price distortions the government has also intiated steps to eliminate other forms of intervention in the agricultural sector. Some of the more important measures undertaken during this period are discusoed below. In 1978 sugar mills were allowed to sell a pat of their production on the open market but the bulk of the output continued to be purchased by the govenment at a fixed price and sold through the ration shops. In 1983 the government derationed sugar, i.e., the entire production was to be sold on the open market by the sugar mills themselves. Since 1983 the price of sugar is not directly fixed by the government, but if at any time the government feels that an increase in the price of sugar is excessive it releases sugar in the market from its own stocks which are then replenished through imports. Private sector imports of sugar are also allowed and the import duty is adjusted from time to time to ensure that the domestic price renmins in the desired range. Since the domestic price of sugar has been substantially higher than the world price during this peiod the government has not run into any problems so far. In 1984 the import and distribution of pesticides was completely opened to the private sector and the subsidy on public sector operations eliminated. The use of pesticides has grown rapidly since then as competition amongst the large multinationd chemical companies has prompted them to undertake massive publicity campaigns and thus increase the size of the market. The impact of this on the cotton crop has been dramatic and yields have increased by over 50 per cent since the dereguation. In the last two years a number of additional deregulatory measures have been introduced. For example, in 1986 the monopoly of the Ghee Corporation on edible oil imports and purchase of local cotton seed oil was eliminated, the monopoly procutement of nce by government was replaced by voluntary procurement and all price controls on Urea fertilizer were abolished. In 1987 the government discontinued the rationing of wheat got (for a detailed discussion of this momentous step see Chapter 9) and permitted pnvate sector participation in export of cotton and rice. However, if we take the nominal rates of protection as a measure of direct intervention the improvement dunng the eighties has not been significant (see Tables 4.3.1 - 4.3.5) because the substantial - 44 - depreciation of the rupee during this period (from Rs 9.90 to a $ in 1982 to Rs 18.20 a $ in 1987) made it difficult for the government to reduce the gap between domestic and border prices. In the next few chapters we quantify the effect of these price policies on agricultural output, exports extent of transfers out of agriculture and their impact on incomes in rural areas. Finally, in chapter 9 we return to some of the issues discussed in this chapter and examine the political economy of price policy explicity in context of the four major crops and the different interest groups involved. - 46 - Chapter 5 Direct and Indirect Effects of Price Interventions on Relative Producer Prices Introduction As we saw in the previous chapter, the government in Pakistan intervenes directly in agricultual commodity markets through institutions such as the export monopolies of rice and cotton, and wheat procurem_nt agencies and (flour) distribution through the ration shops. To meet export, domestic consumption and other goas, the government fixes procurement prices such that a wedge is created between producer and border prices. To comment on such interventions in the context of the overall economy, we need to examine changes in agricultural prices relative to the non-agricultural prices. To do so we develop, in this chapter, relative price series for tho crops under consideration. These will form the basis of our discussion in the subsequent chapters. We first re-examine the nominal protection rates using relative (to the non-agricultural sector) prices instead of the earlier (Chapter 4) absolute prices. This will constitute the net direct effect of price interventions on relative prices in agriculture. In section SA.2 we take into account exchange rate distortions (discussed in Chapter 3) to calculate the effect of indirect interventions on relative prices. This enables the calculation of the total (direct and indirect combined) effects. Section 5A.3 presents these intervention in terms of their effect on crop value added. This will be important for discussion of the impact of price policies on income distribution which will be presented in Chapter 8. Government intervention in agricultural prices is likely to effect agricultural output, which in tun affects agricultural exports and imports, and the government's budget. These issues are taken up in the subsequent chapter. But first, in Pat B of this chapter, we examine the well-known argument that the objective of government intervention in agriculutral prices is to lower price variability. Section SA.1:Net Effect of Direct Price Interventions on Relative Prices To calculate the direct effects we need both domestic as well as transport adjusted border prices relative to the price of the non-agricultural good. The non-agricultural sector price is taken to be tho non- -47 - gricultural GDP deflator and is presented in column (1) of table S.1 which also presents the domestic relative prices of the five crops. The border relative prices are presented in table 5.2. Net protection rates, NPR, for each crop are now calculated as: NPRA = PARPNA - PAIP.A P A/PNA where A = basmati rice, cotton, irri rice and wheat, respectively, and P' is the corresponding transport adjusted border price at the official exchange rate. The values of nominal rates of protection, reported in columns (7) - (11) of table 5.2, although based on relative prices, are identical to those discussed in the chapter 4. However, these ae required to calculate the effective rates of protection. Setion SA.2 Effiect of Indirect Price Interventions on Relative Prices The indirect effect that we consider is due to distortions caused by over valued exchange rates (as reflected in the trade imbalances and resulting from commercial policy discussed in chapter 3). It must be emphasized that the indirect effects recounted here are 'costs' to agriculture. Our analysis does not address the question of whether and to what extent these indirect measures result in costs or burdens to the entire economy. We have already presented our calculations of the distortions in the exchange rate in table 3.2 (Chapter 3) where we compared equilibrium and actual rates and commented on the difference between the two. We now use the equilibrium exchange rate to calculate domestic price free of exchange rate distortions: PWA EL(PAP NA) where E is the equilibrium exchange rate (column (3) of table 3.2) and E' is the actual exchange rate. P = a( p PNAT I + 1 (1 - a ) PNAT - 48 - Tr 1+ TM(N A) where P^NA is the undistorted non-agricultural sector price, PN^AT is the price of non-agricultural tradeables and PXA, is the price of non-agricultural non-tradeables and a = NAT/NA, i.e., the ratio of value added in non-agricultural tradeables to the value added in the non-agricultural sector as a whole. Now: TM = a TM(A, + ( 1 = a ) TM(N, Given that Tm(, the tariff on agricultural imports, is insignificant in Pakistan we have; Tm / 1 - a = TM(NA) which is the nominal equivalent tariff on non-agricultural tradeables (table 3.3 column (4)). Using PWA and P^NA we can calculate the indirect effects of price intervention by comparing the undistorted domestic prices with the actual domestic prices i.e. Indirect effect = PA/PNA - PIA P',/P,NA are given in columns (2) - (6) of table 5.1 and PIA are given in columns (2) to (6) of table 5.3. PI are relative domestic prices adjusted for exchange rate distortions and the over valued non- agricultural sector price. P^NA is the non-agricultural sector price adjusted for distortions, given in column (1) of table 5.3. It is seen that the effects of indirect price interventions [columns (7) - (11) of table 5.3] are substantial (by definition the indirect effect are identical for all crops). On average, actual domestic prices have been about 33 % below international prices on account of exchange rate and commercial policy distortions. It can be observed that the indirect effects were the highest in the years immediately preceding the exchange rate devaluation of 1972 (around 45%) and lowest in 1986-87 (22%). - 49 - Section 5A.3 Effect of direct and Indirect Price Interventions on Relative Prices The combined effect of direct and indirect price interventions is now straight forward to calculate, it is equal to: PA/PNA -P"/P". where P = E 'A P',/P'NA for the four crops are given in columns (2) to (6) and the combined effect in column (7) to (11) of table 5.4. The combined effects show extremely large price distortions. On average, actual domestic prices were below border prices adjusted for distortions, by 60% for basmati rice, 46% for cotton, 51% for irri rice and 42% for wheat. However, domestic sugarcane prices were above border prices by, on average, 39%. Section 5A.4 Effects of Price Intervention on Relative Value Added So far our discussion of price intervention effects has focused only on output prices. In Pakistan, government also intervenes actively in input prices. For example, fertilizer subsidy in 1983-84 at Rs 1729 million was equal to nearly 60% of the annual development expenditure in agriculture. Similarly, irrigation water is subsidized and until recently, pesticides were subsidized as well. To account for input subsidies as well as output price interventions, the correct procedure is to work with value added. In this section we propose to do this. Given the available data, we are able to identify crop specific input subsidy for fertilizer and pesticides. Unfortunately, the subsidy on water and credit cannot be disaggregated by crop. Consequently, we compare value added with and without intervention in output, fertilizer and pesticides prices only. Tables 5.5a to 5.5c present the proportion of expenditure on purchased inputs for each of the five crops. Tables 5.6 to 5.10 present the value added calculations for the five crops. In arriving at relative value added i.e. value added in agriculture relative to non-agriculture sector with and without price intervention, we assume - 50 - PNA VNA since calculating V. is computationally very cumbersome. In tables 5.6 to 5. 10, column (7) in each case gives the effect of price intervention in input and output markets on relative value added, i.e. the effective protection rate, which is calculcated as follows: VA/PHA - V'/PNA VA/PWA For all crops (except sugarcane) we observe that non-intervention relative value added is considerably larger than value added with intervention. The effective rates of protection for the period as a whole range from - 65 per cent for basmati rice to -45 per cent for wheat. The average EPR for sugarcane was +37 per cent, but it was consistently negative after 1972, except for 1986-87. These results are similar in magnitude to the combined effects discussed above (table 5.4). The reason is that while tacing into account the fertilizer subsidy tends to reduce the tax on the crop, but having value added instead of price in the denominator increases the rate. It must be emphasized, however, that if subsidies on other inputs such as credit and water were also taken into account it would reduce the absolute value of EPR for all crops except sugarcane. Chapter S.B Govenmuent Intervention and Price Variability A justification often made for government intervention in agricultural prices is that it reduces the impact of world pnce instability on domestic prices. The resulting stable price structure for domestic producers and consumers may be good for growth. In this section we examine the extent to which government policies reduced price variability in Pakistan. To see if the govemmat suceeded in reducig price variability for producers and consumers we examine the following hypothesis: Var (Pp) < Var (P,);Var (P,) < Var(P,E/ /F) PlM PM, PN. PM, - S1 - i.e. the variance in after-intervention produca prices of agricultual commodities, reltive to the price of the non- agricultural good, is less than the vaiance in border (as well a exchange rate adjusted border) prices of agricultural commodities relative to the price of the non-agricultual good. (ii) Var(P.) < Var (P.); Var (P.) < Var (P' E IE) i.e. the variance in after-intervention consumer prices of agricultural commodities, relative to the price of the non- agricultural good, is less than the variance in border (as well as exchange rate adjustd border) prices of agdcultural cmmodities relative to the prce of the non-agricultural good and (iii) Var ( P. ) < Var ( P,) PNA N i.e. the variance in after-intervention consumer prices is less than the variance in after-intervention producer prices of agricultural commodities, both relative to the price of the non-agriultual good. For convenience, we define: PMA Var(P; P-) = Var P Var (P',E1B,1 E. Var P, - 52 - Var( P) = Var P. Var( P) = Var P, PNA Var( P ' E /E.) = Var P PNA Note as explained earlier, we are assuming consumer border prices and producer border prices to change in the same ratio, except for transport adjustments from port to point of consumption and farmgate respectively. Now regarding hypothesis (i) and (ii) it is clear from table S. 11 and 5.12 that: for wheat: Var P, = 0.01 Var P = 0.14 And Var P. = 0.01 VarP = 0.13 Var P P = 0.19 VarP = 0.18 for basmati rice: Var Pp = 0.05 Var P p = 0.55 And Var P,= 0.04 Var P = 0.15 Var P" = 0.73 VarP = 0.20 for ini rce: Var P, = 0.02 Var P = 1.09 And Var P.= 0.01 Var P = 0.44 Var P, = 1.86 Var P = 0.76 for cotton: Var P, = 0.07 Var P p = 0.20 And Var P = 0.04 Var P = 0.12 Var P-, = 0.33 Var P = 0.19 - 53 - for suaarcae: Var P, = 0.05 VarP'p = 1.23 And Var P = 0.01 VarP; = 0.09 Var P; 2.17 Var P = 0.16 To conclude, hypotheses (i) is true for all crops in all cases, and regarding hypothesis (ii) it can be seen again that for all crops variance in intervention consumer prices is considerably less the variance in border prices. Regarding hypothesis (iii), we find that the variance in consumer prices is smaller than the variance in producer prices for all crops, except for wheat where the variance is the same. What can we conclude from the evidence presented thus far? We find, firstly, that domestic producers are indeed 'protected' from some of the international price fluctuation by government intervention. Secondly, consumers are protected from prie fluctuation more than producers. As a result, almost the entire burden of fluctuations is borne by exporters/importers. Since the 1970s that means the government and the flucbations in international prices shows up as fluctuations in profits of state monopolies and the expenditure on subsidies. For greater rigour we examine an alternative measure of price variability. That is t. + N Z. (, - X,.l)z for any price variable X, t = t. + 1 N1 where t, - strting year of the sample period and N = number of observations. - 54 - The values for Z. statistic for Pp, P',, P p, P., P ', P , for all five crops are calculated and the hypotheses (i) to (iii) are re-examined. Again it is seen that intervention in producer and consumer prices reduces prices variation (tables 5.13 and 5.14). This further confirms the conclusion that in Pakistan the government was successful in reducing price variability for both producers and consumers. Next we relate price variability with output shocks. The focus here is on the extent to which output shocks are passed on to consumers, producers or exporters (depending on the crop) through government intervention in prices. To do so we look at the following: Correlations between (output per capita) QS/L and Qd/L (consumption per capita) and between QS/L and P,/PNA' and Var (Qs/L) compared with Var (QD/L). Table 5.15 presents the correlations between output and consumption per capita and the consumer price series PC/PNA for each crop. The correlations are quite high (except for iffi rice) between output per capita (QV/L) and consumption per capita (Q"/L), being more or less similar (between 0.75 and 0.79) for sugarcane, basmati rice and wheat and somewhat lower (0.59) for cotton. The correlation between output per capita (Q(IL) and the relative consumer price PC/PNA, however, varies substantially from crop to crop. For all crops except irri rice the correlation is negative, also it is very low for basmati rice, sugarcane and irri rice. Regarding the variance in output and consumption per capita, we observe generally a low variance for both. In the case of iffi rice, basmati rice and cotton (the export crops) the variance in consumption per capita is larger than the variance in output per capita. This shows that government intervention resulted in pad of the variation in output being based on to domestic consumers in an attempt to hold export volumes stable. In the case of sugarcane and wheat, however, imports were used to reduce the impact of output instability on domestic consumption. -55 - Chaft 6 The Output. Consumntion and Trade Effects of Price Policies Our discussion on price distortions in the previous chapter can now be used to calculate the effects of pnce policies on output, consumption and trade. Our objective is to estimate how much each of these would be in the absence of direct and indirect interventions. Given our estimates of supply and demand elasticities, and the other assumptions regarding supply response, a comparison of the intervention and non-intervention output provides a measure of the losses to the economy of the price policy regime. These losses can be extended to quantities traded and from there to foreign exchange earnings. The foreign exchange losses are presented in relation to Pkistan's total export eamings and this provides an insight into the consequences of agricultural price policies for the economy as a whole. This chapter is organized as follows. The output effects are discussed in 6.1 followed by consumption effects in 6.2. Export effects are presented in 6.3 and the foreign exchange effects in 6.4. Section 6.1: The Outnut Effects: To see the output effects of price policies we specify the aggregate supply of a commodity, say wheat, to be a function of the form: X. f (P., Pb, Pi, P. P. I Pt,,Z) (1) where X. is the after intervention output of commodity (wheat in this case), PA is price of commodity A (A = basmati rice (b), irri rice (i), cotton (c), sugarcane (sc) and f (fertilizer)) and we have introduced the vector Z to represent all variables that effect the output of wheat, other than P,. We start from a position in which all prices are non-intervention prices so that: X-,,= f(PwI PbIP IP.IP- PfIZ) (2) - 56 - where * indicates non-intervention output and prices If there is a change in prices due to price intervention policies, the resulting change in the level of output can be approximated by evaluating terms in a Taylor's series expansion. If the change is small, higher order terms can be ignored and the change in output is approximately the differential dx,,. AX. = dx = -f dP,, + _f dPb+_, +f af dP + af pcj +p ap, (3) ap. ap, api ap.D P. apf AX. = (X. - X') dPj (Pj - P ) (j = w, b, , s, sc) Multiplying and dividing Eq. 3 by P. . Xb, and after some rearrangement, Eq. 3 can be expressed in the following form: A A =W EW P,. + E", P6+E,E, Pi + E., P, + P + E,f Pf (4) where Xi. = -XC. V) IX A P. = (P. - P.) /P. An alternative (to equation 4) approach for estimating output effects is based on the Nerlovian model. It yields both the short, as well as the long run cumulative effects of price policies. We shall present our calculations of the output effects using this second approach. When the long run output elasticity with respect to input price (in our case fertilizer price) is not known, the relevant expression for the short run output effect (total) is - 57 - ,,sr t..'k [Yk,, t k,AVAk,t + L i'i,t k . AVA,j] (5) k t ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ # where AVAk (VAk - VA k /(VA k ) in year t VAK = Value added by commodity k at intervention prices (obtained from Tables 5.6 - 5.10 in chapter 5). VA *,c Value added by commodity k at non-intervention prices (obtained from Table 5.6 - 5.10). Pk : Commodity K's Share of value added in the value of total output. q:kk Long run own price elasticity of commodity k. ekk : Short run own price elasticity of commodity k. nqkj Long run cross price elasticity of commodity k with respect to commodity j. The cumulative output effects (total) are obtained from the equation. J k *r ekk ( Pk *k . AVAk , + E AVAj,,) j k dc Ir + [ - ) Axk, ] (6) i1kk where AVA,: (VAk VA *k) VA k TM-N-A NA~M - 58 - PMX, : Price of the non-aiculal good. P 'N : Price of the non-agncultural good correctd for diect and indirect intervention. We have based our short run output effects (total) on equation (5) and the cumulative output effects (total) on equation (6). The short run and the long run direct output effect are obtained from expressions similar to equations (5) and (6) respectively except that VAk, is defined as: AVAk = (VAf - VAk ) / VAk These estimates are reported in Tables (6.1) and (6.2). But before we comment on the results we discuss the short and long run (own as well as cross) price elasticities as these are crucial in obtaining the output effects. A number of studies are available which report own price elbsticities of wheat, rice, cotton and sugar- cane. To our knowledge, unfortunately none of the studies distinguish between basmati and irri rice. Moreover, we were able to identify only one recent study, by Tweeten (1985), which repogts own price and cross price elasticities, both short run a well as long run. Our calculation of the short and long run output effects are based on elasticity estat reported in this study. Tweeten obtains estimates of own price elasicities using the underlying model: 01 = f [ W(Pi/pp),I,HYVJ (7) where 01 is otput of commodity i, W (Pi/PP) is a declining weighted averago (over three yews) of the ratio of output to input prices, I is irripted area or water supply and HYV is high-yielding varieties which is a measure of technology. - 59 - Output is divided into area (A) and yield (Y) components. Given that 0 (output) = Y (yield) X A (area), the output elasticity with respect to price is expressed as: E, = EY + EA (1 + EYA) Elasticity estimates are obtained from a regression analysis in which the dependent variables are output, area and yield respectively. The elasticity E,, was typically close to zero so that E. was taken as the sum of E, and EA- There still remains the problem of obtaining own and cross price elasticities for basmati and irri rice. In our estimation of the short-run and cumulative effects we have assumed that the elasticities of the two varieties of rice with respect to prices of wheat, cotton and sugar-cane are the same as that of rice with respect to prices of these commodities. We have also assumed that the own price elasticities of basmati and irri are the same as the own price elasticity of rice. We have taken the cross price elasticities between basmati and irri and between irri and basmati to be zero. These assumptions on own and cross price elasticities are necessary in the absence of independent elasticity estimates. Tables 6.3 and 6.4 report the short run and long run elasticity estimates employed in our calculation of the output effects. Now turning back to the output effects, tables 6.1b and 6.2b show that for all crops, with only one exception, actual (at intervention prices) output was lower than potential (at non-intervention prices) output for each year of the study both in the short and long run. (We present the discussion only in terms of the total effects, the direct effects are given in tables 6. la for the short run and table 6.2a for the long run). The exception was sugar- cane. Its output was greater (compared to non-intervention output) as a result of intervention from 1963-64 till 1970- 71(1972-73 in the long run) and again in 1986-87. Column (1) of Table 6.1b suggests that due to intervention basmati output (short run) was below potential output by, on average, 12 %. The standard deviation being 0.02, there is very little variation during the entire period (1968-69 to 1986-87). Column (2) of Table 6.lb gives the proportion by which actual cotton output was below what it would have been in the absence of intervention. Output foregone in this case is 14%, on average, wiich is the highest of all crops. Column (3) of the same table shows that irri rice output was below potential in every year with a range of 1% to 16 %, with an average of 9 %. Because of interventions, wheat output - 60 - was below potential non-intervention output by, on average 5 %. Of the five, sugar-cane is the only crop for which, for the years mentioned above, actual output was above what it would have been in the absence of intervention. (In 1967-68 output was higher by as much as 69 %). For the rest of the years output was below potential and the loss ranged between 1% for 1984-85 to 22% in 1974-75. Turning now to the cumulative (long run) effects of price intervention reported in Table 6.2b we observe that for the initial year, the output effect is close to the short run effect. This is by construction, since in our calculations we are assuming long-run equilibrium to hold prior to year t,. Consequently, the first few terms in each series would be under-estimates or over-estimates of the actual cumulative effect. Since the past values have a declining weight in the composition of the cumulative effect, the under-estimate or over-estimate would be negligible beyond the first few terms of each series. Ignoring the first few terms in each series in Table 6.2b, it can be seen that the cumulative effect for basmati shows output loss which increased from 25% in 1971-72 to 36% in 1975-76, it then remained around that level till the early eighties. Since 1982-83 the loss increased once again reaching 40% in 1986-87. For irri rice the pattern is similar to that for basmati. The loss increasd firom 16% in 1972-73 to 34% in 1975- 76 and remained around that level till 1980-81 when, unlike basmati, loss in irri output began to decline and by 1986-87 it had fallen to 18%, i.e., close to the level at the beginning of the period. The loss in wheat output was around 10 per cent in the 60s, it increased to 17 % in 1975- 76 and thereafter it declined slowly to around 14% in the 1986-87. The cumulative effect for cotton shows an increase in the loss of output from 33 % in 1965- 66 to 57% in 1971-72. In 1972-73 it dropped to around 50%, around which level it remained till 1977-78. It then steadily declined to 37% in 1986-87. The cumulative effect for sugar-cane shows that actual output was above the non-intervention output by 100% in 1967-68 the gap then began to narrow until the actual output became less than potential output in 1973-74. The size of output loss continued to increase reaching 51% in 1981-82, it then began to decline and the loss was only 13 % in 1986-87. - 61 - To sum up it is evident that the agricultural output in the past 25 years has been below potential because of government price intervention, both direct and indirect. It is also seen that the loss in output tended to increase in the 1970s and reached its peak in 1975-76 when it ranged from 17% for wheat to 50% for cotton. Since then it has declined in the case of all crops, except basmati rice, and in 1986-87 it ranged from 13 % for sugarcane to 40% for basmati rice. Based on these figures one can make a rough estimate that the aggregate loss of agricultural output during the 1970s was around 25 % of actual output and though it has declined since then it is still around 15% of the output. However, the extent of shortfall must be interpreted with caution as demand and supply elasticities of inputs and outputs do not fully capture the dynamics of technological change and the implications of different levels of private investment in agriculture. Government intervention, in the form of subsidies on inputs and direct investment in irrigation, probably had a positive impact on the former and, because of the output price policies, a negative impact on the latter. Therefore, it is difficult to say whether the numbers presented above tend to under estimate or over estimate the actual effect of government interventions on agricultural output. Section 6.2 Short-Run Consumution Effects Consumption effects are calculated using the differential approach similar to that of equation 4 in the previous section. The relevant expression from which consumption effects for a commodity, say wheat, are calculated is given by: A A A A A A Ce- = eWw P + eWb Pb + E* Pi + E. Pi + E., P. (8) where A A C. : (Cw - C 7w) / C , Pj = (Pj - P -Pj )/P j = w, b, i, c, sc C,, : actual consumption of wheat in the presence of intervention. - 62 - C : consumption of wheat in the absence of intervention. pi : consumer price of the jth crop in the presence of intervention. P; consumer price of the jth crop in the absence of intervention. We can write similar expressions for other crops. The short run and the long run cumulative effects for each commodity are obtained by expressions corresponding to equations (5) and (6) respectively, given in the previous section. To calculate consumption effects we need information on demand elasticities and consumer prices. The demand elasticities were obtained from Hamid, et.al. (1987), however, prices used to calculate consumption effects need some elaboration. We discuss these for each of the five crops below. Wheat: A certain proportion of the wheat output is retained by farmers for own consumption and the remaining is sold to the government or in the open market Wheat is purchased by the consumers in ihe form of flour from the open market as well as from ration shops. Thus wheat is either consumed directly at the farm level or through purchases from the open market or ration shops. In arriving at the domestic consumer price of wheat, we have used a weighted average of the open market price, the ration-shop price and the producer price, the latter is taken as the implicit price for wheat retained by farmers for own consumption. The weights used are based on quantities estimated for the three channels (see Table 4.4.1, Chapter 4). Cotton: Households consume cotton cloth and not cotton directly. However, it would be a major (and a difficult) exercise to obtain non-intervention prices of cotton cloth. We simplify by assuming that with the elimination of distortions, the change in consumer price of cotton cloth would be in the same proportion as the change in the producer price of raw cotton, so that the proportion ( Pc - P ) / P . in equation (8) is taken to be the same as in table 5.4 (Chapter 5) for producer prices. (Because of the simplification, consumption effects for cotton should be intrepreted with caution). - 63 - RiSS: Unlike other crops, government procurement of rice has been compulsory. Therefore a wedge, over and above the normal trade margins, exists between procurement price and the open market price. Consequently, an appropriately adjusted open market price instead of the producer price, is used as the base price for working out basmati and irri consumption effects. It is assumed that retail margins are a constant proportion of the price and therefore the percentage change in retail and wholesale prices would be the same on removal of price interventions. Post intervention rice prices used to calculate consumption effects are reported in tables 4.3.2 and 4.3.3. :mm Sugar till recently was sold in ration shops as well as in the open market. For some of the years in the 1970s there was no legal open market. Data on the proportion of sales in the two markets is available only from 1979-80 onward. Therefore, based on discussion with concerned officials, we estimated the proportion of sales in the open market and the ration shop to be 15% and 85% respectively, from 1960-61 to 1972-73. Between 1973- 74 to 1978-79 the ratios are 10% and 90%, respectively1t. Actual proportions are used for the period after 1978- 79. Open market prices are not available for the 1970s when open market sales were illegal. For those years open market sugar prices were estimated using market prices of Gur and Shakar (unrefined sugar). In the case of sugar when we used equation (8) to calculate non-intervention consumption of sugar we obtained a negative value for one year and an abnormally high value for anotherZ'. Therefore, consumption effects were re-estimated using (C - C)/C on the left hand side A in Eq. (8) and modifying the price variable asS ( P- Pj )Pj . If P. and P; are not far apart, . Al A lower percentage for open market sales is assumed in the latter period because open market sale was illegal. t A similar problem is sometimes encountered in the calculations of effective rates of protection. - 64 - the consumption effects based on Eq. (8) and those based on the modified definition of C and P should also not be very different. However, the estimated C under the alternative definitions were very different which motivated the following modifications of Eq. (8) for the calculation of the consumption effects. w, - ww - P +P (CW + c w)/2 (Pw + P ) / 2 (P. -P) /2 CW - C .w = Cew Pw- AP;) + *-+ E. p- c P )9 Cw + C w Pw + P; P. + Pa And similarly for other crops. The consumption effects thus calculated are reported in Tables 6.6a and b. A brief comment on the results i in order. Consumption of all crops except sugar was, in most years, higher than it would have been in the absence of (total) price intervention. In the case of cotton and wheat actual consumption exceeded consumption in case of non-intervention in all years. In the case of cotton the excess consumption was generally in the 15 to 30% range and in the case of wheat in the 6 to 12% range. In the case of basmati the actual consumption was above non-price intervention consumption in all but 3 years and had a range of 6 % to 36 %, for irri in most years actual consumption was close to non-intervention consumption, except in 1985 to 1987 period when it was in excess by about 20%. In the case of sugar, for 14 years out of 26, i.e., in the 1960s and the latter part of 1980s, actual consumption was less than non-intervention consumption. The "excess" consumption ranged from 0% to 11% and the 'under' consumption from 0% to 10%. Thus it seems that price intervention allowed per capita consumption of food and clothing to be higher than what it would have been in the absence of intervention. However, that does not take into account the income effect of larger output which would have resulted from higher producer prices. Still there is no doubt that in urban areas consumption would have been lower under the non-intervention scenario and that could have resulted in political problems for the govermment. In this context, it is important to mention that the public demonstrations - 65 - in 1968, that led to the fall of Ayub Khan's Govermment, were triggered by protests in urban centers over a sharp increase in sugar prices. Section 6.3: The Export Ef}ects The export effects of price intervention are calculated as follows: X (1 - AX) = XNI C (1 - AC) = CNI XNI - CNI ENI E - ENI = E' Where X is crop output at intervention prices, X is proportionate (in the short or the long run) output effect of price reform, and XNI is total output without price intervention. C is consumption with price intervention, AC is (the short or the long run) proportionate change in consumption without intervention, and CNI is total consumption without intervention. E is exports with intervention, EN is exports without intervention (in the short or the long run) and E is the proportion by which actual exports were below the potential (non-intervention) exports i.e. the proportion of exports lost due to intervention (again in the short or the long run). Tlhe results are reported in table 6.7a for the direct short run export effects and in table 6.7b for the total short run export effects. Table 6.8a and 6.8b give the direct and total long run export effects respectively. Actual output, consumption and exports for the crops were reported in tables 4.2.1 to 4.2.5 in Chapter 4. We observe the following export effects on the basis of tables 6.7 and 6.8. (It should be borne in mind that we are assuming unchanged prices for Pakistani exports in the international market). - 66 - Basmati Rice: Potential exports of basmati rice without price intervention would have been considerably higher than actual exports with intervention, in the short as well as the long run. In both periods the total effect is larger than the direct effect. For the years 1970-71 to 1986-87 the average potential gain ranges between 40% for the short run direct effect to 65% for the long run total effect. The variance is smaller in the case of total effect compared to the direct effect. It needs to be emphasized that the assumption of no change in world price is particularly questionable in the case of basmati rice in which Pakistan enjoys a monopoly. Greater output resulting from non-intervention prices would have been difficult to off-load in the international market at the prevailing prices. It is highly likely that the equilibrium non-intervention price for basmati would have been somewhat lower resulting in lower output, higher domestic consumption, and lower exports than those reported. Irri Rice: The average potential gain in irri rice without price intervention ranges between 37% for the short run direct to 68% for the long run total effect over the period 1970-71 to 1986-87. Thus potential gains in terms of higher exports are considerable, and the variance is also small. Cotton: The time period considered for cotton is 1963-64 to 1986-87. Over these 24 years, on average, the potential gain in terms of exports without price intervention ranges from 13 % for the short run direct effect to 76 % for the long run total effect implying that substantial gains were possible from non-intervention. Wheat: The potential gain for wheat is less straightforward. The gains manifest themselves both as decline in imports as well as, in some years, actual exports instead of imports. The positive values indicate - 67 - potential gains of removing price intervention (i.e., in those year imports would have been lower without price intervention) while negative values between 0 and 1 represent potential losses, i.e., imports would have been higher without price intervention. However, if the sign is negative and the absolute value is greater than 1 it means a switch from imports to exports. But that is not very meaningful because border price in case of wheat as an importable is much higher than for wheat as an exportable and if the latter price were to be used the effect may be reversed. In other words the country would be in the zone of autarchy and in absence of intervention there would have been no imports or exports. Thus all that one can say is that the country would have gained from the removal of interventions after the 1960s, there would have been no need for imports, but the actual values of export effects shown in tables 6.7 and 6.8 are meaningless in the case of wheat. The same applies in the case of sugarcane except that a value of -1 results when actual imports are zero and non-intervention would have resulted in some imports or exports (irrespective of how smnall or large they may be) and it is impossible to say which. Therefore, it is more meaningful to work with gains and losses in terms of foreign exchange than quantities, especially in case of crops where the country is at the margin with regard to self-sufficiency. Section 6.4: The Foreign Exchange Effects The foreign exchange effects (total) of price intervention are calculated as follows: FE = Fi - F i FT where F is the actual foreign exchange earnings from crop i F i is the foreign exchange earnings at non intervention prices from crop i FT is the actual total foreign exchange earnings - 68 - The direct foreign exchange, effects are calculated similarly, except that F x (foreign exchange earnings from crop i at border prices) is used instead of F ,. The foreign exchange effects for each of the five crops are reported in Tables 6.9 and 6.10. As expected, the largest gains for all crops are in the long run when total effects of a policy reform are allowed to work themselves out and the smallest are in the short-run for the direct effect. The magnitudes are as follows: For basmati and irri rice, foreign exchange earnings foregone as a proportion of non- intervention earnings are, on average, 27% and 13 % respectively. For cotton they are substantially larger (94%). In case of wheat and sugarcane benefits take the form of foreign exchange savings from lower imports and are 51% for the former and 21 % for the latter. These are, of course, the upper limits corresponding to the long-run total effects. The foreign exchange foregone due to direct price intervention, taking into account short run output effects only are much smaller. Table 6.11 presents the foreign exchange earnings figure taking all crops together. These totals are also presented as a proportion of total foreign exchange earnings of Pakistan's exports for each year between 1963-64 to 1986-87. The results are striking. Taking the direct effects alone, in the short and the long- run, it appears that, on average, price intervention resulted in a net foreign exchange loss of about 17 % and 36 % respectively. However taking into both direct and indirect price interventions, foreign exchange earnings foregone jump to about 63 % in the short and 148 % in the long run. The tables also show that the loss in foreign exchange earnings because of all interventions, direct and indirect, reached the maximum in the first half of the 1970s and since then it has tended to decline, however, even now the loss is substantial. It is ironic that while the primary rationale for government's import controls was shortage of foreign exchange, these policies themselves were responsible for huge losses of potential foreign exchange earnings. Cgncludiru Rmarks: We observed in this chapter that given the short and long run supply elasticities, distortions in producer prices due to government intervention impose significant costs on the economy in terms of foregone output. This ranged, on average, between 5 % for wheat and 23 % for basmati rice over the 24 year period under study. The corresponding long term output loss due to intervention ranged from 12% for wheat to 44% for cotton. The long run output effects, however, are hypothetical since they involve assumptions about area expansion which - 69 - are not tenable. Thus we observe, with the above proviso, that in general cumulative effects are larger than the short run effects. After taking into account the consumption effects, we observe significant trade effects also. On average, long run export losses due to price intervention, are 27% (basmati) 13% (irri) and 94% (cotton). Regarding wheat, we observe that there was, on average, a net loss because of price intervention in terms of higher imports. Finally, foreign exchange earning foregone (due to lower exports or higher imports) of all crops taken together, are substantial ranging from 17 % for short run direct to 148 % for long run total. Of course, these effects have to be interpreted with caution, since we are assuming infinite export elasticities and substantial acreage response especially in the long run which is not feasible. Moreover, in calculating these effects we have ignored the political consequences of higher prices to consumers. The feasibility of passing on the high prices to consumers, particularly for wheat, is questionable. - 70 - Chapter 7 The Effect on the Budget and on Resource Transfer In our discussion thus far, we have emphasized government's widespread role in output pricing. We have observed that price intervention results in revenues for the government by taxing farmers and in expenditure on account of the policy of supplying cheap food and raw materials to consumers (subsidies). Clearly then, price intervention has important budgetary implications. These assume greater significance if as a result, the government is forced to incur expenditures on the input side of agricultural production to compensate for lower producer prices. For example, the government provides subsidized irrigation water, seeds, credit and fertilizer and provides services such as plant protection and extension at below cost. In Pakistan, most of these measures have had a positive effect on agricultural growth but it is not possible to quantify this aspect of government intervention. Jn this chapter, we attempt to present the budgetary effects of these measures and compare them to be revenue effects of intervention. An evaluation of agriculture's position in the government's budget will provide answers to several interesting policy questions. Firstly, what are the net budgetary 'costs' of taxing agricultural output on the one hand while subsidizing inputs on the other? Secondly, by looking at the net budgetary effects, what can we deduce about the overall biases, for or against agriculture vis-a-vis other sectors of the economy, in the government's investment and expenditure policies? Our discussion in this chapter is organized as follows: In section 7.1 we look at the direct effects of the pricing policy on the budget. Here only the actual revenues accruing to the Government and expenditures incurred by it are presented. The cost of price interventions for the agricultural sector are discussed in section 7.2 in the context of the broader issue of transfer of resources between agriculture and the rest of the economy. Finally, in section 7.3 we look at government's investment policy and try to determine if it is biased against or in favor of agriculture. - 71 - cion7.L The Effect of the Priciug Policy on the Budget A. Positive Effects (Revenues) (i) Exglicit Export Taxes Cotton: In 1960-61 the export tax on cotton was Rs. 75/- per bale but as the over valuation of the currency increased and the use of multiple exchange rates grew the Government reduced duties on cotton and finally in 1966-67 the export tax was abolished (See Table 7. la). In 1972 the Government devalued the currency from Rs. 4.76 to Rs. 11.00 to the Dollar. Because of this massive devaluation, the domestic price of cotton, which had not been receiving the benefits of multiple exchange rates provided to manufactured exports, increased sharply and the cotton textile industry lobby pressed the Government for lower prices of raw cotton. Also a duty on cotton exports was seen as a useful source of Government revenue. Therefore, in 1972-73 export tax was reimposed and it has persisted (to date) with the Government adjusting the rates of duties from time to time so as to insulate as far as possible the domestic market from fluctuations in international cotton prices. Rice: As with cotton, the devaluation of 1972 resulted in a windfall gain for rice growers who had not received the benefits of multiple exchange rate. Therefore, the Government levied export duties to earn revenue. Ever since, rice has been an important source of Government revenue, initially through an export tax and from 1974-75 by a Government monopoly in rice export. The tax on rice was abolished in 1976-77 but revenue continued to be appropriated through Govemnent monopoly in rice exports as discussed below. - 72 - (ii) Implicit Export Tax throuuh Profits of Govenment Monopolies: The Peoples Party, which came into power in December 1971, had a manifesto of nationalization of manufactuning and other key areas of the economy. Following this policy the Government nationalized cotton export trade in 1973-74 and rice in 1974-75. For this purpose the Cotton Export Corporation and the Rice Export Corporation were set up and the profits earned by these two Government monopolies in export trade represent the implicit tax on the respective crops. Table 7. la shows that profits from cotton fluctuated a great deal over the period. This is because of the volatility of the international cotton price and instability in domestic cotton production. Since Government policy has been to ensure that the requirements of the domestic cotton textile industry are met first and only the surplus cotton is exported, fluctuations in output are reflected more in fluctuations in exports than in domestic cotton prices. In 1985-86 and 1986-87, the Cotton Export Corporation made substantial losses because of the low international price of cotton. As far as rice is concerned, profits of the Rice Export Corporation were much more stable and have been substantial but declining over the period. The decline is due to the need to increase procurement prices of rice to give the necessary incentives to farmers and also due to growing competition in the international market which has resulted in declining world price of irri rice. (iii) Tax on Imported Food Crops It is only in the last couple of years that the government has begun to use import duties on sugar and edible oils as a source of revenue and means of encouraging their production. Previously imports of these two commodities were restricted to the public sector, and were more likely to involve subsidies than taxes (see table 7. lb). Both the sugar industry and the edible oil industry are also subject to excise taxation which has been a significant source of Government revenue. However, it is assumed that excise duties are - 73 - taxes os industry/consumers rather than agriculture and therefore, are not included here as Government revenue from agriculture. (iv) Impott Duties on Agricultural Inputo Agricultural inputs are subject only to nomind import duties if at all. Most of the agricultural machinery is importable duty-free and fertilizer imports are subsidized. Therefore, duty on imports is not an important source of government revenue from agriculture. Column (1) of Table 7.1 shows the total revenue obtained from the agricultural sector which is the sum of revenue discussed in sub-sections (i) to (iv) above. B. Government Expenditures The major sources of Government expenditures on price policy are discussed below: (i) Explicit Import Subsidy on Imuorted Food Crops: It is extremely difficult to obtain data on the explicit import subsidy because in the fiscal records the total subsidy (both on imported as well as locally procured crops) is given together. Therefore, we have also given one figure for consumer subsidy on food crops as discussed in (ii) below: (ii) Direct Production subsidy or Consumption Subsidy: Examination of the procurement prices and border prices of individual crops in Chapter 4 shows that there is no production subsidy to agriculture. No doubt the farmes do benefit from Government munimum support price and procurement programs because it prevents the sharp decline in prices which might otherwise occur at harvest time. However, it is extremely difficult to estimate the - 74 - monetary benfita of this program to the farmer. The subsidies on different crops are therefore treated as consumption subsidies as discussed below. Whe Subsidy on wheat arises because the Government wishes to ensure the availability of flour to consumers at a low price. This was done by the Government absorbing the entire distribution, handling and storage costs of wheat and releasing wheat to flour mills for the supply of flour to ration depots at procuremnent price plus milling cost only. since derationing of wheat in 1987 the subsidy arises from the cost of wheat to the govermment, including handling, transportation and storage, being higher than the government sale price of wheat. The subsidy on wheat is the major portion of the total subsidies on consumption (Table 7.1b). Edible Oil: A subsidy on edible oil arose because of a Government attempts to insulate domestic consumer price from international price fluctuations. The Government fixes the price of the final products (cooking oil or vegetable ghee) and then provides imported edible oil to the industry at a price which leaves a certain profit margin after meeting processing and marketing costs. The difference between the Government's import price and release price is the subsidy. This varies with the international price of edible oil and if the international price falls below a certain level, as in 1986-87, then the government collects a tax instead. The subsidy on sugar has been fairly nominal and was primarily the administration and financial costs of providing sugar through the ration depots at fixed prices. The total of these three subsidies is the total consumption subsidy (Table 7. lb). - 75 - (iii) Direct Invut Subsidies: Directly or indirectly the Government subsidizes a large number of inputs. The most important of these have been fertilizers, plant protection, water and credit. Seeds and mechanization have also been subsidized. The details of the individual subsidies are presented in Table 7.1c. The most important subsidy is on fertilizers. The Government fixes the retail price of fertilizer. On imported fertilizers it picks up the difference between cost (import price plus handling transport and marketing charges) and the fixed retail prices. Till recently, in the case of local production, a tax was levied on the (old) low cost plants while the (new) high cost plants were reimbursed the difference between government fixed pnce and cost plus guaranteed minimum profits. The budget only reports the gross subsidy, i.e., the total expenditure incurred. However, we have used the net subsidy on fertilizer in our calculations which has been obtained by subtracting the revenue collected from the surcharge levied on the low cost producers firom the gross subsidy reported in budget documents. Another subsidy which is becoming increasingly important is on water. Traditionally, irrigation works were a source of revenue for the Government. But water rates were not increased in line with the incressing operation and maintenance (O & M) costs of the canal irngation system, so that over time, a subsidy emerged. Moreover the government also undertook large SCARP (Salinity Control and Reclamation Project) tubewell schemes. These have much higher operational and maintenance costs than the canal system and result in large subsidies. We have defined subsidy on water as the difference between the revenue obtained from the water charges and the Government 0 & M costs of the irrigation system. This definition does not take into account return on capital investment therefore it understates the true subsidy. Till 1973-74 there was a net income from this source, since then subsidy on water has increased and now represents 25-30 per cent of all subsidies on inputs (table 7. lc). The Government provides credit to the agricultural sector through the Agricultural Development Bank, Commercial Banks and Cooperatives. The entire system is Government owned and operated, and there is substantial subsidy involved because lending rates are well below true cost of funds. We have assumed a subsidy of 4 per cent up to 1971-72, 5 per cent between 1972-73 and 1976- - 76 - 77 and 7 per cent from 1978-79 to date. The reasons for choosing these different rates are: In the first period the main source of credit was the Agricultural Development Bank and Cooperatives which received funds from the State Bank at 2 per cent below the bank rate, while the bank rate itself was well below the cost of funds in the economy. Therefore, for this period the total subsidy is estimated at 4 per cent. In the second period a figure of 5 per cent has been taken because during this period Commercial banks, which had just been nationalized, also became an important source of agriculture credit. They had higher costs and also the recovery rate was poor. In the third period a still higher figure of 7 per cent is used because from 1977/78 funds have been made available to these institutions by the State Bank at 4 per cent below the bank rate. Also short term loans by Cooperatives for working capital have been made interest- free. Moreover, the Supervised Credit Scheme introduced by ADBP in this period has increased the cost of lending. By adding the expenditures estimated on items (i) to (iii) we obtain the total expenditure related to agricultural pricing policy. This is given for each year of the period under study in column (2) of Table 7.1. Table 7.1 [column (3)] presents the net revenues resulting from pricing policy, which is the difference between total revenues and total expenditures. The table also shows net revenues as a proportion of the total budget (column 4) and the budget deficit (column 5). It can be seen that net revenues have been negative for the entire period. Unfortunately, because of lack of budget data for present Pakistan (after the separation of Bangladesh) for the period prior to 1971, it has not been possible to calculate proportion of net revenue (or mor.e appropriately net expenditure) to the Budget or the budget deficit for the 1960s. From the data that we have, we observe that since 1971, net expenditure on agriculture has tended to increase throughout the period. As a proportion of the budget net expenditures reached the peak in 1979-80 whey they accounted for almost 9 per cent of the total budget and 33 per cent of the budget deficit. In that year total subsidies at almost RslO billion (1985-86 prices) were the highest ever. It seems that about this time the Govermment realized that subsidies were getting out of control and measures were taken to reduce them. Fertilizer and consumer prices were adjusted upwards and the subsidy on pesticides was discontinued. As a result of these measures the share of net expenditures in the budget fell to about 3 per cent in the early 1980s, since 1983-84 net expenditures have again started to - 77 - increase ad in the last two years they have accounted for over 6 per cent of the budget and 20 per cent of the budget deficit. The increase has come about partly because of higher expenditure on wheat and fertilizer subsidies, and partly as a result of large losses of the Cotton Export Corporation. To sum up, it seems that revenue Mcr se was never the primary objective of governmnt's agricultural price policies. In fact these policies have been a considerable drain on government resources and, except for the period 1973 to 1976, even subsidies on agricultural inputs have exceeded the revenues. Thus one may conclude that government's objective were two fold, first to promote agricultural growth through subsidies on key inputs and, second, to promote development of other sectors of the economy by ensuring low prices of food and raw materials. These were obviously contradictory objectives and, except in the 1960s, government policies did not really succeed in achieving either one. Section 7.2: Transfer of Resources Between Agriculture and the Rest of the Economy The objective of this section is to estimate the extent transfers between agriculture and non-agriculture sectors of the economy during the period under study. Table 7.2a presents the direct and total nominal transfers due to output price interventions by each of the five crops. The direct effects are evaluated at the official exchange rate while the total effects are evaluated at the equilibrium exchange rate. All values are given in 1985-86 prices. Table 7.2b presents direct and total transfers due to input price interventions. The inputs considered are fertilizer, plant protection, credit and water. Fertilizer subsidy is calculated as the difference between domestic and border prices. The credit subsidy is calculated by taking opportunity cost at 10 per cent and adjusting for inflation. Credit and water subsidies are not adjusted for exchange rate overvaluation to obtain direct and total effects. Table 7.2c presents the sum of transfers resulting from input and output price intervention. It can be seen that the direct transfers range between -2 per cent and 7 per cent of the G.D.P. while the total transfers range between 2 per cent and 12 per cent. These shares are even larger as a proportion - 78- of the aricultural sector G.D.P., i.e., total transfers between 7 per cent and 36 per cent of value added in agricultur. Table 7.2d presents total transfers resulting from both price intervention and other government expenditures. it shows that during the second half of the 1960s public investment in agriculture more than compensated for the price transfers and there was a small net inflow into tho agricultural sector. The situation was reversed in the first half of the 1970s, when total price related transfers mcreased three fold and there was a net transfer out of agiculture equal to 5 per cent of GDP (15 per cent of agricultural value added). this was the period when the Bhutto governmeat used export taxes and export monopolies to generate revenue for the government and, as seen in the previous section, it was the only time when government revenues from price policies exceeded government expenditure on agricultural input subsidies. There was a decline in net transfers thereafter, except for a brief period in early 1980s, and by 1987 these had come down to less than 1 per cent of GDP. No doubt international prices of agricultural commodities were at an all time low in 1986-87 and therefore the decline in net transfers is exaggerated, but in the 1980s goverment has consciously tried to improve incentives for agricultural production by bringing domestic prices in line with international prices. Secfion 7J: Govemuent Investment and Total Expenditure Policy In this section we attempt to estimate the bias, if any, in the government investment policy and the government expenditure policy with respect to agriculture. The index for the bias in govemment investment is calculated as follows for each year: GI /GI GI. GD GDP"A / GDP where GI total public investment expenditures GIA = public investmentexpendituresinagriculture (whichincludes irrigation, roads, storages, research and extension) at federal and provincial levels. - 79 - GDP,A value added originating in agriculture in the case of no intervention and GI, = index of Govenment Investment Bias. The index GI, compares the share of agriculture in public investment expenditures to the shae of agriculture in GDP. If GI, = I , it would indicate no bias against or in favor of agriculture in public investment policy. If GI, > I ( < I , then there is a bias against (in favor of) agriculture. Similarly, the index for bias in Govermment expenditure is calculated as follows: GEA/GE GE,= GDP",, / GDP The necessary data to calculate these indices is presented in Table 7.3. The government investment in agriculture is taken from Table 7.2d and the Government expenditure on agriculture is the sum of total expenditure shown in Table 7.1 and government investment. The agricultural non- intervention GDP has been calculated as follows: GDPM'A = GDPA + Net price related transfer out of agriculture whero GDPA = actual value added in agriculture, and the net price related transfers, out of agriculture au given in Table 7.2c. The two indices are presented in Table 7.3 which shows that during the latter half of the 1960s the bias in Government investment was in favor of the agriculture sector, i.e., GI, was greater tha one. The reason for this was the massive investment undertaken in the water sector during this period. This investment included the Indus Basin Replacement Works, the Dams at Mangla and Tarbela and the lar Salinity Control and Reclamation (SCARP) Projects. As seen in the previous section, transfe out of agriculture through the prce, mechanism were more than compensated for by the - 80 - government and that probably explains to a large extent the extremely good performance of the agricultural sector during this period. In the early 1970s the bias against agriculture emerged and continued to increase reaching its maximum in 1977-78 when GI, was only 0.48. This bias was a product of the Peoples Party's industry oriented public investment policy. This was also the period when transfers out of agriculture as a result of price policy were extremely high. Thus it is not surprising that the performance of the agricultural sector during this period was the worst during the last 2 1/2 decades. Since 1977-78, the bias has been reduced somewhat because of the increasinx emphasis on rural infrastructure. Since budget data is available only from 1970-71 onwards, GE. Index has been calculated only for this period. It shows that the urban bias in Government expenditure has always been very strong and has tended to increase over time. However, it may be mentioned that it is much more difficult to allocate government expenditure by sectors than investment and, therefore, in these there is much greater margin of error. - 81 - ChaRter 8 Income Distribution Effects of Agricultural Pricing Policies Introduction In Chapter 6 it was shown that price policies affect both output as well as consumption of agricultural commodities. It is natural to ask whether the impact varies by region, farm size and income groups. These issues of income distribution are addressed in this chapter. Since calculating farmers' income by size categories for different regions is fairly complicated, methodological issues in evaluating income distribution effects of price policies take up a lot of the discussion in this chapter which is organized as follows: 8.1 presents the farm income distribution effects and constitutes the central piece of the chapter. 8.2 gives the effect on rural non-farm workers and 8.3 on the urban population. The last two are discussed in terms of changes in the relevant consumer price indices. Section 8.1: Rural Farm Income Effects In calculating the income distribution effects for rural Pakistan we ended up with thirty separate categories of farmers. These categories were obtained by dividing the country into ten agro- climatic zones and then, within each zone, distinguishing between small, medium, and large farmers. (The details of regions and size categories is given in Appendix 3). Farn incomes were defined as follows: y E = £VAi Qi (1) Y 'F = EVA 'i Q'i (2) Y F = EVA Q (3) where VA, VA' and VA are the value addeds per unit of output at intervention, transport adjusted border - 82 - and effective transport adjusted border prices respectively and Q : is output (of wheat, basmati, irri, cotton and sugarcane). In order to calculate Y,F, Y F and Y F for each of the thirty farm categories, the following procedure was adopted: 1. Production figures ( Q;: i = w, b , ir , c, sc ) for each agro-climatic zone for the years 1972 and 1980 were calculated from district level data (in the Agricultural Statistics of Pakistan) for the relevant years. 2. Estimates of domestic and border prices at farmgate for different crops and fertilizer as well as the cost of other purchased inputs are presented in Chapters 4 and 5. From this information VA, VA and VA were calculated in the following manner: VA, : Pi (i ( I- X,- Fi) I (i Pi (I - Y,-F *3(4 VA;: P iQ'(1 -Xi- F ,)/Qi = Pi ( l -Xi- Fi ) (5) Pf / Pf Pf / Pf VA i: Pi Q'i 1 - Xi - F1 ) / Q'i = P ( 1-X - F1) (6) (Pt i p;f (PfIP ) where P j, P i and P i* are the producer, transport adjusted border, and effective transport adjusted border prices of Q ; respectively, and P, P 'f and P f are the corresponding fertilizer prices. - 83 - X i cost of purchased inputs (others than fertilizer) used in the production of commodity i as a proportion of value of commodity i F cost of fertilizer used in the production of commodity i as a proportion of value of commodity i. 3. Multiplying VA, VA' and VA given in equations (4), (5) and (6) with the output figures Q and summing across crops provides us with regional nominal farm incomes Y Y, Y and Y , for each of the ten agro-climatic zones. 4. To calculate the distribution of Y ,, Y F and Y , among small, medium and large farmers in each zone, the following procedure was adopted: The total area under the five crops - wheat, basmati, irri, cotton and sugarcane - was calculated for each zone. Next we calculated the proportions of this area cultivated by small, medium and large farmers in that zone. On the basis of these proportions, we subdivided Y p, Y F and Y into the size categories. The above procedure would be un-objectionable if the following assumptions were to hold: In every zone (i) Output and input prices faced by small, medium and large farmers were identical. (ii) The cropping pattern of small, medium and large farmers were identical. (The definition of cropping patterns is made precise later in this section). (iii) Yield per acre (for each of the five crops) were identical for sma1l, medium and large farmers. - 84 - Let's look at the evidence to see if these assumptions are reasonable. Direct evidence on output and input prices faced by farmers in different size categories is not available, however, results of a survey carried out by the Agricultural Prices Commission (APCom) in 1982/83 (cost of Production of Fields Crops, 1985) suggests that in the province of Sind, the cost of production of cotton per acre was higher for small farmers than for large farmers yet their yield per acre was lower than large farmers'. Most likely explanation is that the small farmers faced higher prices for inputs compared to the large farmers. Results of another survey suggest that the price of wheat received by small, medium and large farmers in the Punjab also varies directly with the size of farm (Comelisse and Naqvi, 1984). However, some of these differences can be accounted for by the implicit interest charged by wheat traders who also provide interest free loans to srnall farmers. In brief the evidence we have on input and output prices for small, medium and large farmers is mixed and suggests that some differences may exist. Turning now to the second assumption. we introduce some notation to ma;e precise the meaning of the term, cropping pattern. Let A',, A and Ai = Area under crop i ( i = w, b, ir, c, sc ) cultivated by small, medium and large farmers Aj Total area cultivated by a j sized farmer ( j S , M, L) ai i = A2l ,(i = w, b, ir, c, sc ) and (j = S, M, L) A1 Then the assumption on cropping pattem requires that i s = i M = OL ( i = w, b, ir, c, sc) (7) - 85 - The data on cropping pattern for the ten agro-climnatic zones for 1972 and 1980 shows that the assumption for cropping pattern is fairly reasonable for most of the zones. The exceptions are RIW (Rice/Wheat) Punjab and R/W Sind. In these zones the difference in cropping pattern are more prominent for 1972 than for 1980. As for the third assumption, it may be pointed out that the question of size - productivity relationship has been a subject of considerable research in Pakistan. There appears to be some concensus that prior to the Green Revolution in the late sixties, there was an inverse relationship between size and productivity but after the Green Revolution this relationship may have been reversed. The reason for the inverse relationship is generally attributed to the small farmers' placing lower value on the opportunity cost of household labor than large farmers and consequently using it more intensively. This would result in higher yield per acre on small farms than on large farms. After the advent of the Green Revolution, larger farmers who had an advantage over smaller farmers in the purchase of finance intensive inputs - seeds, fertilizers, pesticides, farm machinery, etc. - could be expected to have higher yield per acre compared to small farmers. It seems that in practice these two opposing tendencies may cancel one another. Recent surveys by APCom show that generally the yields per acre for small, medium and large farmers are very similar. To sum up, the evidence suggests that for most of the zones, our procedure of dividing farm incomes into small, medium and large categories provides a good approximation. For the zones where our basis of farm size distribution is not fully reliable (i.e. R/W Punjab and R/W Sind) we would need to have more detailed data than is currently available if estimates are to be improved. Farm Income: Regional farm income of small, medium and large farmers (in each agro-climatic zone) calculated in step 4 above was divided by the number of farms in each category in that region to obtain individual farm-income. - 86 - Adiustment for Total CropOed Area: So far we have calculated farm income on the basis of the five most important crops. The area devoted to these crops in 1980 ranges from 42% in the case of large farms in low- density Punjab to 75 % in the case of small farms in C/W (cotton/wheat) Sind. The distribution of incomes on the basis of the five crops above could prove misleading because of the variation in the proportion of acreage devoted to the five crops among size categories and agro-climatic zones. Some adjustment of farm incomes was therefore necessary. Without a detailed breakdown of information on value added and output for the other crops, it is not possible to obtain a fully reliable estimate of incomes generated by the other crops. The simplest adjustment to make and the one we adopted was the following: if Y, : farm income from the five crops A : area under the five crops Al area under the other crops Y, (adj) =YP ( A + ) (8) A This assumes that the income per acre from crops not covered by this study is the same as the average for the five crops included in the study. Non-Farm Income: In order to calculate non-farm income of farming households, YN,, we relied on results of a recent survey which reports the ratio of farm to non-farm incomes in selected agro-climatic zones (Punjab Economic Research Institute, 1985). The survey provides estimates for three agro-climatic zones in the Punjab. For the other zones the ratios were constructed by adjusting the reported ratios according to our estimate of avaible non-farm employment opportunities in these zones relative to zones for which data was available. The survey estimates and our estimates for the other zones are reported - 87 - in table 8.1. Total Incor (Farm plus non-farm) Total income of farm families is defined as: Y YP + Y., (9) Since estimates on non-farm income are available only for 1985, total incomes are reported for 1980 only. Dynamic Elements (Short-run and cumulative incomes) To take into account the impact of short-run and cumulative output effects on farmes' incomes, we calculated the following: Yi = E(VA) Q,, (10) Y ,a = E(VA) Q , (11) Y LR. = FE(VA) Q '. LA (12) - *1XF = E(VA) Q * " (13) where Q ;i, , and Q 'i, Q : short run output in the absence of direct and total intervention respectively Q ;, , and Q ',, : long run output in the absence of direct and total intervention respectively - 88 - Comparison of equations (10) - (13) with equations (1) - (3) indicates that we need to construct series on Q *, . , Q '; , . Q ;R . Q " . Since we have already calculated, in chapter 6, series on short run and cumulative outputs (both direct and total) for all five crops, we need to divide these outputs amongst the thirty farm categories. This was done by allocating the short run and long run outputs among the thirty categories in the same ratio as the distribution of actual outputs between these categories. We also calculated total incomes of farming households by adding non-farm income to estimates of farm income obtained above. The assumption that non-farm income would be the same under intervention and non-intervention price regimes is, however, a weak one. Price Indices (Rural) To calculate real incomes of farming households it is necessary to construct PI (farmers consumer price index). To do that we distinguished between agricultural and non-agricultural commodities. Agricultural commodities were taken to be wheat (w), Rice (r), clothing (c) and sugar (su). All other commodities were ureated as non-agricultural. The weights for the four agricultural commodities were taken from Saleem and Haq (1985). These weights (table 8.2) were kept constant for the entire period of study. The price indices PI, PI and PI were calculated as follows: PI = i_ Pi + ( 1 -, i )NA (14) PI = E .i Pi + ( 1- F. ) P. (15) P, = E,P + (1- Ei )P P (16) where ai share of product i in farmers consumer price index P , P 'i and P * : price of the ith agricultural commodity at intervention, border, and effective 89 - border prices, respectively. PNA and P NA: price of non-agricultural commodities, actual and at effective border prices. The base for P i, P i . P i',i NA and P NA. has been taken as 1985-86 = 100. The Prices P, P and P for wheat, rice and sugar were reported in chapter 4. The prices for clothing were taken to be the same as the price of cotton. Thus we have made the implicit assumption that the prices of clothing increased at the same rate as the price of cotton. From the available sources we did not have information on expenditure on Basmati and Irri rice. However expenditure on all rice was available. The prices P , P and P given in chapter 4 are for Basmati and Irri. Using these prices we constructed prices P , P and P for rice. The following procedure was followed: P,= Cb b + c p (17) Cb+Ci C b + c i where P,, P b and P i : price of rice, basmati and irri respectively. Cb and ci domestic consumption of basmati and irri respectively. Consumption figures c b and c i from 1970/71 onwards were available from published sources. Therefore, an index P, was constructed using Eq. (17) for 1970/71 onwards. Since data on different varieties of rice is not available for the 60s to obtain a series for P, from 1960/61 to 1969/70, we assumed that the percentage annual change in the P, index in these years was the same as that in the retail price index of rice published in the Pakistan Economic Survey. - 90 - To construct P,, Eq. (17) was modified to: PCb P b + P' (18) C b + C i C b + C i Again the problem was that of extending the series backwards from 1969/70 to 1960/61. A splicing procedure was used - this time the index used was the International Price Index of rice obtained from Commodity Trade and Price Trends: (World Bank, August 1981). The series of P , which was easily constructed using P , and the ratio of nominal exchange rate to the equilibrium exchange rate. The weights a i for wheat, rice, clothing and sugar were calculated from the study by Saleem and Haq (1985) which reports households consumption expenditure by commodity for Barani and irrigated areas. A weighted average was obtained using thLe proportion of irigated and barani area to total area as weights (see table 8.2). Price indices based on equations (14), (15) and (16) are reported in table 8.3. These were used to deflate the nominal farm incomes obtained in the previous section to calculate the real farm incomes which are given in tables 8.4(a) to (c). The results on real income per farm Real incomes per farm by size categories for the different agro-climatic zones in the country are presented in table 8.4 (b). It is seen that in 1972 the actual income (INST-P) of small farmers in irrigated areas ranged between Rsl800 and Rs6500 (1985-86 prices). It is also seen that if there had been no direct price intervention (INST-P ) their incomes would have been about a third higher. The actual production evaluated at effective transport adjusted boarder prices (INST-PS) gives incomes for this category of farmers in the range of Rs 3500 and Rs 12500, that is about twice the actual incomes. If the output adjustment to these prices are taken into account (LRTOT-PS) then the incomes range from Rs 4300 - 91 - to Rs 22500. In other words, agricultural incomes of small farmers in irrigated areas were reduced by two-and-a-half to three times as a result of government price intervention. These incomes may be compared with those of large farmers whose actual incomes ranged between Rs 25000 and Rs 55000 while incomes with no intervention would have been between Rs 35000 and Rs 109000. In the long run these would have been even higher that is between Rs 38000 and Rs 207000. In 1980 real incomes (at 1985-86 prices) of srall farmers in irrigated areas were between Rs 2900 and Rs 10000 that is about 50% higher than that in 1972. With the removal of all interventions these incomes would have increased to between Rs 6000 and Rs 16000 that is one-and-a- half to two times the actual incomes. In the long run their incomes would have been between Rs 8900 and Rs 26000. Thus one sees that in the 1980's the relative loss of income because of price intervention was somewhat less than that in 1972 but it was still very large. The real incomes in 1980 of large farmers in irrigated areas ranged between Rs 35000 and Rs 77000 while in the case of non-intervention these incomes would have been between Rs 56000 and Rs 138000, (Rs 83000 to Rs 20300 in the long run). Incomes of small farmers in the barani-Punjab (which accounts for most of the farmers in unirrigaged areas) in 1972 were around Rsl400 while large farmers incomes were about Rs 7800. Without intervention incomes of small farmers would have been about Rs 2100 and those of large farmers around Rs 11200. Thus in the non-irrigated regions, farmers' incomes were affected to a lesser extent than in the irrigated areas. The same pattern is observed in 1980 where real incomes of small farmers were Rs 2500 with intervention compared to Rs 3400 without intervention. Incomes of large farmers would have increased from Rs 13800 to about Rs 19000 with the elimination of intervention. So far we have discussed only farm incomes, however, when we take account of non- farm incomes the total income, particularly for small farmers, is substantially higher. The -relative gain is largest in the case of Barani Punjab where total real incomes in 1980 were Rs 3400 compared to Rs 2500 for farm income. The actual total incomes for small farmers in irrigated areas ranged between Rs 3300 and Rs 10900, thus non-farm income brings small farmers in barani areas at par with the lower end of small farmers in irrigated areas. In the case of large farmers in the irrigated areas actual income ranged between Rs 36000 and RS 77000, and in unirrigated areas it was around Rs 15000. Thus it is seen that taking into account non-farm incomes significantly reduces the disparity between regions in the case - 92 - of small fanners but not to the same extent in the case of large farmers. Total incomes without intervention are not reported here because it was not possible to take into account the impact of elimination of intervention on non-farm incomes. Renional Income Effects In Table 8.4(c) we have reported the farm income in a zone as percentage of total income of all the ten zones. It shows that in 1972 the most adversely affected region because of government intervention was Cotton Punjab, whose share of total income would have increased from 30 percent actually to 39% in the case of no intervention and full output adjustments. Looking at the regional distribution for 1980 one finds that this pattern was no longer true and the regional distribution of income remained more or less unaffected by government intervention. The biggest losers were rice/wheat Punjab and Sind and Mixed-Punjab whose shares would have increased by 1 to 2 percentage points each with the elimination of intervention. Income Effects Income effect based on farm income is defined as: A yD,F = yF - y (19) y F YT,F = yF - ('F (20) y F Note Eq. (19) is the instantaneous effects of direct interventions and Eq. (20) is the instantaneous effects of total price interventions. - 93 - Short run and cumulative (direct and total) effects for farm incomes are defined as: , SRD, = yF - y SR,P _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ ~~~~~~~~(21) y SR,FP A , LRSR = yP - yLR, F y SR, F ySR,,P = YF - YSR, F (23) SR, F ,LR,, p = yFP y'LR, F (24) y LR, F Calculations based on Eq. (19) - (24) are reported in Tables 8.5 and 8.6. Table 8.5 shows that the instantaneous, short-run and cummulative effects of direct price intervention on farm income were negative in 1972 in all regions except for rice/wheat sind, barani- Punjab and Baluchistan. However, when we look at the effects of total intervention (Table 8.6). It is seen that in all regions the effects become negative which indicates that actual farm incomes were lower than what they would have been without intervention. In the instantaneous case the actual incomes were 30 to 50 percent less than the non-intervention incomes with the losses being largest in the export producing regions. Also, as expected, allowing for output changes increases the loss. In the short-run the losses were as high as 58 percent and in the long-nm as much as 74 percent. Comparing 1980 with 1972, it appears that with the reduction in overvaluation of the rupee the income effects of even direct intervention were negative in all regions and mostly in the range of 20 to 40 percent. In the case of total - 94 - intervention the negative effects were naturally larger and ranged between 30 and 50 percent in the instantaneous case, that is about the same as in 1972. Section 8.2: Rural Labor Real Income Effects Income effects for rural hired labour are defined to be 9 - PI (25) PI T 1 (26) - PI where PI, PI and Pl are the rural price indices at intervention, border and effective border price, discussed earlier, and Yn and Y, are the direct and total effects. Calculations based on Eq. (25) and (26) are given in Table 8.7. The data shows that the effect of direct intervention was to benefit the hired labour by keeping consumer prices below the non-intervention prices throughout the period. In the 1960s the benefit was in the range of 10 to 20 % and in the 1970s it increased to 30 %. Since then the benefit of government intervention for rural workers has declined, being around 15% in 1985-87. However, these benefits are on the assumption that govermment intervention did not affect earnings of rural workers. In fact higher returns to agriculture, under non-intervention scenario, would have generated greater employment in rural areas which in turn would have resulted in higher wages. Therefore, the actual benefits for rural workers, if any, were probably much smaller than those calculated here. - 95 - Secion 8.3: Urban Real Income Effects Urban prices indices were constructed for three income groups. These groups were: Low income group: Rs 0 - 600, Medium income group: Rs 601 - above, and High income group: Rs 2501 -above. All commodities, other than wheat, rice, clothing and sugar were treated as non- agricultural. The weights for the agricultural commodities for these income groups were obtained from the Household Income and Expenditure Survey 1979. Price indicies for the urban consumers take the form: CPI k = kipki + (I-Eijki) PNA (27) CPIk kU3kjP'i k + (I-EOkj) PNA (28) CPI = EftkiP i k + (1-Epki) P NA (29) The price indices P , P and P NA used in calculating Eqs. (27) - (29) were taken to be the same as for rural areas. The weights Pq. ,BR, PC and fl for wheat, rice, clothing and sugar respectively were obtained from the Household Income and Expenditure Survey, 1979 [The weights are reported in table 8.2. Note that three sets of weights have been reported-one for each income group]. The consumer price indices based on equations (27) - (29) are reported in table 8.8. The effect of agricultural pricing policies on urban incomes (as captured by their effect on the consumer price indices) are reported in Tables 8.9 and 8.10. The tables report: - 96 - ^ ~~CPIk 1 yD =30 CPIk T = CPI- (31) CPI ( where k refers to the income group. Tables 8.9 and 8.10 present real instantaneous effect on urban incomes of direct and total price intervention, respectively, for three income groups. The short run and long run effects have not been presented because it is not clear how output changes in agriculture would have affected incomes and prices in urban areas. Clearly one can expect that higher real incomes in rural areas would have had a positive impact on urban wages but the extent of this impact can not be estimated without some formal model which specifies this relationship. Looking at the income impact of total price intervention it is seen that the effect of intervention was to benefit primarily lower and middle income groups. This result is to be expected because expenditure on agricultural commodities, particularly food, as a proportion of total income tends to decline with an increase in income. On average, for the period as a whole the percentage excess of actual real incomes over non-intervention levels for low and middle income groups were fairly small, i.c., 6 and 3 per cent, respectively. For both the groups, benefits were the highest in the 1970s (maximum of 26 and 19 % respectively in 1974/75) and since then they have tended to decline, indicating a narrowing of gap between actual and non-intervention prices for urban consumers, becoming almost negligible by 1986/87. The pattern of changes in income effects indicates that the government generally tried to protect real incomes of the lowest income group by not allowing the increases in world prices to fully effect domestic prices. However, the govermment also did not allow, possibly for budgetary and balance of payments reason, this gap to grow over time. Therefore, the net impact of govermment intervention in urban areas was primarily to smooth out the fluctuations in world prices and stabilize domestic prices with only a small real income impact for the period as a whole. - 97 - ChaDter 9 The Political Economy of Agricultural Price Interventions Introduction As discussed earlier, Government price interventions in agriculture may be divided into two types, i.e., direct and indirect. The indirect intervention has been the result of an overvalued Rupee which Pakistan has maintained since independence. This overvaluation was the direct consequence of the import substitution industrialization strategy followed by Pakistan through out this period. Since the agricultural sector is a net exporter, indirect intervention has resulted in a transfer of resources from agriculture to other sectors as shown in Chapter 7. However, as the overvaluation of the rupee has declined overtime (see Table 3.2) the importance of indirect intervention has also declined. As an analysis of the reasons behind the choice of industrialization strategy (and accompanying exchange rate policy) followed by Pakistan is beyond the scope of this study, in this chapter we shall concentrate on the political economy of the direct price interventions in agriculture. There were three major considerations driving the direct price intervention system in Pakistan. First was balance of payments considerations and govermnent policies generally attempted to either maximize foreign exchange earnings in the case of export crops (cotton and rice) or minimnize imports in the case of deficit crops (wheat and sugar). Second were political considerations which prompted governments to adopt policies to protect urban consumers against increases in food prices. Third was budgetary considerations which imposed an upper limit on subsidies and created a need to generate revenues. There were obvious conflicts between policies appropriate for each of these three considerations. For example, political considerations required keeping food prices low, but if this was done through subsidies it resulted in budgetary problems and if producer prices were depressed then supply was adversely affected which forced the government to import and thus aggravated the balance of payment problems. Similarly, taxation of export crops did generate fiscal revenues but it also adversely affected supply and thus had a negative impact on the surplus available for export and therefore on the balance of payments. Which of the three considerations dominated at anytime depended on the situation at that time. However, because of the inherent conflicts mentioned above the government would sooner or later be forced to change policies. For example, in the early 70s during the period of the commodity - 98 - boom the government attempted to protect urban consumers by keeping the procurement price of wheat low and giving a subsidy on imported wheat. The revenue to finance the subsidy was generated by taxing and monopolizing export trade in cotton and rice and creating a wedge between the international and the domestic price. However, stagnation in agricultural production resulted in increasing wheat imports and declining exports of cotton and rice. Thus, the balance of payments came under pressure. Also since imported wheat was much more expensive than the domestically produced one, the subsidy on wheat also increased rapidly while declining export surpluses in cotton and rice resulted in decline in revenues from export taxes. Thus a double squeeze on the budget resources took place, i.e., both on the expenditure and revenue sides. Because of balance of payments and budgetary pressures the government was forced to increase the ration shop price of atta (wheat flour) and sugar and the producer prices of all crops substantially in 1974-75. Thus we see that though the underlying considerations for governrments price interventions in the agriculture sector were common for the sector as a whole, the actual price policies that resulted from these tended to be fairly crop specific. The procurement price fixed for an individual crop each year would depend upon whether it was an importable or an cxportab'l, whether the surpluses/shortages were increasing or decreasing, whether the world price was high or low, etc. Since all these factors seldom moved in the same direction at the same time for all crops the actual pricing decisions in any year were taken on a crop by crop basis. Therefore, in the discussion that follows we have discussed the interventions, the interactions between the different actors, and the administrative implications of these, separately for each crop. Section 9.1: Wheat The government's primary objective for price intervention in wheat was to provide urban consumers with wheat atta (flour) at low prices. The secondary objective was to protect the farmers against seasonal price fluctuations. The latter became important in 1968 when the introduction of HYV of wheat resulted in large surpluses which the existing system could not deal with. The government felt that since most farmers did not have holding capacity at harvest time private traders, taking advantage of the seasonal glut on the market, would push down the price and deprive the farmers of a fair return. _ 99 - Therefore, it decided to purchase wheat directly from the farmer at harvest time in competition with private traders. However, because of subsidies on public sector operations private sector found it difficult to compete and the government's share of wheat trade tended to expand. By 1982 the government procured 73 per cent of the marketable surplus in the Punjab [Cornelisse and Naqvi, 1984]. In other words, what was initially conceived (in the late 1960s) as a back up system to ensure a minimum price to the farmer had grown over time so that by 1980s it was handling most of the marketed wheat and the role of private traders had been reduced to that of mere commission agents. On the consumption side, since wheat is the staple food and its price a politically sensitive issue all governments have attempted to insulate the urban consumers from price fluctuations in the market. This was done by supplying wheat atta through a govermment controlled system at a fixed price. Since the early 1970s this also involved a subsidy on wheat to the consumer but the subsidy had seldom been allowed to become too large. That was achieved by increasing the government's issue price of flour in line with the increase in the procurement price of wheat. However, the increase in the flour price could be made at a time of government's choosing and was not subject, in the short run, to the market forces. This control over timing of the price increase was important to the government for political reasons, often an increase in the price of wheat flour was announced simultaneously with a wage increase for workers in government, industry and other sectors of the economy. The wheat procured by the government as part of its support price policy was supplied to the ration shops which provided the atta at a fixed price to the consumers. Therefore, the two objectives (cheap food for urban consumers and price stability for producers) were interlinked and an understanding of the govermment intervention in wheat can best be had by looking at the overall working of the wheat procurement and rationing system. The wheat flow chart (figure 9.1) presents diagramatically the links between the different actors in the chain. - 100 - 9.1.1 Administrative Structure of Procurernent/Rationing System for Wheat The Federal government makes the policy decisions regarding the procurement price of wheat, its issue price to the mills and (till recently) the 'atta' price for the consumers at the ration shops. It is also responsible for allocating imported wheat to the provinces and other government departments, setting procurement targets for each province and distributing wheat from surplus provinces to deficit areas. Within the central government the Ministry of Food and Agriculture (MINFA) has the primary responsibility for such policy decisions. The actual procurement and distribution operations are the responsibility of the provincial governments. In the 1970s setting of the procurement price of wheat, and other crops, was carried out on an ad-hoc basis. In 1981 the Agricultural Prices Commission (APCOM) was set up to provide systematic input to MINFA for making its price recommendations to the cabinet. The procedure since then has been as follows: Each year in August APCOM presents a paper on 'Support Price Policy for Wheat" to MINFA and other concerned ministries. The paper, alongwith the recommendations of MINFA, are discussed hv the cabinet in September/Octobec and ihe decision regarding the procurement price of wheat for the crop to be harvested in April-June next year is announced before its sowing begins in November. The decision regarding the issue price of wheat for the ration shop system (now the release price to private traders) may, or may not, be taken at the time but the timing of its announcement is determined by political considerations. The actual operation of the procurement and the ration shop system was the responsibility of the Provincial governments. At the provincial level the Food Department headed by the Director of Food, was the responsible agency. The provincial govermnents specified the regulations governing the relationships between the different parts of the procurement/rationing chain and regulated the movement of grain between the surplus and deficit regions within the province. Each province was divided into regions which had a Deputy Director, Food, who was responsible for procurement, quality control, storage, and issuance of wheat from Provincial Reserve (Storage and Distribution) Centers to -101 - FIGURE 9.1 Wheat Flow Chart Imports … -------Farmerst £ ~~~~(Prvt) traders - Govt (Food Dept. & PA.SSCo Govt. A2COI! Min of Agric. ___________ _____ (Prvt.) Min. of Finance Flour M{ills Other Govt. Departments Open Market Rto hp - Decisions - trnterest groups Commodity fIows K Iey decisions: - procurement price - release- price - quantity to be imported - 102 - the flour mills. The administrative level below the region was the district (there are over 50 districts in the country). Each district had a District Food (Rationing) Controller and he, along with his staff of Procurement/Storage center incharge, Food Inspectors and Ration/Shop inspectors, was responsible for the purchase of wheat from farmers and grain il%.'chants, its storage and supply to the flour mills and the issue of atta to the ration shops. The District Food Controller's office was also responsible for the issue of ration cards to households and licenses to ration shop owners, maintaining a record of the quantity of atta supplied to the ration shop and examining the records of the ration shop owners to ensure that the atta was actually purchased by the ration card holders. 9.1.2 The Ration Shop System The rationing system was first created by the British in 1942 as a short term response to shortage of goods due to wartime disruption of production and trade (Rogers and Levinson, 1976). The ration shop system consisted of specially licensed private retail outlets through which a fixed quantity of wheat per person per day was distributed. Other commodities such as sugar, tea, matches, kerosene and cloth were also available through ration shops. After Independence in 1947 the rationing system was retained for a few commodities to control hoarding and profiteering on goods still scarce as a result of the war and the dislocation and disruption following the partition. After a few good harvests the government abandoned rationing but it was soon reimposed wlien supply of wheat was adversely affected by floods in 1950. In 1952, because of balance of payments problems sugar was also rationed. In 1960 the government abolished statutory rationing and restrictions on wheat trade. It also announced a price stabilization policy under which it would purchase wheat at Rs. 13.50 per md. (37.3 kg) and sell from its stocks if the price in the open market rose above Rs. 16.00 per md.; within these prices the private traders were allowed to operate freely. A partial provisioning system was introduced under which the ration shops continued to distribute atta, supplied by the government, without limitation on the quantity purchased. This situation continued till 1965/66 when war with India, drought, and reduction in the U.S. Food Aid forced the government to reinstitute rationing of atta. - 103 - The People's Party Government which came into power in December 1971 had an explicit goal of meeting the minimum consumption needs of the poor. For this purpose the ration shop system was greatly expanded and a government monopoly on the sale of sugar through the ration shops was established. However, the government's attempts to provide the basic food items to the people at reasonable price were not very successful. In the face of worldwide inflationary pressure and rising domestic prices, first the government attempted to maintain the procurement price of wheat by instituting monopoly procurement of wheat in the Punjab. But farmer pressure forced it to abandon that policy fairly quickly and the government had to increase the procurement price of wheat in March 1973 just before the harvest. This was an unusual step because traditionally procurement price is increased prior to sowing so as to get the maximum supply response. The government then attempted to maintain the ration shop price of atta at the old level. The result was that the subsidy became very large; about Rs. 2 billion a year in 1973/74 and 1974/75, or more than 10% of the government's current expenditure. Therefore, the government was forced to increase the ration shop price of atta a number of times. It seems that the costs to the government of operating this system were much greater than the benefits to the consumers. For example in 1975 atta in ration shops was sold at Rs 1 per kg compared to the open market price of about Rs. 1.30 per kg, i.e. a benefit of Rs. 0.30 per kg to the consumer. The cost of the wheat subsidy for 1974/75 was Rs. 2119 million, while during that year total releases of wheat by government were less than 2 million tons, i.e., the cost to government was over Rs. 1 per kg, more than three times the benefit to the consumers. After the Zia government took over in 1977 the use of the rationing system declined, particularly after the derationing of sugar in 1983. In 1977 over 75 % of the urban population obtained atta from the ration shops and in 1979 the proportion was around 73 %, but by January 1986 the proportion had declined to less than 30% (Alderman, et.al., 1987). In April 1987 wheat flour was derationed. This was a very significant step in the deregulation process which began in 1977. The government took advantage of the comfortable wheat stock position (about 5 million tons) which resulted from the record crop of 1986 and substantial imports (ordered after the two bad years of 1984 - 104 - and 1985 but actually received in 1986) and announced its decision to deration atta coinciding with the 1987 wheat harvest (which at the time looked to be a good one). In the initial period, to prevent adverse public reaction, the government supplied wheat on demand to the private sector at a fixed price of Rs 2080 per ton (in bags). This was equal to the procurement price (plus the cost of bags) and involved a substantial subsidy. However, it was considerably higher than the existing ration shop price of Rs. 1.73 per kg. for wheat atta. The government also announced an increase of Rs 20 in the salary of low paid public employees to compensate for discontinuation of subsidized atta at the ration shop. The scheme as it exists today allows the private sector little incentive to participate in storage or transport (trade) of wheat because the government is committed to maintaining the same price for wheat at all times in the year and throughout the country. However, it was planned to gradually (over 3 to 5 years) increase the gap between the procurement price and the release price of wheat so as to increase the role of private traders. 9.1.3 The Procurement SYstem During the harvest season, from May to September, procurement centers are established at central points in the wheat surplus regions. In 1983 there were about 800 such centers in the country. The centers purchase wheat both from the growers and the grain merchants. The minimum lot size is 950 kgs, i.e. 10 standard bags of wheat. Gunny bags are supplied free to the growers and against a refundable deposit to the traders. Growers who sell directly to the government are supposed to be paid the full price of the grain the same day while other sellers are paid 97% of the price, the remainder being paid after quality deductions, if any, following laboratory analysis of samples of the wheat delivered. However, because of corruption among procurement staff and to avoid bureaucratic delays most small farmers prefer to sell to private traders who may then sell it to the government. Though procurement is voluntary, i.e., growers do not have to sell to the government, in practice in years of poor harvests the procurement agencies in order to meet their given targets, are known to get the help of the local administration to force the growers to sell their surplus wheat to the government at the procurement price when the open market price is higher. - 105 - Before the derationing of 1987 the food department supplied the procured wheat to the flour mnills, which operated on Government account. These mills were supposed to produce 100% whole-meal atta for the ration shops. Officers of the provincial food department were stationed at every flour nill and they were responsible for issuing atta to ration shop owners, for keeping records of the quantity of wheat received and milled, and for monitoring quality of atta produced. Wheat was also issued to Flour Mills for production of atta, with extraction of the prescribed percentage of bran, which was packed in bags of prescribed weight for sale through Fair Price Shops/Utility Stores or as directed by the Govermnent. 9.1.4 Administrative Costs. Corruption and Smuggling The direct administrative cost of operating the procurement/rationing system were not very large. Till mid-1980's the provincial Food Departments and the Pakistan Agricultural Storage and Supplies Corporation (PASSCO) were the executing agencies. In 1985 PASSCO employed 1950 persons, the Punjab Food department had 4000 employees and the food departments in the other three provinces together employed less than 5000 persons. Thus the total government jobs created by this system were less than 12000, of which about 650 were in the officer category and the rest were other staff. The total establishment (salary, allowances, etc.) cost of PASSCO and the concerned government departments in 1985 was about Rs150 million, i.e. about 25% of the total expenditure on Agricultural Research and Extension in that year. In other words the administrative costs, though significant, were not too great. The more important cost of the procurement/rationing system was the cost of the subsidy and the corruption it had engendered. That there was considerable corruption and waste in the system had been widely accepted for a long time. But it increased greatly in the 1980's because of decline in ration shop usage following the derationing of sugar in 1983. According to a recent study only 20% of the subsidized wheat supplied by the government to the flour mills was actually purchased by consumers in the ration shop. [Alderman, et.al., 19871. This study shows that the benefit received by consumers (i.e., the difference between the open market price and the ration shop price times the quantity purchased) - 106 - was only Rs 250 million in 1985/86k'. However, the cost of the subsidy to the goverument was Rs 1800 million. That is to say that under the program, Rsl550 million worth of subsidy was lost because of corruption and waste. This loss is equivalent to two-and-a-half times the expenditure on research and extension undertaken by the government in that year. It is evident that the prime beneficiaries of the system were not the consumers but the ration shop owners (who maintained false records of sales to ration card holders), the flour mill operators (who actually processed and sold the wheat in the open market) and the staff of the provincial food departments (who were supposed to police the system). These groups became the main lobbyists for continuing the rationing system. For example, when the government announced that it was considering the derationing of atta, the 45,000 or so ration shop owners in the country (and not the consumers or the labor unions) began a press campaign against it and also threatened to come out into the streets if the plan was carried out. Although no hard evidence is available but newspaper reports of the period and our interviews with persons in the government indicate that smuggling of wheat to India was widespread during most of the 1960s and the first half of the 1970s. The reason for this was that price of wheat in India was substantially higher than in Pakistan. Table 9.1 presents data on wheat prices at harvest time in Pakistan Punjab and the neighboring state of Indian Punjab. It shows that prior to 1975, prices in India were 50% to 75% higher than in Pakistan, since 1975 they have been more or less equal. The only reason that smuggling did not reach alarming proportions was that between 1965 and 1975 India and Pakistan fought two wars and for most of the period there was a heavy concentration of armed forces stationed on both sides of the border, which made large scale smuggling of wheat difficult. From time to time the government has introduced regulations to prevent smuggling. These include restrictions on free movement of wheat between districts and provinces, requirements that transportation between provinces (when permitted) must be by rail and not road, and all private traders must declare their stocks. It is difficult to say how effective these measures were in controlling smuggling but they certainly tended to fragment the domestic trade. Since 1977 most of these restrictions have been If the quality difference between the ration shop and open market atta is taken into account the benefit would be even smaller. - 107 - gradually withdrawn and becaue the price of wheat in Piddan is no longer below that in the neighboring countries, smuggling is presently not a problem. Section 9.2: uuinaw In Palistan there are very few area where the climate and the soil are ideal for sugarcane cultivation. However, even prior to idependence most farmers planted sugarcane on a smaU area and made a coarse brown sugar called gr for their own use. In 1949/50 about 200,000 bectares, i.e. 1.6 % of the cropped area was under sugarcane. In the face of balance of payments problems and in line with its import substitution strategy, the government imposed high tariffs and import restrictions on sugar. This made sugarcane cultivation attractive relative to other crops and by 1959/60 its area had expanded to about 400,000 hectares. However, at the time there were only 5 sugar mills in operation in the country which consnmed about 10% of the cane produced. The remaining 90% of the cane was still converted into gur. In the 1960s sugar production continued to be highly profitable both for the growers and the industrialists. The industry was highly regulated and the government decision to sanction a sugar mill in a particular area was usually taken on political grounds. The sugar industry expanded rapidly and in 1969/70 there were 19 sugar mills in operation utilizing 27% of the sugarcane produced in that year. The process of growth has continued and in 1987 the area under sugarcane was about 800,000 hectares, there were about 40 sugar mills in operation and these crushed about 40% of the cane produced in the country. The rest of the sugarcane is stil converted into gu. This is particularly important in the Punjab, where the proportion of sugarcane used for giir production is about 75 %. The government regulates only the sugar mill sector and the discussion in this section focuses primarily on that. However, by raising the price of sugar in the country through import restrictions and tariffs, the government has encouraged not only the sugar mills but also Su production. In fact i^il production has been provided a greater incentive than sugar production because it does not pay the heavy excise duty (about 30%) levied on the latter. - 108 - Govermment regulations on pricing, production and distribution are briefly described below: (i) The government announces the price of sugarcane each year before the sowing season. There are small differences in the prices between provinces and also, in recent years, the mills have been required to pay the growers a quality premium based on actual average sugar recovery by the mill during the season. (ii) Till recently when a sugar mill was sanctioned a certain area surrounding it was designated as the mill zone. The mill had to buy all the sugarcane offered to it by the growers in its zone at a price fixed by the government. The growers in one mill zone were not allowed to take their sugarcane to another mill nor were they allowed to convert it into gur. However, these regulations were not strictly enforced and were abolished in 1987. (iii) Until 1983, the government also fixed the retail price of sugar. It purchased a proportion of the total production at this price and sold it through the ration shops. The mills were allowed to sell the rest of the production on the open market (except during the Peoples Party rule, when open market sales were declared illegal and the entire production had to be sold to the government who in turn marketed it through the ration shops). In 1983 the government stopped fixing the price of sugar and the sale of it through the ration shops. Now the mills sell their entire production in the open market and the government only intervenes, through bulk sales out of its stocks (which are replenished through imports), when it feels that price increase in the market is unwarranted. There are three interest groups in the sugar economy namely, the farmers, the consumers and the sugar mill owners. The farmers may be further divided into those who are near a sugar mill and those who are not. Though the farmers outside the mill zone are affected by government sugar price policies, through its effects on the price of gr, sugarcane is not an important crop for them and therefore they do not attempt to influence the price policy. However, since sugarcane production in the mill zone is several times as profitable as any other crop, they would also like a sugar mill to be established in their area and often press this demand through various channels. Therefore, the decision - 109 - regarding the location of a sugar mill was more likely to be taken on political rather than economic grounds. The following two examples illustrate the politics of sugar production in Pakistan. (i) On his first visit to his home district (Larkana), after coming to power, Mr. Z.A. Bhutto announced that the Government would establish a sugar mill there - the mill was established with Chinese aid in record time; and (ii) when the current chief Minister of Punjab (Mr. Nawaz Sharif), the first with a non-feudal background, decided to make a bid for political office he first set up a sugar mill to establish his political base in the rural area. In 1987 investment licensing for sugar mills was discontinued but the requirement of provincial government permission regarding location continues to serve as a sanctioning device. On pricing, the farmers inside the mill zone, the mill owners and consumers have conflicting interests. The farmers would like high prices for their sugarcane, the mill owners want to keep the costs down and consumers would like low prices. Till 1983 the conflict between the farmers and the mill owners was latent because the government fixed the price of sugarcane to keep the farmers happy, and the price of sugar was fixed to ensure a good profit to the mill owners. The consumer was the loser but he was given the impression that the government was very concerned about him since it was supplying him with "cheap' sugar through the ration system. By creating an artificial scarcity through restrictions on imports and keeping the ration shop price below the open market price (though substantially above the import price) the government was able to create an illusion for the consumers. The real conflicts have surfaced since 1983. Since sugar price is no longer fixed by the government, any increase in the government fixed price of sugarcane has an adverse impact on the profitability of sugar mnills. The mills cannot increase sugar price beyond the point at which imported sugar (after payment of import duties) becomes competitive. Also because of the fear of consumer reaction the govemment itself imports sugar and makes bulk sales if the price rises excessively. Since 1983 the farmers had been actively lobbying the government for a price increase and the mill owners were opposing it. Both groups made extensive use of the press. The farmers also lobbied through their elected representatives. Finally, in 1986 the farmers in Sind went on strike and refused to deliver sugarcane to the mnills at the government fixed price. The government got the farmers to end their strike by promising to increase the price of sugarcane from the following year. The price of sugarcane was increased by 22% and also the system of zoning was abolished. As a result of the latter, competition - 110 - amongst the mills resulted in prices, received by growers in the 1987 crushing season, being higher thn even those fixed by the government. The direct administrative costs of sugar pricing policies have been fairly low, becaue all the physical handling of the commodity was done by the private sector, i.e., the sugar mills and the ration shops. The major cost to the government was the financial cost of the large stocks held by it. This resulted from the policy whereby on production, sugar became the properq of the govermnmnt though it remained with the mill until it was dispatched for distribution to the ration shops. This cost exceeded Rs300 million in the last year of operation of the rationing system. The rationing of sugar also resulted in widespread corruption because as long as the open market price was above the ration shop price it paid the ration shop owners and others to divert a part of the quota to the open market. This was done by getting false ration cards issued. As discussed in the section on wheat, such cards may have been as many as 20 % of the total. However, in the cae of sugar the cost of the corruption was not borne by the govermment as there was no subsidy on sugar sold through the ration shops. From 1972 to 1977, when open market sales were illegal, active black market developed and there was a substantial difference between the open market and the ration shop prices. For example, in 1974/75 the black market price was Rs8 to 10 per kg compared to the ration shop price of Rs 4.60 per kg. Although no guess can be made about the proportion of sugar sold on the black market, but according to the available evidence it tended to increase over time and by 1977 it constituted a significant proportion of the total. Section 9.3: Rice Prior to the 1970s all of the rice trade was in private hands and rice exports were not very important. The reason for the latter was two fold. First, since East Pakistan was a rice deficit area most of the rice surplus of West Pakistan went there, and second, the international market for fine quality (basmati) rice was still fairly small. The creation of Bangladesh in 1971 resulted in the diversion of the rice previously shipped to East Pakistan to the international markets, and the oil price increase in 1973 - 111 - led to a rapid growth in demand for basmati rice in the Middle East. This period also coincided with th world wide commodity boom and the export price of rice more than doubled in 1973/74 compared to 1972/73 and large profits were made by rice traders. Bhutto's government, elected on a populist platform, on the one hand, saw the relationship between traders and farmers as being exploitative of the ltter and, on the other hand, it saw an opportunity for generating revenue for the government. Therefore, rice export trade was declared a state monopoly and the Rice Export Corporation (REC) was established to handle it. Since then, in setting the procurement price of rice, particularly the basmati variety, revenue considerations have been dominant. All along the government has acted on the assumption that the elasticities of supply and international demand for basmati rice are low. Therefore, to maximize its revenue it has attempted to keep the international price high by restricting exports, and created a large wedge between the international price and the domestic producer price!'. However, to prevent the low producer price from resulting in higher domestic consumption of basmati rice the government introduced monopoly procurement-scheme and allowed only limited sales in the domestic market. The Bhutto government, to maximize its revenue, attempted to stop leakages into the domestic market and smuggling by continuously expanding government's role in the rice trade and ultimately nationalizing the rice milling sector in 1976. These measures had major economic and political implications for the Bhutto government. On the economic side there were two consequences. First was the impact it had on the country's rice exports which declined in 1972-73 and did not pick up again till 1975-76 despite the ieasing trend in output in these years. It is widely believed that the difference was simply smuggled out of the country. Second, rice trade involved a large number of small traders working with low profit margins. They, along with the private rice mills, provided employment to a large section of the rural m-farm middle and lower-middle classes in Central Punjab. As a result of the reforms, and in the absece of other business opportunities, many among these classes were rendered unemployed. One consequence of this has been the development of international competitors (e.g., Thai Basmati or USA with Texamati) which is eroding the monopoly position of Pakistan in the world basmati maket. - 112 - The political consequences of the nationalization were particularly grave for the P.P.P. govemment. This nationalization earned Bhutto formidable political opposition from a vocal middle class in rural towns. In fact, this class played a crucial role in the National Alliance Movement of 1977. Bhutto could not survive the movement and his government fell to a military coup in July 1977. Rice mills were returned back to the private sector by the Zia government soon after the coup of 1977. 9.3.1 The Conflictin! groups since 1977 Under the current arrangements, with the traders completely back in the picture, the conflicting interests are between the following groups; the government (through the Rice Export Corporation, which still has a virtual monopoly in rice export) and rice traders on the one hand, and the government and the farmers on the other. The farmers' decisions regarding cropping patterns, in view of the relative profitability of different crops, are determined by the prices set by the government (see flow chart in figure 9.2). What happens in practice is as follows. APCOM in Islamabad has the primary responsibility for making recommendations for producer prices well before the rice sowing season begins. The Commission submits a "secret" document, titled 'Support Price Policy for Rice' to the Ministry of Agriculture which contains a review of the most recent domestic situation of rice (acreage sown, cost patterns, trade situation, mark ups and profitability) based on its own surveys and reports submitted by the Ministry of Agriculture, Ministry of Commerce, the Rice Export Corporation and the Planning Commission. This report is summarized in a memorandum containing the price recommendations (after a few iterations between the ministries) and is then submitted to the Cabinet for approval and public announcement. Increasingly, farmers are aware that the crop prices which they receive are below the intemational prices. This implicit taxation is resented particularly at a time when the government has been removing input subsidies (for example, on fertilizer). Farmers have felt that their profits have been squeezed and they have lobbied actively and successfully for higher prices. During the last few years this implicit taxation has been used by farmers as an argument to counter government's attempts to levy an income tax on agricultural activities. - 113 - FIGURE 9.2 Rice Flow Chart Prices Commission |Planniug Camisslon ig~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ foc-'kso mimistry of Agric. _abnet | Ml *li ater of F£aaace| Rice Growers >- } ~~~Paddy . I Piastrr of Doml./ | 0estic Retail | Comerce Flol Lb gRice Traders 5\ ~~~Milled Rice . Rice Export Corporation ll ~~~~~~Stocks Export: TwoVay Price Signlals .-Price Signals c C dity Flows Lobbying - 114 - Explicit lobbying regarding price by farmers and traders takes several forms. The most comwon method is to carry out newspaper campaigns, in the shape of articles and 'appeals to the government to revise its policy. Tese groups also lobby the Federal cabinet directly by sending delegations to the Ministers of Agriculture, Conmmrce and Finance, or through Ministers from rice growing areas. The relation between the R.E.C. and rice traders has always been an uneasy one. Originally, the Corporation was created to replace the entire private trade in rice and not just the export trade. After the 1977 militay coup, middlemen were allowed to operate again but till 1987 rice export was a R.E.C. monopoly. The R.E.C. regulated and curtailed the activity of private traders through a large number of legal measures. These measures were encoded in the annual "Monopoly Procurement Scheme' under the auspices of the provincial Food Department. It contained detailed instructions and legal clauses concerning rice procurement. This document of over one hundred pages length enveloped the entire procurement process. The R.E.C., armed with this set of rules, was able to influence and direct the activities of rice traders. In particular, the rules regarding licensing and appointment of rice dealers and mill owners, the movement of rice across districts, the quota allowed dealers for release in the domestic market, and quality control inspection of the procured rice, gave the government considerable leverage over the rice traders. This suggests that rice traders and the government (R.E.C.) have a relationship with considerable potential conflict. The major source of conflict was as follows: the government by controlling the activity of rice dealers was able to generate foreign exchange earnings and pocket some of the profits that would have gone to the dealers (or fanners) through export trade. To motivate the dealers, the government allowed them to sell a quota of basmati rice (1/5th of total delivered to the procurement centers) in the local retail market. Tbis created a scarcity in the local market and drove up the consumer prices. It can be soen from table 4.3.2 of chapter 4 that procurement prices are substantially below conswmer prices (on avenoge, inflation adjusted consumer prices were Rs. 6,413 per ton while producer prices were Rs. 4,133 per ton over the period 1960-1987). Consequently, given the lack of access to the export markt, rice dealers would have liked to sell more basmati in the domestic market to take advantage of higher prices. This wa denied to them by fixing their quota for sale in the local market. This created opportunities for grft and corruption which resulted in acrimony between the traders and the R.E.C. - 115 - 9.3.2 Corruption An important source of corruption in the system arose at the quality control stage of procurement and resulted from R.E.C. having the sole monopoly of export. The story that we were told was as follows: food inspectors appointed at procurement ceDters are required to ensure that the procured rice meets the quality standards (i.e. the delivered rice does not contain, above a certain minimum quantity, of broken rice and other inferior varieties). However, in collusion with the superior officers, the inspectors allow greater contamination at the rate of Rs 1000/per wagon (standard railway size). This of course, results in lower pnces in the international market. We were told that this situation persists because of R.E.C.'s export monopoly. In the absence of proper accountability there is little public awareness of the opportunity cost of poor quality control. We were told that if there was competition in export, the R.E.C. would be caught out; its rice would be seen to fetch lower price and it would be forced to take action to improve quality control and remove corruption in the system. Another important factor contributing to graft in the system of price controls, referred to earlier, concerned the dealers' quota for release in the local market where prices are considerably higher. Because control is exercised by food inspectors whose salaries bear no relation to their controlling power, there was corruption. By bribing food inspectors, rice dealers were able to sell in the market larger quantities than their allowed quotas. The most widespread incidence of this was seen in the early years of the existence of the R.E.C. In 1972-73 rice exports actually fell and then increased very slowly till 1975-76 while output was expanding (see table 4.2.2 of chapter 4). The shortfall represents the quantities released illegally in the local market or, as we were informed, smuggled out of the country. 9.3.3 The 1986 reform In the 1986 harvest season, the government made certain reforms in the procurement system. (We were informed by representatives of rce dealers that this was the direct result of lobbying by the Rice Dealers' Association). Compulsory procurement was abandoned all together. Procurement centers stil exist but delivery and sales to these are voluntary, and the free market is allowed to operate for domestic sales. Also export of basmati rice in packdng of 20 kgs or less by the private sector has - 116 - been allowed although bulk exports still remain the monopoly of REC. However, an extremely high export tax has prevented any significant exports by the private sector so far. The consequences thus far have been as follows: domestic (consumer) price of basmati has fallen because dealers can now sell as much as they like in the local market. The producer price offered by the government has increased, to induce traders to sell to the REC, but it is still well below the international price because of high export duties and government monopoly on bulk exports. Many rice traders feel that the government's objective of improving the quality of the voluntarily procured rice is unlikely to be met since the source of the problem lies with export monopoly and lack of public accountability to evaluate its performance. There may be another undeclared objective in the recent reform. In the last two years R.E.C. has not performed very well in the export market partly because of falling demand (especially in the middle East which is an important market for Pakistan), poor quality control, growing competition from other countries, and poor pricing decisions. Under the old compulsory procurement scheme, the R.E.C. was committed to purchasing all the rice delivered to it, irrespective of its stock position, which affected its profitability. Under the new scheme, the R.E.C. buys only what it wants to, which enables it greater flexibility and shifts some of the uncertainty of demand in the international market to the domestic dealers. This is very much resented by the Rice Dealers Association because it exposes the dealers to risk without the possible reward of high profits from free access to the international market. An interesting consequence of the new procurement policy is that irri (rice) prices have fallen. It should be noted that while Pakistan enjoys a monopoly in thie international basmati market, this is not the case for irri. In fact, during the last few years the R.E.C. has been operating at a loss on irri trading. It retained monopoly for irri export along with basmati to avoid smuggling. Consequently, irri was procured along the same lines as basmati. Under the new scheme. irri procurement has also been made voluntary. Given the international situation, the R.E.C. is not interested in procuring irri, particularly in the Punjab because of the greater distance to the port, which has resulted in irri prices falling sharply in the Punjab where the local demnand for irri is somewhat limited. - 117 - 9.3.4 The regional dimension The 'irri-effect' of the new procurement scheme has potential for increasing regional tensions. Nearly all basmati is grown in Punjab, while nearly all irri is grown in Sind (this specialization results from soil conditions). So, the compulsory procurement scheme benefited the Sind farmers at the expense of the R.E.C.'s profits because of the poor international market for Pakistani irri. Now that procurement is voluntary, the R.E.C. does not have to purchase irri, and it has not done so in the Punjab where its price has fallen. So far REC continues to purchase irri rice in Sind but if losses on export of irri rice continue to increase then there is the possibility of it turning into an issue having important implications for regional income distribution. Section 9.4: Cotton The history of cotton price policies is both more interesting and more complex than that of rice. For reasons that we shall shortly see, there are significant differences, from rice, both regarding the role of the government in pricing of cotton as well as in the nature of the conflict that arises between different groups involved with this crop. To understand the political economy of cotton we begin with a brief historical background. Cotton was the most important cash crop of the region in the pre- partition British India days. During the civil war in the United States of America, India became the chief supplier of cotton for the textile industry in Britain. In India there were two main cotton growing regions; Gujrat in western India and the Indus Valley which is in present day Pakistan. Because of the importance of cotton as an international cash crop there was a vast and sophisticated pricing mechanism and a system of intermediaries between the grower and the final consumer of raw material. There were several layers of intermediaries; the local village middlemen who supplied raw cotton to the Ginning Mills which, in turn, sold it on the Karachi Cotton Exchange to textile mills or the large Cotton Export houses. The Karachi Cotton Exchange was linked to the International Cotton Exchange based in London and here, in addition to spot trading, buyers and sellers could also do forward trading. - 118 - What was interesting in this whole structure was that cotton did not really have to move very much in the intermediate stages between the grower and the final consumer; price signals were activated and it was only after the final deal was struck that the commodity actually moved. The practice was that the grower would sell raw cotton, including seed, to the village middleman who would then deliver it to the ginner. After ginning, the ginner would store the lint on his premises. The grower/middleman retained the option of selling it either in the spot market or in the forward mawket depending on which price he preferred. In other words, there was room in this pricing system for speculation both by the grower as well as the ginner. In this earlier system the identifiable interest groups were the cotton growers, the middlemen, the ginners, and the export traders who participated in the Karachi and the International Cotton Exchanges (see flow chart in figure 9.3). However, because there was no price setting by the government, group conflicts as we see them now, in the sense that one group can influence the prices more compared to another, did not exist. There was a range of international market forces which determined prices and agents responded to these, adding a mark-up at each stage. Because there were many intermediaries and, because of free competition, the mark-up was generally low. This situation which existed at the time of independence, continued upto the late 50's. In the 1960's the situation changed somewhat, till then the role of the government in cotton trade was fairly passive. The govermment's presence was felt at the time of export when duties were levied with the primary objective of revenue collection for budgetary needs. After 1959 the government's role in cotton trade expanded. Pakistan adopted the regime of multiple exchange rates. In implementing this regime, the government had several considerations, the most important of which was industrialization of the economy. The strategy was heavily influenced by a view of development in which import substitution industrialization played a central role. The scheme of multiple exchange rates was adopted to pursue this strategy. The detail of this scheme and some of its consequences were discussed in chapter 3. With import substitution, the processing of cotton moved from less to more sophisticated stages. In the early phase there was only ginning, but now Pakistan started to manufacture yarn as well as cloth. The following consequences were observed; first, the government, in pursuing its multiple exchange rate policy, allowed the export of raw cotton at the official exchange rate which was the least favorable to the exporter, followed by the exchange rate for yarn which was somewhat bettr, and finally - 119 - FIGURE 9.3 Cotton's Previous (Before 1972) Flow Chart tzterumtiOfl Cotetoc Exchange Caotto Grovers Raw Cotton i .strr of Karachi Cotton, Fiance Exchange _ C 7 of 'I. Private Traders R aw Cocton GCloang .YlLls Xi. lclple Exchange ._________ ________ Lint Cotton Rate Dur.:ie.s < 7~~~~aua w^t^urers H aufiletures 0 Esport Oomescic- CausuapciO3t pTIce signals ''Commodity noaw I D~Dut1i atc- _ Hmutual Price. sigma - 120 - the best rate which was given to cloth manufacturers. Furthermore, because of government's discretionary role in implementing its multiple exchange rate policy, three distinct groups emerged in cotton trade: cotton growers/ginners, yam manufacturers and cloth manufacturers. The subsequent story of cotton was heavily influenced by the conflicting interests of these three groups. There is another aspect to cotton which makes it particularly interesting. The ginning process involves the separation of lint from the seed, the latter is sold to the oil mills who extract and process edible oil for domestic consumption. With a growing population, and oil being an important ingredient in Pakistani cooking, there was a rapid increase in the demand for oil. In fact, in recent years, oil has become a major item in the country's import bill. Because of the emergence of oil mills, yet another addition was made in the arena of conflicting interest groups. Group Interests and conflicts until 1972 were focussed mainly on influencing the government's discretionary power regarding the exchange rate used for each group. After 1972 the story changed rather dramatically. First of all, 1972 was the year of a major devaluation of the Pakistani rupee and abolition of the multiple exchange rate regime. It was also a period of commodity price boom in the international market and as a result exporters made substantial profits in cotton trade. The government saw this as an opportunity to raise additional revenue so, first it levied an export duty on raw cotton and then it decided to take over the lucrative cotton trade by establishing a government monopoly for its export. The Cotton Export Corporation (C.E.C.) set up for this purpose was rather different from the Rice Export Corporation. First, though the C.E.C. had a monopoly in the export of cotton but unlike RECP it relied on voluntary procurement. The reason for this was the existence of a large domestic textile industry which also purchased cotton directly from the ginners. With the setting up of the C.E.C., forward trading in cotton and the Cotton Exchange in Karachi became redundant and were abolished. The C.E.C. not only bought cotton from ginneries owned and mnanaged by the private sector but it also operated its own ginneries. Thus the C.E.C. gradually moved into all spheres of cotton trade (see flow chart in figure 9.4). - 121 - FIGURE 9.4 Cotton's (Current) flow Chart P* a-ing Co±issio*z Prifts CAisior Miaij~~~trr of Agricu TA V A |Mlalstry of Ficance I . ./Coon Grceow ers Malstry of Commrc r C ,t:on ~xp~ --~ ' an D1h eRaw Cotton _ _ _ _ ____ _ _I_L__ 4xporrz^ Doe cic Co.up .o O P -KTR< SlBY Private Traders -~~~~~~~~ -~c Siguals . ._ in* Comodity flow~~~Ra Coto . SgLLn Coccon Coctsu Seed Cattotx Export -_; Yaru Cloth t Z ee Corp;ratiom Maudrfeature rs. X.ianu£acture rs _ llils E7cpa rc 1}omencic Cacxumpciom Price Slglsl -01 Comdit-7 Flar Mutua Price Signal - 122 - The government, through the C.E.C., also operated a support price system for raw cotton. Moreover, since only the surplus was exported it offectively also determined the ceiling price. Thus leaving little room for private sector free trade activity. The final stop in this direction came in 1976 when ginning was also nationalized. This was done because of poor procurement during the previous two to three years. The government suspected that private ginning mills were smuggling cotton out of the country. This nationalization was quite consistent with the increasing in govermment intervention in other crops. The ongoing process of liberalization since 1977 observed in the case of other crops has also affected the cotton sector. The Cotton Export Corporation continues to be involved in export trade and implementation of the government's support price policy. Ginneries, however, are now (since 1977) no longer nationalized, and the private sector traders once again dominate the domestic trade. The govenment's price intervention policies have resulted in increasing conflicts between the growers, the manufactures of yam and its users. For example, in 1986, when the international price of lint cotton fell below the government's procurement price, the govemment was forced to incur a loss on exports. As a result, the domestic textile industry (both yarn as well as cloth/garment manufacturers) complained that it could not compete intemationally because local prices of lint cotton were higher than intrnational prices. The govermment agreed to provide subsidised cotton to exporters of yarn and cloth but it soon became evident that the subsidy involved would be so large that it was not practical from the budgetary point of view and the government was forced to withdraw it. In 1987, the position was reversed with international price of cotton being much higher than domestic price and the govemment was forced to impose an export tax on cotton yarn. This was done after intensive lobbying by the textile ancillary industry. In this case, the goverment is earning substantial revenues and these taxes are likely to continue as long as the international cotton and yarn prices remain high. Private export of cotton was permitted in 1986, but it was only in 1988, after the removal of various bureaucratic hurdles, that private sector exports started on a large scale. However, the situation is still in a state of flux with accusations and counter-accusations between the private sector and CEC. The former claim that CEC officials are making money on the side by charging the buyers less taun the international price and the latter accuse the prvate sector of siphoning of foreign exchange, by declaring the cotton they ship to be of a lower quality than it is and keeping the difference in the price in banks abroad. - 123 - Section 9.5: Assessment of Policy Reform Efforts It has been seen that in the last ten years the government has made a sustained effort to reduce direct and indirect price interventions in the agricultural sector. The steps taken so far include increases in procurement prices, deregulation of trade and industry, reduction in input subsidies and elimination of the rationing system. Also the overvaluation of the Rupee has been substantially reduced during the last few years. The greatest difficulties faced by the reformers have been in eliminating the state monopolies in the export of rice and cotton. Though the govermnent had anounced in 1986 that private sector could participate in the export of these two crops, but initially the bureaucracy placed such restrictive conditions on private sector participation that it is only recently that the state monopolies have begun to be challenged. There are several important lessons to be learnt from Pakistan's experience. First, it seems that a gradual process of reform stands a better chance of success in face of bureaucratic opposition than a dramatic reform encompassing all aspects of intervention simultaneously. Second, the most difficult areas of reform are those which result in loss of revenue (as in the case of state monopolies in exports) or in loss of jobs (as in the case of parastatals becoming redundant). However, it seems that if the reform effort first deals with the relatively easier areas it can build up a momentum and credibility which will allow the reformers to tackle the more difficult issues later. Finally, it seems that agriculture may pass through several phases as a country develops. First in the early stages of development when agriculture is the largest sector in the economy it is heavily taxed to finance the development of other sectors; next when other commodity producing sectors have become as large as agriculture it faces a more neutral regime; and in the end when agriculture makes up only a small proportion of the economy the country can afford to subsidize it in pursuit of equitable income distribution policies. Thus Pakistan, having passed through the "primitive accumulation' phase during the first 30 years of its existence, may now be approaching the intermediate phase of a neutral price regime, at least the trends observed in this study seem to point towards that. If so, one can expect that the trend towards lesser government intervention observed during the 80s will continue for the next decade or so. - 124 - ChapS10 Condwim We may now collect the major findings of the study to answer the questions raised in the introduction. The Imnact of Pricinm Policies on Output Prices: How large were the price interventions in Pakistan's agriculture? A simple way to answer this question is to calculate nominal protection rates, ie. the difference between border and farmgate prices, for each of the Pakistan's four main crops. These tumn out to be, on average, 10 per cent for wheat, 38 per cent for basmati rice, 29 per cent for irri rice and 19 per cent for cotton over the period 1961-87 (Tables 4.3.1 - 4.3.5). All have negative signs implying that domestic farmgate prices have been below international prices, in other words the farmers have been taxed indirectly. For sugarcane, the protection rate varies considerably because of the swings in international prices, however, it was negative only for the period 1976-85. Even at this preliminary stage of the analysis, price interventions can be related to the underlying development strategy. In general, for all crops other than sugarcane, the gap between domestic and border prices was small in the 1960s. This suggests that in this period, direct interventions were less important and that reliance was mainly on exchange rate overvaluation and import controls to promote import substituting industrialization. The gap was relatively large in the 1970s, when exchange overvaluation was much less and revenue generation form agriculture itself became the govemnment's objective. In 1980s, the gap has tended to decline again because of the growing awareness that price policies in the past have adversely affected agricultural growth. The strategy is also in keeping with the economy-wide trend of moving away from direct government intervention and towards more market oriented policies. More than direct interventions, it is the indirect interventions through exchange rate manipulaion and commercial policies that have been more important in transferring resources from - 125 - agriculture to industry in Pakistan. The govermment has maintained an over-valued exchange rate for the entire period, 1961-87 except briefly in 1972-73, i.e., immediately after the devaluation and prior to the first oil-shock. It is only since the mid-1980s that government policy has consistently depreciated the rupee to promote exports. The distortions in the exchange were calculated in this study by comparing the nominal exchange rate with an estimated equilibrium exchange rate, i.e., the exchange rate that would have prevailed if existing tariffs, quotas and trade restrictions in Pakistan were replaced by a "free trade' regime. Policy induced distortions in the exchange rate are really indirect interventions in agriculture. These, along with direct interventions, yield estimates of total price interventions. These were, on average, 42 per cent, 60 per cent, 51 per cent and 46 per cent for wheat, basmati rice, irri rice and cotton respectively for the period 1961-87 (Table 5.4). All have negative signs and are larger in absolute terms than the nominal rates of protection indicating that indirect interventions further strengthen the effect of direct output price interventions. In the case of sugarcane, the average combined price effect for the period, though smaller than the direct effect, is still positive. As an alternative, we looked at effective protection rates by calculating value added for the five crops at actual prices and at border prices using equilibrium exchange rates. Fertilizer price distortions were taken into account for each crop to arrive at value added effects of price distortions. The average effects for the period under study are 45, 65, 53 and 48 per cent for wheat, basmati rice, irri rice and cotton respectively (tables 5.6 - 5.10). These are the proportions by which crop value added would have been higher in the absence of direct and indirect price interventions. Although there were significant distortions in prices of inputs such as irrigation water and credit, crop specific breakdown of these were not available and could not be taken into account while calculating the value added effects. Achieving Price Stability One of the declared objectives of the government while intervening in output prices is to reduce farmer's price uncertainty. In this regard, the government seems to have been successful; the variance of border prices is observed to be much higher than that of domestic prices, ranging between 339% for basmati rice to 76% for sugarcane (tables 5.11 - 5.12). - 126 - OUtut. Export and Exchanne Rate Effects Now we address the counterfactual referred to in the introduction ie. how would have agriculture performed in the absence of price interventions? To calculate this, the estimated distortions in prices, along with supply elasticity estimates, are used to estimate output, export and foreign exchange earnings effects of price intervention. The short run output *losses due to direct price interventions, averaged over the period of study, are 1 per cent (wheat), 9 per cent (basmati), 5 per cent (irri), and 7 per cent (cotton) (table 6. la). The maximum output losses were for the long run combined (direct and indirect) price intervention, i.e., 12 per cent (wheat), 32 per cent (basmati), 25 per cent (irri) and 44 per cent (cotton) (table 6.2b). In the case of sugarcane, there was an increase in output of 13 per cent because of direct interventions, but the long run total effect was a loss of 4 per cent. These results show that the 'costs' of intervention was greater for export crops (rice and cotton) compared to import crops (wheat and sugarcane). Using data on demand (consumption) elasticities, and assuming infinite export elasticities (a dubious assumption for basmati), export effects of price interventions were calculated. For hee export crops, the "cost" of direct price intervention (in terms of reduced exports) was 40 per cent for basmati, 37 per cent for irri and 13 per cent for cotton (table 6.7a). The maximum export "losses" were in the long run due to both direct and indirect distortions, i.e., 65 per cent for basmati rice, 68 per cent for irri and 76 per cent for cotton (table 6.8b). Note that "losses" are overstated since import costs of greater input requirements for additional output are not taken into account in the analysis. The combined effect of interventions on Pakistan's foreign exchange earnings was substantial. The average foreign eaming 'foregone" in the short run due to direct price interventions as a proportion of Pakistan's total foreign exchange earnings were about 17 per cent. In the long mn, however, taking into account both direct and indirect interventions, the foreign exchange "losses" increase to almost 150 per cent (table 6. 11). - 127 - The Bu_mrv bMnact and Resource Tansfer Regarding the budgetay impact, price interventions resulted in net expenditure as a proportion of the budget ranging from 2 per cent in 1971-72 to about 9 per cent in 1979-80 (table 7.1). This includes revenues from export taxes and profits of parastatals, as well as costs of subsidies on consumption (wheat, edible oil and sugar) and inputs (credit, water, fertilizer, plant protection, seed and mechanizaion). Interventions resulted, on average, in resources being transferred out of agriculture. Price related transfers range from 4 per cent of GDP (9 per cent of agricultural GDP) in the early 1960s to about 9 per cent of GDP (25 per cent of agricultural GDP) in early 1970s and about 2.5 per cent of GDP (10 per cent of agricultural GDP) during the last two years (tables 7.2c and 2.5). Government investment in agriculture reduced the net transfers somewhat and these range from 4 per cent of agricultural GDP in the first half of the 1960s to 14 per cent in first half of the 1970s. In the green revolution years, second half of the 1960s, there were no transfers out of agriculture, and again in the last couple of years, they have been fairly small (about 2.5 per cent of agricultural GDP) (tables 7.2d and 2.5). The lnome Distribution Effects Because of the diverse cropping pattern in Palistan, there are regional income effects of price interventions. Using the agricultural census data for 1972 and 1980, and the corresponding Household Income and Expenditure Surveys, we conclude the following: In 1970 direct price interventions resltod in a 'loss' of farmer income of almost 30 per cent in the irrigated areas as compared to 4 per cent in the unirrigated areas. In 1980, due to increased direct interventions, farmers in all regions experienced larger 'lossw in income; however, 'losses' were the highest in the rice growing areas (table 8.5). When total price interventions are considered, all regions experience large 'losses' both in 1972 and 1980, i.e., over 50 per cent in irrigated areas and over 35 per cent in unirrigated areas (table 8.6). Regarding purchasing power of raral labor, calculations based on consumer price indices show tht both direct (except in the 1960s) and total interventions were beneficial (table 8.7). However, this igores employment and income effects that might have resulted from higher agricultural prices. In - 128 - the case of urban consumers, who were divided into three income groups (Rs. 0 - 100, Rs 600 - 2500 and those with income larger than Rs 2500), consumer price indices show that as a result of total price interventions the poor benefitted more than the rich, but even at their peak, in the 1970s, the benefits were not very large (8 to 9 per cent) (table 8.8). The Political Economy Considerations Much of the flavor of the study lies in the dynamics of pricing policies. The changing role and scope of government under different political regimes, the relative position of consumers, producers and the government in shaping pricing priorities, and the administrative capabilities of the parastatals and the government in resolving potential or actual conflicts are all existing aspects in the evolution of price policies. These aspects are dealt with at length in the study (chapter 9), and being crop specific, are hard to generalize. The broad conclusion that emerges is that the government has attempted to balance three major considerations in its agriculture price policy interventions; (i) maximizing foreign exchange earnings to support balance of payments, (ii) the political consideration to keep food prices low for urban consumers and (iii) the government's own revenue needs. However, given that the three are inter-related, pursuing one soon led to problems with another, so that it has been a tight rope walk. This management is all the more complex given that there are four major crop prices to be administered, each with its own set of group conflicts. This is best exemplified in the case of cotton where growers, traders and grinners bring to bear conflicting interests in influencing the policy, particularly on democratically elected governments because lobbying is in the open. Given the oppornmities for corruption that the interventions present in an increasingly complex crop management system, the trend to reduce differences between domestic and border prices is a healthy one and should be strengthened. - 129- Text Tables -130- -131 - Table 2.1 LAND UTILIZATION STATISTICS 1951-1987 (millilon hectares) ... ... .... .. ......... ..... .... ...... ................. ..................................... .. ...... Year Cultfvated Current Net Area Area Sown Total Croppfng Area Fallow Soin more than Cropped intensity once Area ............................................................................. 1950-51 15.15 3.54 11.61 1.27 12.88 85.02 1954-55 15.32 3.46 11.86 1.42 13.28 86.68 1959-60 16.51 3.44 13.07 1.60 14.67 8.86 1964-65 18.72 4.56 14.16 2.09 16.25 86.81 1969-70 19.24 4.70 14.54 2.24 16.78 87.21 1974-75 19.55 4.78 14.77 2.60 17.37 88.85 1979.80 20.23 4.62 15.61 3.61 19.22 95.01 1984-85 20.61 5.00 15.61 4.31 19.92 96.65 1986-87 (P) 20.77 4.78 15.99 4.48 20.47 98.56 ............................................................................. Note: (P) a Provisional Source: Pakistan Economic Survey 1987-88, Economic Advisor's Wing, Ministry of Ffnance, islamabad. - 132 - Table 2.2 Population, Labor Force, Arabie Land and Cultivated Area 1951-1981 POPULATION ------------------------------------Concentration Labour ArabLe Cultivated Year Total Urban Rural Urban Indicator* Force Land (Ha.) Area (Ha.) ('000) ('000) ('000) (X) (000) Per Person** Per Person** 1951 33740 6018 27722 17.8 41 10324 3.39 2.45 1961 42880 9655 33225 22.6 45 13893 4.04 2.40 1972 65309 16594 48715 25.4 52 19527 3.01 1.90 1981 84254 23840 60413 28.2 54 22623 2.75 1.75 Note: * Number of cities accounting for 75X of urban population ** "Arable Land" is the total culturable land and "cultivated area" is the net soin area plus current fallow. These have been divided by the number persons in the agricultural labour force. Source: (1) Census of Pakistan, 1951, Volume 1. (2) Statistical Yearbook 1985, Federal Bureau of Statistics, Karachi. (3) Pakistan Economic Survey, 1987-88. (4) Agricultural Statistics of Pakistan 1975 and 1982, Ministry of Agriculture, Islamabad. -133- Table 2.3 LITERACY RATES AND EDUCATIONAL LEVEL OF ADULT POPULATION 1961-1981 (percentages) . .................. ....................................... ........ 1961 1972* 1981 .................................. ............................................. .. .... ..... Primary 4.58 9.26 10.51 Niddle 2.47 4.99 5.06 Matric ** 1.46 4.80 4.45 Inter & Above 0.55 2.99 2.90 TOTAL 9.06 22.04 22.92 Literacy Rates 13.10 26.04 26.17 (21.70) Note: * 1972 figures are from the Household Econrmic and Demographic Survey (1972). The literacy figure according to the 1972 census is given in parenthesis. a sn copletion of 10 years of schooling Source: Population Census, various issues - 134 - Tabte 2.4 GNP, INVESTMENT, SAVINGS AND TRADE 1950-1987 Real Real G.N.P. Share in G.N.P. of Year G.N.P. per capita ------------------------------------------ (Rs. mitlion) (Rs) Investment Savings * Import Export (1985-86 Prices) (percentages) 1949-50 89,118 2,527 1954-55 104,119 2,613 1959-60 120,957 2,685 14.38 1964-65 167,718 3,239 24.54 18.34 7.62 1969-70 232,793 3,902 17.40 9.00 11.40 8.39 1970-71 235,132 3,822 17.18 8.60 11.59 8.54 1971-72 241,625 3,815 15.36 9.40 9.48 7.86 1972-73 258,815 3,930 13.97 10.80 15.51 16.10 1973-74 278,028 4,096 14.11 7.10 18.47 14.53 1974-75 289,294 4,132 17.40 5.90 21.98 12.41 1975-76 301,905 4,190 19.60 10.90 19.44 11.31 1976-77 314,546 4,233 20.40 11.70 18.90 9.89 1977-78 348,077 4,542 18.32 13.50 18.96 9.67 1978-79 369,068 4,672 18.13 11.40 22.11 11.19 1979-80 395,112 4,859 18.97 12.60 23.88 12.90 1980-81 416,527 4,967 17.60 12.50 23.03 13.24 1981-82 445,235 5,154 18.10 11.87 21.74 10.48 1982-83 482,797 5,420 17.27 14.24 22.33 12.09 1983-84 503,118 5,478 17.08 12.59 22.20 11.52 1984-85 544,107 5,744 16.99 10.99 22.55 10.54 1985-86 582,381 5,960 16.95 13.61 19.50 11.92 1986-87 609,951 6,057 17.75 14.69 21.06 13.57 Note: * National Savings Source: 1. Pakistan Economic Survey, 1985-86, 1986-87 and 1987-88. 2. Pakistan Sixth Plan Progress and Future Prospects, February 1987 IBRD. - 135 - Table 2.5 Share of Agriculture in GNP, Imports and Exports 1960-1987 Share of Agriculture Total in GNP (x) Employment Agricultural Imports Agricultural Exports* Year -------------------- (by decade) -------------------- ------------------------------------- Level Share in Level Share in Share in Total (in USS m) Total Imports (in USS m) Total Exports Agricultural output Nominal Real (%) (%) (X) (X) 1960-61 44.66 43.66 59.30 1969-70 36.83 38.88 111.72 33.1 3.33 1970-71 35.35 37.31 136.50 32.6 4.00 1971-72 35.95 37.57 317.09 44.8 8.42 1972-73 35.40 35.65 58.60 205 25.8 223.46 39.4 10.80 1973-74 34.12 34.58 330 24.2 404.75 39.4 14.27 1974-75 32.02 32.53 474 22.4 498.18 48.0 14.71 1975-76 31.23 32.56 415 20.1 495.15 43.7 12.79 1976-77 31.08 32.04 356 15.3 466.87 40.9 10.51 1977-78 29.38 29.76 482 17.1 468.10 35.7 9.16 1978-79 28.11 28.92 841 22.9 552.90 32.3 10.11 1979-80 27.16 28.78 591 12.5 993.74 42.0 15.83 1980-81 26.52 28.28 52.72 630 11.7 1295.35 43.8 17.89 1981-82 26.46 27.45 701 12.4 863.67 34.7 10.92 1982-83 24.70 26.30 640 12.0 809.88 30.0 11.38 1983-84 22.19 23.71 878 15.4 800.37 28.9 11.71 1984-85 23.00 24.61 984 16.6 724.34 28.9 10.09 1985-86 22.67 24.46 991 17.6 1062.49 34.6 14.25 1986-87 22.01 23.87 49.24 763 14.2 973.15 26.0 13.04 Note: * Exports of primary commodities. Source: (1) Pakistan Economic Survey 1987-88. (2) Pakistan Recent Economic Developments 1984, IBRD, p.74. (for wheat, edible oil and other food) (3) Pakistan Statistical Yearbook 1987. (4) Pakistan Growth Through Adjustment, 1988, IBRD. -136 - Table 2.6 FOOD PRODUCTION AND AVAILABILITY 1960-1966 Food Grain Production Food Grain Availability Year ---------------------- ----------------------- Total Per Capita Total Per Cspftt (000 tons) (by decade) (000 tons) (by decade) ..... . . . .. ..... . . . .. . . ........... .... . .............. 1959-60 6100.0 6160 1960-61 5929.0 128.3 6267 135.7 1961-62 6476.0 6001 1962-63 6540.0 6245 1963-64 6591.0 6588 1964-65 7326.0 7414 1965-66 6500.0 6991 1966-67 7023.0 6816 1976-68 9522.0 7873 1968-69 9965.0 8551 1969-70 11053.0 9007 1970-71 10169.0 9436 1971-72 10632.0 167.9 9443 149.1 1972-73 11193.0 10492 1973-74 11720.0 10578 1974-75 11403.0 10558 1975-76 12831.0 10066 1976-77 13341.0 11380 1977-78 12861.0 12584 1978-79 14719.0 12540 1979-80 15592.0 12514 1980-81 16188.0 193.1 12886 153.7 1981-82 16319.0 13132 1982-83 17491.0 13461 1983-84 15854.0 14299 1984-85 16692.0 14728 1985-86 18462.0 14635 Note: * Production adjusted for wastage, seed, imports, exports and changes in stock. Source: (1) Pakistan Economic Survey 1987-88. (2) Pakistan Economic Developments and Prospects, Feb, 1983, IBRD. (3) Pakistan Recent Econormic Developments 1984. (4) Pakistan Sixth Plan Progress and Future Prospects, Feb 1987, IBRD. -137 - Table 2.7(a) CROP UISE USAGE OF FERTILIZER 1960-1987 (000 N/Tonnes) . ..... . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . ...... . . Year Wheat Rice Maize Cotton Sugarcane Other Total 1959-60 - - - - 19 1969-70 - - - - - 308 1972-73 212 45 8 71 62 45 4.4 3 1973-74 197 41 8 66 58 41 410 1974-75 204 43 8 68 60 42 425 1975-76 263 66 38 88 60 33 548 1976-77 303 76 47 101 69 38 631 1977-78 345 81 50 115 79 42 712 1978-79 422 106 62 141 79 70 880 1979-80 502 125 73 167 94 83 1044 1980-81 518 129 76 173 97 86 1079 1981-82 539 108 75 162 86 108 1078 1982-83 622 124 87 187 100 124 1244 1983-84 602 120 84 181 96 120 1203 1984-85 627 125 88 188 100 125 1253 1985-86 756 151 106 227 121 151 1512 1986-87 - - - - - 1719 Source: 1. Agricultural Statistics of Pakistan, various years, Ministry of Food, Agriculture and Cooperatives. 2. Pakistan StatisticaL Yearbook 1987, Federal Bureau of Statistics, Statistics Division, Goverruent of Pakistan. -138 - Table 2.7(b) AGRICULTURAL CREDIT DISBURSED, 1961-1987 (1985-86 Prices) (Rs miLlion) AgriculturaL Taccavi Cooperatives CommerciaL Total Year Development Banks Bank of Pakistan 1960-61 188.05 90.07 353.45 631.56 1961-62 264.12 75.46 574.70 914.29 1962-63 252.07 60.70 513.00 825.77 1963-64 275.02 70.67 414.24 759.92 1964-65 228.94 172.41 319.61 720.96 1965-66 373.19 69.70 283.84 726.73 1966-67 504.87 56.26 419.22 980.35 1967-68 517.68 63.37 289.84 870.89 1968-69 402.81 59.86 232.46 695.13 1969-70 430.94 50.03 252.29 733.26 1970-71 417.34 45.92 249.77 713.04 1971-72 340.56 37.97 166.36 544.90 1972-73 622.11 37.70 154.86 315.84 1130.52 1973-74 1236.14 200.96 429.38 852.68 2719.16 1974-75 964.88 29.59 198.93 1270.81 2464.20 1975-76 1159.45 55.93 200.06 1760.56 3176.00 1976-77 1258.53 25.92 188.28 1913.94 3386.68 1977-78 777.18 16.27 576.01 2334.29 3703.76 1978-79 728.91 22.34 856.30 2417.86 4025.41 1979-80 1108.68 12.78 1104.14 2473.35 4698.95 1980-81 1503.30 11.70 1587.97 2575.67 5678.65 1981-82 2007.67 13.33 1419.08 3140.46 6580.54 1982-83 2815.93 3.28 1609.93 3267.43 7696.57 1983-84 3487.52 10.36 1614.64 4553.30 9665.82 1984-85 4376.04 - 1645.84 4104.11 10126.00 1985-86 5307.87 - 2048.58 5791.00 13147.45 1986-87 5172.45 - 2411.62 7069.71 14653.78 Source: Pakistan Economic Survey 1987-88, Finance Division, Economic Advisor's Wing, Islamabad. -139 - Table 2.7(c) TUBEWELLS INSTALLED, TRACTORS IMPORTED AND WATER AVAILABILITY AT FARM GATE 1966-1987 Tubewelts Tractors Water Availability Year Installed Imported of Farmgate (Nos) (Nos) (MiLLion Acre Feet) 1965-66 - 1,665 63.87 1966-67 - 4,113 67.54 1967-68 - 2,182 68.54 1968-69 - 4,411 72.79 1969-70 7,727 5,696 75.50 1970-71 8,627 3,879 69.95 1971-72 10,344 4,224 71.10 1972-73 10,260 1,847 81.17 1973-74 8,477 5,216 80.06 1974-75 8,863 7,190 77.02 1975-76 9,847 10,809 85.94 1976-77 8,767 15,554 84.57 1977-78 8,820 11,902 89.44 1978-79 8,642 15,178 87.39 1979-80 8,783 19,313 91.14 1980-81 6,160 16,137 97.79 1981-82 6,200 19,293 96.45 1982-83 4,383 22,147 101.49 1983-84 4,240 27,279 103.69 1984-85 4,464 28,141 102.81 1985-86 4,278 24,815 104.73 1986-87 5,661 22,241 109.72 Source: Pakistan Economic Survey, 1987-88. Table 2.8 MODE OF RENTAL PAYMENT IN THE PUNJAB AND SIND 1960-1980 (miLLion acres) Total Tenant Area on which Year Operated Area Rent is fixed Rent as a share No Rent is in cash or kind of the produce paid Punjab Sind Punjab Sind Punjab Sind Punjab Sind 1960 13962 3813 1319 166 12114 3617 529 30 (100) (100) (9.4) (4.4) (86.6) (94.9) (3.8) (0.8) 1972 14073 5760 2440 635 11403 5047 229 78 (100) (100) (17.3) (11.0) (81.0) (87.6) (1.6) (1.4) 1980 10749 4116 2083 617 8456 3452 209 47 (100) (100) (19.4) (15) (78.7) (83.9) (1.9) (1.1) % change bet- O ween 1960-72 +1 +51 +85 +252 -7 +39 -57 +160 % change bet- ween 1972-80 -24 -29 -15 -3 -26 -32 -9 -39 Source: AgricuLtural Census of Pakistan 1960, 1972, 1980. - 141 - Table 2.9(a) DISTRIBUTION OF LANDOWNERSHIP IN THE PUNJAB 1972 & 1980 Size Group No of Owners Area Owned % cum % % cum % 1972 1980 1972 1980 1972 1980 1972 1980 Upto 1.0 8.5 8.2 8.5 8.2 0.3 0.4 0.3 0.4 1.0 - 5.0 37.9 38.9 46.4 47.1 8.2 9.1 8.5 9.5 5.0 - 12.5 29.2 30.2 75.6 77.3 18.9 21.3 27.4 30.8 12.5 - 25.0 13.6 13.4 89.2 90.7 18.6 20.1 46.0 50.9 25.0 - 50.0 6.9 6.0 96.1 96.7 18.2 17.4 64.2 68.3 50.0 - 150.0 3.3 2.8 99.4 99.5 20.2 18.9 84.4 87.2 150.0 & above 0.6 0.5 100.0 100.0 15.5 12.8 100.0 100.0 Source: Agricutural Census of Pakistan, 1972 and 1980. - 142 - Table 2.9(b) DISTRIBUTION OF LAND OWNERSHIP IN THE SIND 1972 & 1980 Size Group No of Owners Area Owned % cumn % % cum % 1972 1980 1972 1980 1972 1980 1972 1980 Upto 1.0 2.4 2.1 2.4 2.1 0.5 0.1 0.5 0.1 1.0 - 5.0 30.6 31.3 32.9 33.4 3.4 4.9 3.9 5.0 5.0 - 12.5 30.3 34.5 63.2 67.9 10.2 16.3 14.1 21.3 12.5 - 25.0 17.3 17.5 80.5 85.4 12.9 18.0 27.0 39.3 25.0 - 50.0 9.9 8.6 90.4 94.0 13.9 16.6 40.9 55.9 50.0 - 150.0 6.9 4.9 97.3 98.9 23.4 21.9 64.3 77.8 150.0 & above 2.7 1.3 100.0 100.0 35.7 22.3 100.0 100.1 Source: Agricutural Census of Pakistan, 1972 and 1980. Table 2.10 CONSOLIDATED GOVERNMENT SUBSIDIES a/, 1972-73 to 1986-87 (1985-86 prices) (Rs millions) Item 72-73 73-74 74-75 75-76 76-77 77-78 78-79 79-80 80-81 81-82 82-83 83-84 84-85 85-86 86-87 In Non-Development Expenditure 3427 6577 6655 3732 2192 3049 6304 5954 3453 3232 3411 5198 5628 6108 7540 Food 3391 6508 6250 3362 2192 2993 5428 5075 2419 1681 1414 3081 4241 2369 4350 Wheat 3391 5707 5170 3362 2184 2955 4399 3666 1480 1680 1367 1411 1867 2367 3287 Edible oil - 801 1081 - - - 1010 1377 822 1 - 1654 2363 - Sugar - - - - 8 38 19 31 117 - 46 17 10 2 1063* Others 37 831 1003 911 215 56 875 879 1034 1551 1998 2117 1387 3739 3190 ** Export Rebate - - - - - - 875 857 994 1486 1682 1886 - 2143 - Other 37 68 405 370 - 56 - 22 39 64 316 119 - - In Development Expenditure - - - - - - - - - - - - - - AgricuLtural Inputs 1404 604 1108 1954 1109 1855 3485 4243 3876 2354 2413 1633 1576 3057 1808 Fertilizers 840 351 795 1322 172 1116 2962 3824 3464 2313 2374 1633 1576 3041 1933 Plant Protection 472 188 273 525 831 627 467 340 - - - - - - - Tubewells 81 30 39 94 95 67 42 34 28 31 29 - - 16 17 GypsUT - - - - - - - - - - - - - 10 Wheat Seeds 11 36 - 13 12 45 14 45 3 10 10 - - - - Total Subsidies 4832 7181 7763 5686 3301 4904 9789 10196 6948 5586 5825 6831 7203 9164 9667 Govt. Total Expenditure 55956 63381 75466 80150 76513 80208 94932 100051 101106 103271 122391 111361 135665 159803 163296 Subsidies as X of Expenditure 8.63 11.33 10.29 7.09 4.31 6.11 10.31 10.19 6.87 5.41 4.76 6.13 5.31 5.73 5.92 Notes: a/ Gross subsidy excluding excise duties on vegetable ghee which are shown under tax revenue. * Liabilities of past trading losses. ** Losses of Cotton Export Corporation and Pakistan Steel Mill. Source: Pakistan Economic Developments and Prospects, February, 1983, IBRD. Pakistan Sixth Plan Progress and Future Prospects, February 1987, IBRO. -144 - Table 2.11 Government Revenue, Expenditure and Deficit (1971-1987) Govt. Revenue Govt. Expenditure Budget Deficit Budget Deficit Budget Deficit Rate of Inflation Year Fed. & Prov. Capital & Current (Rs million) as % of Govt. Exp. as X of GNP (% change in the (Rs million) (Rs million) Implicit GDP defLator) (1) (2) (3)=(2)-(1) (4)=(3)/(2)x100 (5)=(3)/GNPx100 (6) 1970-71 7,139 9,671 2,532 26.18 5.51 4.74 1971-72 8,080 11,286 3.206 28.41 6.43 6.10 1972-73 9,665 15,164 5,499 36.26 8.89 15.86 1973-74 13,757 21,296 7,539 35.40 9.16 23.94 1974-75 16,489 30,941 14,452 46.71 13.80 22.25 1975-76 19,264 32,329 13,065 40.41 10.65 12.09 1976-77 21,910 35,171 13,261 37.70 9.37 10.66 1977-78 26,482 40,898 14,416 35.25 8.38 8.99 1978-79 30,704 48,954 18,250 37.28 9.49 5.51 1979-80 38,502 54,629 16,127 29.52 7.06 10.49 1980-81 47,002 63,639 16,637 26.14 6.17 10.82 1981-82 51,937 71,013 19,076 26.86 6.05 9.09 1982-83 59,181 87,121 27,940 32.07 7.61 5.96 1983-84 72,290 100,002 27,712 27.71 6.67 9.59 1984-85 77,403 116,819 39,416 33.74 8.33 5.82 1985-86 89,877 134,463 44,586 33.16 8.40 5.23 1986-87 99,550 155,987 56,437 36.18 9.69 5.43 Source: Pakistan Economic Survey 1986-87. - 145 - Table 3.1 Protection Incentives for Import Substitution by Subsector 1960s Effective exchange rate for export for - AgriculturaL commodities Rs 4.76 per US dollar - Manufactured goods Rs 6.20 per US dollar Effective exchange rate for - import-substituting manufacturing Rs 9.00 per US doLlar Source: Lewis (1970) -146 - Table 3.2: Exchange Rates 1961-1987 Years EO EPPP (US) E* (E0/EPPP)-1 (EO/E*)-l (EPPP/E*)-1 (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) 1960-61 4.7620 8.746 7.45 -0.4555 -0.3608 0.1740 1961-62 4.7620 8.759 7.55 -0.4563 -0.3691 0.1604 1962-63 4.7620 8.679 7.64 -0.4513 -0.3769 0.1355 1963-64 4.7620 9.013 7.72 -0.4716 -0.3833 0.1672 1964-65 4.7620 9.414 7.82 -0.4941 -0.3912 0.2034 1965-66 4.7620 9.507 7.78 -0.4991 -0.3876 0.2227 1966-67 4.7620 10.051 7.73 -0.5262 -0.3843 0.2994 1967-68 4.7620 10.135 7.67 -0.5301 -0.3788 0.3221 1968-69 4.7620 10.023 7.76 -0.5249 -0.3860 0.2923 1969-70 4.7620 10.161 7.87 -0.5313 -0.3953 0.2902 1970-71 4.7620 10.426 7.52 -0.5433 -0.3667 0.3865 1971-72 4.7620 10.508 8.65 -0.5468 -0.4492 0.2154 1972-73 10.5880 10.588 10.31 0.0000 0.0272 0.0272 1973-74 9.9000 11.851 12.80 -0.1646 -0.2264 -0.0739 1974-75 9.9000 13.214 13.53 -0.2508 -0.2684 -0.0236 1975-76 9.9000 13.811 13.98 -0.2832 -0.2920 -0.0124 1976-77 9.9000 14.649 13.67 -0.3242 -0.2758 0.0716 1977-78 9.9000 14.757 13.77 -0.3291 -0.2809 0.0719 1978-79 9.9000 14.269 13.36 -0.3062 -0.2587 0.0685 1979-80 9.9000 13.940 13.17 -0.2898 -0.2484 0.0583 1980-81 9.9000 14.063 13.46 -0.2960 -0.2642 0.0452 1981-82 10.5500 14.680 14.41 -0.2813 -0.2676 0.0190 1982-83 12.7500 15.091 16.02 -0.1551 -0.2040 -0.0579 1983-84 13.4800 16.059 17.96 -0.1606 -0.2496 -0.1060 1984-85 15.1600 17.092 19-20 -0.1130 -0.2103 -0.1097 1985-86 16.1300 18.227 20.28 -0.1150 -0.2047 -0.1013 1986-87 17.1700 18.965 20.91 -0.0947 -0.1788 -0.0930 Notes: 1. EQ is the nominal actual exchange rate 2. EPPP = Nominal Purchasing Power Parity Exchange Rate = EO (1972-73)/(WPIf/CPIp) where WPlf = wholesale price index in the U.S. CPlp = consumer price index in Pakistan. 3. E* = Nominal EquiLibrium Exchange Rate. -147 - Table 3.3: CalcuLating the Equilibrium Exchange Rate (Elasticities Approach) (1961-1987) Year ResiduaLs dUm/Y1 1+T TM TX Qd Qs DEL Q0 DEL Q1 E* (US $ Million) (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10) 1960-61 457.00 114.00 7.45 1961-62 -0.10 -0.0663 470.00 114.00 356.00 7.55 1962-63 0.10 -0.28 1.48 0.6187 -0.0942 588.00 210.00 378.00 467.92 7.64 1963-64 0.06 0.05 1.55 0.7158 -0.1060 626.00 226.00 400.00 545.33 7.72 1964-65 0.11 -0.07 1.45 0.6328 -0.1263 772.00 239.00 533.00 627.12 7.82 1965-66 -0.06 0.24 1.84 1.1107 -0.1473 605.00 253.00 352.00 672.75 7.78 1966-67 0.15 -0.29 1.37 0.6093 -0.1729 762.00 273.00 489.00 621.02 7.73 1967-68 0.05 0.14 1.58 0.9791 -0.2552 699.00 346.00 353.00 769.65 7.67 1968-69 -0.01 0.09 1.72 1.3430 -0.3648 640.00 357.00 283.00 846.51 7.76 1969-70 0.00 -0.01 1.70 1.2780 -0.3408 690.00 338.00 352.00 876.84 7.87 1970-71 0.00 -0.01 1.68 1.5692 -0.5293 757.00 420.00 337.00 1092.00 7.52 1971-72 -0.11 0.17 1.98 1.6519 -0.3374 638.00 591.00 47.00 996.85 8.65 1972-73 0.06 -0.25 1.55 0.3623 0.1191 797.00 817.00 -20.00 297.15 10.31 1973-74 -0.20 0.37 2.23 0.8575 0.1681 1362.00 1026.00 336.00 1022.12 12.80 1974-75 -0.05 -0.21 1.81 0.6251 0.1013 2114.00 1039.00 1075.00 1485.33 13.53 1975-76 0.00 -0.07 1.69 0.5803 0.0656 2067.00 1137.00 930.00 1414.81 13.98 1976-77 -0.11 0.15 1.97 0.9560 0.0073 2325.00 1141.00 1184.00 2260.05 13.67 1977-78 -0.05 -0.09 1.81 0.7575 0.0266 2810.00 1311.00 1499.00 2354.92 13.77 1978-79 -0.07 0.03 1.86 0.8849 -0.0126 3676.00 1710.00 1966.00 3490.23 13.36 1979-80 0.02 -0.12 1.66 0.6623 -0.0044 4740.00 2365.00 2375.00 3795.07 13.17 1980-81 0.04 -0.03 1.60 0.6005 0.0001 5409.00 2958.00 2451.00 4058.46 13.46 1981-82 -0.03 0.10 1.77 0.8207 -0.0289 5622.00 2464.00 3158.00 5200.57 14.41 1982-83 0.04 -0.10 1.60 0.6480 -0.0285 5357.00 2694.00 2663.00 4367.92 16.02 1983-84 0.01 0.04 1.66 0.7069 -0.0268 5685.00 2768.00 2917.00 4852.51 17.96 1984-85 -0.02 0.05 1.74 0.7173 0.0129 5906.00 2491.00 3415.00 4869.19 19.20 1985-86 0.11 -0.18 1.46 0.4821 -0.0170 5634.00 3070.00 2564.00 3760.44 20.28 1986-87 0.08 0.04 1.52 0.5656 -0.0309 5380.00 3681.00 1699.00 4066.27 20.91 Col 2. dUm/Y1 where Y1 is = -0.71 and dUm is the difference in the residuals of successive years (Cot 1) Caol 3. Calcutations in col 3 are obtained from the realtionship 1+T = [exp (dU/Y1)] (1+TO) where TO is the initial value and adjusted in a way that 1 + T = 1.6 in 1980-81. Cot 4. Tm = l(1+T)(1-Tx)3-1 ; Tm is the uniform equivalent import tariff and Tx is defined below Cot 5. Tx is the average export tax Cot 6. od : value of imports Cot 7. Qs = vatue of exports (including remittances) Col 8. DEL 00 = Od-Os Cot 9. DEL Q1 = (Tm/1+Tm)(Od Nd) - (Tx/1-Tx)(QsEs); Nd = Es = 1 Cot 10. E* = (DEL Q0 + DEL Q1)/(EsQs + Ndad)+1] Eo ; Eo, the actual nominal exchange rate is given in column 1 of Table 3.2 E* = is the equilibrium nominal exchange rate -148 - Table 4.1 Area and Value of Output under Major Crops in Pakistan (1986-87) All Crops Wheat Rice Maize Gram Cotton Sugar- Other cane crops Area (mln hect.) 20.8 7.706 2.066 0.816 1.082 2.502 0.762 5.809 % share 100 37.05 9.93 3.92 5.20 12.03 3.66 27.93 Total Gross Value at Current Factor Cost (Rs. Million) 82930 25828 9622 2030 1152 18005 7689 18604 % share 100.00 31.14 11.60 2.45 1.39 21.71 9.27 22.43 Source: Pakistan Economic Survey 1986-87, Economic Advisor's Wing, Islamabad. -149 - Table 4.2.1 YIELD, PRODUCTION, PROCUREMENT, IMPORT AND CONSUMPTION OF WHEAT (1961-87) End- Period Available for Fiscal Yield Output Procured * Imported Stocks Consumption * Year (kgs/acre) (000 tons) ('000 mt) ('000 mt) ('000 mt) (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) 1960-61 332.20 3,814 3.0 1,062 4580 1961-62 328.50 4,027 2.0 667 4100 1962-63 335.90 4,170 78.0 711 4335 1963-64 335.90 4,162 1.0 864 4617 1964-65 350.90 4,591 1.0 1,492 5238 1965-66 306.10 3,916 21.0 744 4876 1966-67 328.50 4,335 9.0 1,146 4670 1967-68 433.00 6,418 781.0 1,419 5321 1968-69 433.00 6,618 893.0 16 5792 1969-70 470.30 7,294 1016.9 227 6183 1970-71 436.70 6,476 841.0 285 6850 1971-72 481.20 6,890 208.2 690 6518 1972-73 504.70 7,442 1341.9 1,359 7560 1973-74 505.30 7,629 1253.4 1,229 7927 1974-75 534.50 7,673 1236.1 1,344 8210 1975-76 575.80 8,691 2338.8 1,186 8092 1976-77 579.40 9,144 1842.2 499 511 8310 1977-78 532.60 8,367 1086.0 1,052 503 9290 1978-79 602.40 9,950 2376.0 2,236 189 10080 1979-80 634.80 10,587 2954.9 602 379 9367 1980-81 665.30 11,475 3988.8 305 685 9527 1981-82 622.60 11,304 3131.0 360 830 10543 1982-83 679.40 12,414 3821.0 396 1,650 9750 1983-84 599.60 10,882 2275.0 291 1,620 11494 1984-85 652.50 11,703 2533.3 980 750 11644 1985-86 761.43 13,923 5035.1 1,909 1,245 11947 1986-87 630.81 12,016 3491.4 378 2,530 11624 Note: (1) Amount available for consumption is calculated after deducting 10% for seed and wastage, adding imports and subtracting change of stocks. (2) * Wheat is harvested in May/June, procurement takes place in June/August, and consumption in the next fiscal year (i.e., July/June). To adjust for this, procurement is shown against appropriate production year and consumption in a fiscal year is based on previous year's production. Source: Pakistan Economic Survey, 1986-87, Statistical Supplement, Economic Advisor's Wing, Ministry of Finance, Islamabad. - 150 - Table 4.2.2 YIELD, PRODUCTION, PROCUREMENT, EXPORT AND CONSUMPTION OF BASMATI RICE (1969-1987) ('000 m tons) Fiscal Yield Output Procured Exported Available for Year (kgs/acre) Consumption (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) 1968-69 377.0 562.0 1969-70 496.4 585.0 1970-71 381.0 411.0 73.3 159 227.3 1971-72 470.5 384.0 35.9 177 184.0 1972-73 478.1 400.0 133.3 109 267.0 1973-74 526.3 486.0 215.6 131 325.8 1974-75 491.9 602.0 287.0 181 384.9 1975-76 485.4 642.3 318.6 306 297.8 1976-77 503.6 659.8 201.4 510 110.2 1977-78 440.5 560.1 193.3 272 254.5 1978-79 524.3 877.7 390.8 179 646.0 1979-80 460.7 886.6 382.4 315 518.4 1980-81 481.8 980.0 320.1 410 511.2 1981-82 506.1 1054.9 388.2 262 729.6 1982-83 488.9 1010.4 337.5 238 711.8 1983-84 473.5 965.2 264.6 406 501.3 1984-85 497.8 958.3 284.4 174 726.8 1985-86 471.1 883.1 226.5 261 569.1 1986-87 505.8 1020.8 201.7 188 771.6 Note: Amount available for consumption was calculated after deducting 6% for seed and wastage from total output and subtracting exports. Source: (1) Agricultural Statistics of Pakistan 1985 and 1986 Vol II, Ministry of Food and Agriculture (2) Economic Survey 1986-87, Statistical Supplement, Economic Advisor's Wing, Islamabad. (3) Pakistan Statistical Yearbook, 1987, Federal Bureau of Statistics. - 151 - Table 4.2.3 YIELD, OUTPUT, PROCUREMENT, EXPORTS AND CONSUMPTION OF IRRI RICE (1969-1987) ('000 m tons) Fiscal Yield Output Procured Exported Available for Year (kgs/acre) Consumption (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) 1968-69 412.5 796 1969-70 817.5 1,010 1970-71 780.6 1,059 243.9 3.0 992.5 1971-72 784.2 1,408 162.9 2.0 1321.5 1972-73 784.2 1,255 2.9 40.0 1139.7 1973-74 787.9 1,299 287.9 83.0 1138.1 1974-75 709.3 1,107 378.5 56.0 984.6 1975-76 785.4 1,290 411.4 89.0 1123.6 1976-77 786.2 1,316 449.5 75.0 1162.0 1977-78 793.9 1,671 735.6 600.0 970.7 1978-79 776.9 1,949 851.4 830.0 1002.1 1979-80 822.3 1,958 766.5 770.0 1070.5 1980-81 864.8 1,797 715.9 830.0 859.2 1981-82 937.3 2,021 717.6 689.2 1210.5 1982-83 938.9 2,124 903.8 667.1 1329.5 1983-84 889.9 2,208 897.3 859.1 1216.4 1984-85 847.0 2,347 959.0 544.6 1661.6 1985-86 800.7 1,785 985.8 1055.5 622.0 1986-87 868.0 2,147 711.2 1053.0 965.4 Note: Amount available for consumption is calculated after deducting 6% for seed and wastage from the total output and subtracting exports. Source: (1) Economic Survey 1986-87, Statistical Supplement, Economic Advisors Wing, IsLamabad. (2) Agricultural Statistics of Pakistan 1985, Ministry of Food and Agriculture, Islamabad. - 152 - Table 4.2.4 YIELD, PRODUCTION, EXPORT AND CONSUMPTION OF COTTON (1961-1987) ('000 m tons) Cotton (Unginned) Cotton Lint Fiscal Yield Output Output Exported Available for Year (kgs/acre) Consumption (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) 1960-61 279.9 903 301 52 249 1961-62 279.9 972 324 48 276 1962-63 324.6 1098 366 156 210 1963-64 347.1 1257 419 159 260 1964-65 313.5 1134 378 129 249 1965-66 324.6 1242 414 117 297 1966-67 347.1 1389 463 132 331 1967-68 347.1 1554 518 223 295 1968-69 369.6 1584 528 141 387 1969-70 369.9 1608 536 84 452 1970-71 369.6 1626 542 100 442 1971-72 438.9 2121 707 196 511 1972-73 423.9 2106 702 216 486 1973-74 433.5 1977 659 37 622 1974-75 379.2 1902 634 200 434 1975-76 336.9 1542 514 113 401 1976-77 283.2 1305 435 18 417 1977-78 378.6 1725 575 101 474 1978-79 303.9 1419 473 55 418 1979-80 425.1 2184 728 251 477 1980-81 411.6 2145 715 325 390 1981-82 410.4 2244 748 231 517 1982-83 442.2 2472 824 255 569 1983-84 270.6 1485 495 98 397 1984-85 546.3 3024 1,008 263 745 1985-86 620.6 3624 1,208 639 569 1986-87 645.2 3981 1,327 641 686 Note: Amount available for consumption of cotton lint was calculated after deducting exports from total output. Source: Pakistan Economic Survey 1986-87, Statistical Supplement, Ministry of Finance, Islamabad. -153 - TabLe 4.2.5 TOTAL OUTPUT OF SUGARCANE, CONSUMPTION AND IMPORT OF SUGAR (1961-1987) ('000 m tons) Sugarcane Sugar (equivaLent) Fiscal Yield Total Total Total Total Year (kgs/acre) Output Output Consumption Import (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) 1960-61 12147 11,641 0 1961-62 13091 14,357 997 1,070 73 1962-63 14059 18,439 1508 1,554 46 1963-64 13670 16,140 1221 1,221 0 1964-65 15026 18,668 1282 1,315 33 1965-66 15129 22,309 1862 1,864 2 1966-67 13692 21,982 1573 1,573 0 1967-68 14989 18,660 1500 1,511 11 1968-69 16442 21,971 1742 1,955 213 1969-70 17220 26,370 1919 1,919 0 1970-71 14747 23,167 1638 1,638 0 1971-72 14642 19,963 1575 1,591 16 1972-73 15123 19,947 1594 1,794 200 1973-74 14985 23,911 1768 1,812 44 1974-75 12779 21,242 1715 1,715 0 1975-76 14776 25,547 1926 1,926 0 1976-77 15169 29,524 2198 2,198 0 1977-78 14814 30,077 2459 2,459 0 1978-79 14712 27,326 2293 2,294 1 1979-80 15505 27,498 2316 2,417 101 1980-81 15880 32,359 2561 2,631 70 1981-82 15639 36,580 2767 2,767 0 1982-83 14443 32,534 2494 2,494 0 1983-84 15475 34,287 2477 2,477 0 1984-85 14394 32,140 2399 2,399 0 1985-86 14459 27,856 2091 2,348 257 1986-87 15895 29,917 2162 2,911 749 Source: (1). Pakistan Economic Survey 1986-87, Statistical SuppLement, Economic Advisor's Wing, Islamabad. (2). AgricuLtural Statistics of Pakistan 1985, Ministry of Food and Agriculture, Islamabad. (Figures from 1980-81 to 1986-87). -154 - Table 4.3.1 WHEAT PRICES (Rs per ton (1961-1987) Producer Border Transport GOP Consumer Nominal Inflation Inftation Inflation and Year Price Price Cost Deflator Price Protection Adjusted Adjusted Transport Cost Adjusted Rate Producer Consumer Adjusted Border Price Price Border Price Prices (2)/(4)-l (2)/(5) (6)/(5) (4)/(5) (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10) 1960-61 372.52 353.56 360.66 0.164 389.76 0.03 2267.02 2371.93 2194.82 l96l-62 351.81 363.32 373.39 0.162 378.42 -0.06 2176.11 2340.72 2309.61 L962-63 326.45 353.56 362.67 0.161 365.61 -0.10 2021.87 2264.38 2246.14 l963-64 362.09 381.39 390.56 0.170 380.31 -0.07 2132.37 2239.69 2300.02 1964-65 386.13 360.67 371.09 0.177 387.51 0.04 2182.73 2190.51 2097.69 L965-66 364.86 348.39 358.81 0.182 383.97 0.02 2002.36 2107.23 1969.15 l966-67 456.01 358.41 370.43 0.199 434.13 0.23 2290.80 2180.90 1860.90 1967-68 441.61 395.16 407.53 0.205 472.44 0.08 2152.65 2302.95 1986.52 l968-69 414.65 336.81 274.65 0.204 423.60 0.51 2034.39 2078.31 1347.52 l969-70 440.66 352.64 287.68 0.212 458.43 0.53 2079.93 2163.80 1357.84 l970-71 439.97 372.17 304.06 0.222 461.77 0.45 1980.79 2078.90 1368.89 l971-72 439.14 391.00 406.71 0.235 475.92 0.08 1869.42 2025.99 1731.37 1972-73 584.30 818.00 834.71 0.271 558.96 -0.30 2153.43 2060.02 3076.28 l973-74 660.15 1258.00 1279.51 0.336 662.89 -0.48 1965.43 1973.57 3809.40 l974-75 961.94 1831.00 1860.84 0.410 930.51 -0.48 2346.78 2270.11 4539.78 l975-76 958.62 1505.00 1537.80 0.459 968.03 -0.38 2088.49 2108.98 3350.31 l976-77 955.64 1323.00 1167.30 0.507 980.74 -0.18 1885.42 1934.94 2303.00 l977-78 953.28 1271.00 1306.24 0.553 1,017.55 -0.27 1723.76 1839.98 2361.99 l978-79 1164.73 1567.00 1609.14 0.571 1,169.55 -0.28 2038.92 2047.36 2816.88 l979-80 1204.83 1729.00 1531.71 0.642 1,386.52 -0.21 1877.26 2160.36 2386.59 t980-81 1398.61 2076.00 1855.65 0.709 1,428.74 -0.25 1971.99 2014.47 2616.39 1981-82 1392.44 2224.00 1980.84 0.776 1,505.03 -0.30 1795.04 1940.19 2553.57 1982-83 1540.C2 2204.00 1948.24 0.820 1,619.73 -0.21 1876 95 1974.11 2374.4S 1983-84 4534.93 2952.00 2673.01 0.898 1,645.86 -0.43 1709.35 1832.88 2976.74 1984-85 1680.96 2807.00 2511.04 0.952 1,829.88 -0.33 1764.87 1921.22 2636.38 1985-86 1927.84 2472.00 2161.78 1.000 1,986.15 -0.11 1927.84 1986.15 2161.78 1986-87 1925.04 3132.00 2810.59 1.034 1,997.59 -0.32 1860.89 1931.03 2716.94 Mean 875.53 1242.08 1160.62 914.80 -0.10 2006.55 2086.69 2424.11 S.D. 522.23 927.87 828.23 553.83 0.28 168.49 146.75 700.21 -- - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - -- - - -- - - - -- - - -- - - - -- - - -- - - - -- - - -- - - - -- - - -- - - - -- - - - -155 - Table 4.3.2 BASMATI RICE (Rs per ton) (1961-1987) Producer Border Transport GDP Consumer Nominal Inflation Inflation Inflation Year Prices Prices Cost Deflator Price Protection Adjusted Adjusted and Transport Adjusted Rate Producer Consumer Cost Adjusted Border Prices Price Border Price Prices (2)/(4)-i (2)/(5) (6)1(5) (4)/(5) (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10) 1960-61 890.89 0.164 1,308.81 5421.63 7964.89 196l-62 958.93 0.162 1,260.32 5931.52 7795.74 1962-63 967.81 0.161 1,276.93 5994.04 7908.54 1963-64 836.01 1209.34 965.00 0.170 1,178.87 -0.13 4923.32 6942.41 5682.94 1964-65 717.47 1143.93 886.23 0.177 1,226.82 -0.19 4055.71 6935.02 5009.69 1965-66 658.29 993.38 729.09 0.182 924.61 -0.10 3612.74 5074.31 4001.28 l966-67 756.05 1001.22 710.14 0.199 1,186.10 0.06 3798.08 5958.47 3567.47 l967-68 660.10 1254.65 954.77 0.205 837.26 -0.31 3217.72 4081.30 4654.10 l968-69 808.30 1255.13 954.16 0.204 744.03 -0.15 3965.80 3650.43 4681.44 l969-70 761.20 1088.31 772.92 0.212 772.43 -0.02 3592.88 3645.87 3648.19 l970-7l 672.42 1008.41 677.73 0.222 951.50 -0.01 3027.28 4283.71 3051.19 l971-72 822.33 1743.49 1394.47 0.235 1,174.25 -0.41 3500.66 4998.80 5936.26 1972-73 1056.93 2536.09 2138.18 0.271 2,065.25 -0.51 3895.29 7611.40 7880.16 1973-74 1381.76 4705.47 4209.87 0.336 2,797.25 -0.67 4113.82 8328.04 12533.74 1974-75 2069.05 4641.31 4023.46 0.410 3,250.50 -0.49 5047.73 7930.04 9815.80 l975-76 2028.25 5181.76 4492.13 0.459 3,587.00 -0.55 4418.82 7814.77 9786.73 1976-77 2297.49 3360.55 2603.93 0.507 3,690.75 -0.12 4532.80 7281.61 5137.39 l977-78 2259.89 4519.55 3704.22 0.553 3,871.75 -0.39 4086.41 7001.04 6698.10 l978-79 2470.17 7507.96 6644.90 0.571 3,312.50 -0.63 4324.17 5798.71 11632.25 l979-80 2412.17 7089.88 6130.86 0.642 3,887.50 -0.61 3758.44 6057.18 9552.60 l980-81 2832.23 7016.13 5939.32 0.709 4,811.50 -0.52 3993.33 6784.03 8374.21 1981-82 3100.31 7473.62 6280.17 0.776 5,197.75 -0.51 3996.71 6700.60 8095.99 1982-83 3163.71 7926.42 6674.55 0.820 5,180.50 -0.53 3855.88 6313.92 8134.85 1983-84 3174.49 8097.30 6733.93 0.898 5,941.25 -0.53 3535.21 6616.35 7499.11 1984-85 3203.92 9463.93 8017.58 0.952 5,819.75 -0.60 3363.84 6110.24 8417.77 1985-86 3539.51 10740.16 9225.33 1.000 6,755.00 -0.62 3539.51 6755.00 9225.33 1986-87 4235.39 12180.177 10610.09 1.034 7,055.56 -0.60 4094.26 6820.46 10256.55 Mean 1805.00 4714.12 3978.04 2965.40 -0.38 4133.24 6413.44 7219.71 S.D. 1086.57 3427.14 2994.86 2005.55 0.23 742.46 1333.17 2621.78 - 156 - Table 4.3.3 IRRI PRICES (Rs per ton) (1969-1987) Producer Border Transport GDP Consumer Nominal Inflation Inflation Inflation and Year Price Price Cost Deflator Price Protection Adjusted Adjusted Transport Cost Adjusted (at factor Rate Producer Consumer Adjusted Border cost) Price Price Border Price Prices (2)/(4)-1 (2)/(5) (6)/(5) (4)/(5) (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10) l968-69 422.265 0.204 2071.8 1969-70 417.826 0.212 1972.2 1970-7l 443.285 506.13 302.58 0.222 504.50 0.47 1995.7 2271.3 1362.24 1971-72 436.626 568.96 354.13 0.235 536.75 0.23 1858.7 2285.0 1507.53 l972-73 417.945 1204.61 959.77 0.271 802.50 -0.56 1540.3 2957.6 3537.20 L973-74 547.391 2892.09 2587.10 0.336 871.75 -0.79 1629.7 2595.4 7702.37 l974-75 855.707 3162.95 2782.51 0.410 1212.25 -0.69 2087.6 2957.5 6788.32 l975-76 830.019 1926.24 1501.64 0.459 1250.25 -0.45 1808.3 2723.8 3271.53 1976-77 1180.240 1765.07 1299.30 0.507 1493.25 -0.09 2328.5 2946.1 2563.44 L977-78 942.597 2079.39 1577.64 0.553 1631.00 -0.40 1704.4 2949.2 2852.74 l978-79 1011.491 2446.98 1915.52 0.571 1356.50 -0.47 1770.7 2374.6 3353.22 1979-80 975.203 2522.71 1932.33 0.642 1508.25 -0.50 1519.5 2350.0 3010.80 l980-81 1200.514 3270.26 2607.09 0.709 1701.00 -0.54 1692.7 2398.3 3675.90 l98l-82 1401.556 3149.17 2413.92 0.776 2010.50 -0.42 1806.8 2591.8 3111.87 l982-83 1566.241 2695.86 1924.78 0.820 2141.50 -0.19 1908.9 2610.0 2345.90 1983-84 1600.862 2795.21 1955.56 0.898 2338.50 -0.18 1782.8 2604.2 2177.77 1984-85 1572.067 3103.71 2212.94 0.952 2517.50 -0.29 1650.5 2643.2 2323.40 1985-86 1634.785 2579.03 1646.15 1.000 2556.25 -0.01 1634.8 2556.3 1646.15 1986-87 1616.280 2628.24 1660.91 1.034 2595.50 -0.03 1562.4 2509.0 1605.57 Mean 1003.84 2311.57 1743.17 1589.87 -0.29 1806.65 2607.25 3108.00 S.D. 454.38 838.38 697.49 669.18 0.32 207.93 228.21 1674.78 -- - - -- - - -- - - -- - - - --.--- - -- - - - -- - --=--- - - -- =- - - - - -- - - -- - - - -- - - -- - - -- - - - - 157 - Table 4.3.4 COTTON PRICES (Rs per ton) (1961-1987) Producer Border Transport GOP Consumer Nominal Inflation Inflation Inflation and Year Price Price Cost Deflator Price Protection Adjusted Adjusted Transport Cost Adjusted Rate Producer Consumer Adjusted Border Price Price Border Price Prices (2)/(4)-l (2)/(5) (6)/(5) (4)/(5) (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10) 1960-61 910.03 2629.49 1076.02 0.164 1095.01 -0.15 5538.08 6663.80 6548.23 196l-62 795.87 2533.40 1011.18 0.162 995.41 -0.21 4922.92 6157.15 6254.70 l962-63 783.27 2373.57 955.08 0.161 977.16 -0.18 4851.15 6051.95 5915.23 l963-64 763.26 2141.86 885.02 0.170 964.84 -0.14 4494.87 5682.01 5211.93 1964-65 946.07 2218.00 964.11 0.177 1161.00 -0.02 5347.94 6562.93 5449.92 l965-66 933.64 2450.13 1091.88 0.182 1153.24 -0.14 5123.90 6329.08 5992.33 l966-67 903.81 2195.51 1068.82 0.199 1147.38 -0.15 4540.37 5763.98 5369.29 1967-68 747.70 1982.81 883.04 0.205 998.58 -0.15 3644.73 4867.63 4304.43 l968-69 909.91 2447.36 1088.27 0.204 1163.89 -0.16 4464.31 5710.43 5339.41 l969-70 992.04 2533.89 1171.02 0.212 1260.04 -0.15 4682.47 5947.41 5527.25 l970-71 1235.44 2700.00 1298.14 0.222 1516.43 -0.05 5562.03 6827.08 5844.33 l97l-72 1239.21 4871.00 1846.85 0.235 1535.30 -0.33 5275.34 6535.79 7862.08 l972-73 1648.56 5403.00 2145.97 0.271 1982.37 -0.23 6075.70 7305.96 7908.89 1973-74 2425.48 9922.00 3753.70 0.336 2843.44 -0.35 7221.19 8465.55 11175.61 1974-75 2192.86 7720.00 3189.58 0.410 2723.31 -0.31 5349.77 6643.89 7781.42 1975-76 2812.74 8681.00 3619.37 0.459 3403.25 -0.22 6127.94 7414.44 7885.30 1976-77 3761.30 16222.00 6250.66 0.507 4405.69 -0.40 7420.80 8692.13 12332.14 1977-78 3770.71 10911.00 4517.57 0.553 4457.84 -0.17 6818.33 8060.82 8168.83 L978-79 4539.36 12000.00 4932.42 0.571 5281.76 -0.08 7946.38 9245.99 8634.46 1979-80 3916.60 13231.00 5277.38 0.642 4734.05 -0.26 6102.52 7376.20 8222.78 (980-81 4100.83 16010.00 6205.03 0.709 5030.80 -0.34 5782.01 7093.23 8748.85 (98L-82 4312.31 12719.00 5190.39 0.776 5354.03 -0.17 5559.15 6902.06 6691.11 (982-83 4407.12 15282.00 5937.19 0.820 5492.59 -0.26 5371.33 6694.29 7236.16 1983-84 6828.28 18082.00 7278.09 0.898 8005.76 -0.06 7604.18 8915.45 8105.10 1984-85 5007.48 16608.00 6424.64 0.952 6256.81 -0.22 5257.42 6569.11 6745.32 1985-86 4161.95 12975.00 5167.73 1.000 5467.82 -0.19 4161.95 5467.82 5167.73 1986-87 4739.31 11975.00 - 5129.42 1.034 6095.87 -0.08 4581.38 5892.74 4958.50 Mean 2584.63 8104.37 3272.54 3166.80 -0.19 5549.19 6808.85 7014.12 S.D. 1745.43 5588.68 2177.30 2116.40 0.09 1066.83 1079.43 1837.05 - . - - - . . - - - - - -- - - - - - ---- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- ---- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- - 158 - Table 4.3.5 SUGARCANE PRICES (Rs per ton) (1961-1987) Producer Transport GDP Consumer Nominal Inflation Inflation Inflation and Year Price Cost Deflator Price Protection Adjusted Adjusted Transport Cost Adjusted of Rate Producer Consumer Adjusted Border Sugar Price Price Border Price of Sugar Prices (2)/(3)-i (2)/(4) (5)/(4) (3)/(4) (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) 1960-61 0.164 1567.95 9541.92 l96l-62 62.411 9.690 0.162 1559.25 5.44 386.05 9644.82 59.94 l962-63 55.305 15.318 0.161 1506.14 2.61 342.53 9328.15 94.87 l963-64 48.359 21.386 0.170 1713.06 1.26 284.79 10088.32 125.94 l964-65 54.768 19.203 0.177 1777.45 1.85 309.60 10047.60 108.55 l965-66 54.649 24.311 0.182 1696.06 1.25 299.92 9308.12 133.42 l966-67 47.288 14.415 0.199 1466.75 2.28 237.56 7368.34 72.41 l967-68 58.352 11.227 0.205 1911.21 4.20 284.44 9316.35 54.73 1968-69 67.273 5.627 0.204 1859.60 10.95 330.06 9123.81 27.61 1969-70 66.915 14.117 0.212 1853.44 3.74 315.84 8748.28 66.63 [970-71 66.584 19.509 0.222 1745.60 2.41 299.76 7858.80 87.83 197l-72 59.949 86.821 0.235 1888.01 -0.31 255.20 8037.30 369.60 1972-73 105.236 129.177 0.271 2463.81 -0.19 387.85 9080.29 476.08 1973-74 103.091 179.182 0.336 3222.78 -0.42 306.92 9594.93 533.46 1974-75 127.221 386.241 0.410 3919.85 -0.67 310.37 9563.01 942.29 [975-76 138.940 170.073 0.459 4343.55 -0.18 302.70 9463.02 370.53 1976-77 137.566 161.861 0.507 4353.55 -0.15 271.41 8589.27 319.34 1977-78 136.476 171.396 0.553 4343.55 -0.20 246.78 7854.17 309.93 t978-79 135.066 170.261 0.571 4423.55 -0.21 236.44 7743.66 298.05 1979-80 166.652 379 390 0.642 5990.98 -0.56 259.66 9334.65 590.99 1980-81 217.532 517.109 0.709 7381.33 -0.58 306.71 10407.39 729.10 1981-82 214.682 414.787 0.776 8270.46 -0.48 276.75 10661.73 534.72 1982-83 213.567 272.938 0.820 8105.13 -0.22 260.29 9878.41 332.65 1983-84 211.220 258.020 0.898 8120.00 -0.18 235.22 9042.68 287.34 1984-85 209.388 177.181 0.952 7820.00 0.18 219.84 8210.33 186.02 1985-86 207.946 198.379 1.000 8920.00 0.05 207.95 8920.00 198.38 1986-87 260.153 192.974 1.034 9570.00 0.35 251.48 9251.11 186.54 Mean 124.10 154.63 4140.48 1.24 285.62 9111.35 288.34 S.D. 66.99 143.09 2744.31 2.54 44.84 821.06 227.54 … I .. -159 - TabLe 4.4.1 Construction of Consumer Prices of Wheat (1961-1987) % Consumption Prices (Rs/ton) --------------------------------- ------------------------------------ Composite Years from from from in in at Domestic Ration Shop Open Mkt Proc. Ration Shop Open Mkt Proc. Price 1960-61 27 15 58 428.70 428.95 361.50 389.76 1961-62 27 15 58 410.80 385.54 361.50 378.42 1962-63 27 15 58 378.40 358.48 361.50 365.61 1963-64 27 15 58 401.90 414.21 361.50 380.31 1964-65 27 15 58 401.90 462.17 361.50 387.51 1965-66 27 15 58 418.10 409.39 361.50 383.97 1966-67 27 15 58 462.20 664.45 361.50 434.13 1967-68 27 15 58 466.70 549.24 455.25 472.44 1968-69 27 15 58 462.20 438.59 401.75 423.60 1969-70 27 15 58 442.10 499.14 455.50 458.43 1970-71 27 15 58 455.50 497.27 455.50 461.77 1971-72 26 17 58 455.50 579.25 455.50 475.92 1972-73 24 18 58 455.50 555.25 602.75 558.96 1973-74 23 20 58 566.10 714.00 683.25 662.89 1974-75 21 21 58 646.50 1,043.00 991.25 930.51 1975-76 19 23 58 857.40 1,002.75 991.25 968.03 1976-77 18 24 58 857.40 1,045.50 991.25 980.74 1977-78 16 26 58 857.40 1,177.25 991.25 1,017.55 1978-79 15 27 58 857.40 1,259.25 1,205.75 1,169.55 1979-80 13 29 58 1,250.00 1,321.00 1,450.00 1,386.52 1980-81 12 31 58 1,567.50 1,336.00 1,450.00 1,428.74 1981-82 10 32 58 1,567.50 1,585.25 1,450.00 1,505.03 1982-83 8 34 58 1,702.50 1,633.00 1,600.00 1,619.73 1983-84 7 35 58 1,702.50 1,710.50 1,600.00 1,645.86 1984-85 5 37 58 1,702.50 1,975.00 1,750.00 1,829.88 1985-86 5 37 58 1,702.50 2,005.75 2,000.00 1,986.15 1986-87 5 37 58 1,702.50 2,036.98 2,000.00 1,997.59 -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - I- - - - - -- - - - - - -160 - TabLe 4.4.2 Construction of Consumer Prices of Sugar (1961-1987) % Consumption Prices (Rs/ton) ---------------------- ---------------------- Composite Years from from in in Domestic Ration Shop Open Mkt Ration Shop Open Mkt Price 1960-61 85 15 1587.0 1460.0 1568.0 1961-62 85 15 1575.0 1470.0 1559.3 1962-63 85 15 1510.8 1480.0 1506.1 1963-64 85 15 1731.3 1610.0 1713.1 1964-65 85 15 1807.0 1610.0 1777.5 1965-66 85 15 1711.3 1610.0 1696.1 1966-67 85 15 1445.0 1590.0 1466.8 1967-68 85 15 1920.3 1860.0 1911.2 1968-69 85 15 1856.0 1880.0 1859.6 1969-70 85 15 1848.8 1880.0 1853.4 1970-71 85 15 1736.0 1800.0 1745.6 1971-72 85 15 1748.3 2680.0 1888.0 1972-73 85 15 2226.3 3810.0 2463.8 1973-74 90 10 3109.8 4240.0 3222.8 1974-75 90 10 3846.5 4580.0 3919.9 1975-76 90 10 4259.5 5100.0 4343.6 1976-77 90 10 4259.5 5200.0 4353.6 1977-78 90 10 4259.5 5100.0 4343.6 1978-79 90 10 4259.5 5900.0 4423.6 1979-80 79 21 4599.8 11250.0 5991.0 1980-81 72 28 5970.0 10950.0 7381.3 1981-82 63 37 6970.0 10480.0 8270.5 1982-83 48 52 6970.0 9140.0 8105.1 1983-84 0 100 - 8120.0 8120.0 1984-85 0 100 - 7820.0 7820.0 1985-86 0 100 8920.0 8920.0 1986-87 0 100 - 9570.0 9570.0 - 161 - TabLe 5.1 RELATIVE PRICES OF FIVE CROPS (1961-1987) Year PNA PB/PNA PC/PNA PIr/PNA PSc/PNA PW/PNA (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) 1960-61 0.16 5636.71 5757.78 2356.95 1961-62 0.16 5970.13 4954.96 388.56 2190.28 1962-63 0.16 5989.92 4847.82 342.29 2020.48 1963-64 0.17 5024.90 4587.61 290.66 2176.37 1964-65 0.17 4136.20 5454.07 315.74 2226.05 1965-66 0.18 3651.85 5179.36 303.17 2024.03 1966-67 0.19 3889.19 4649.28 243.25 2345.75 1967-68 0.20 3295.13 3732.41 291.28 2204.43 1968-69 0.21 3910.91 4402.52 2043.09 325.49 2006.23 1969-70 0.21 3540.78 4614.56 1943.55 311.26 2049.77 1970-71 0.22 2989.85 5493.26 1971.02 296.06 1956.29 1971-72 0.24 3474.85 5236.45 1845.02 253.32 1855.64 1972-73 0.27 3957.45 6172.65 1564.90 394.03 2187.79 1973-74 0.33 4164.82 7310.71 1649.91 310.73 1989.79 1974-75 0.40 5124.55 5431.19 2119.38 315.10 2382.49 1975-76 0.46 4438.30 6154.96 1816.28 304.03 2097.69 1976-77 0.50 4580.16 7498.35 2352.87 274.24 1905.12 1977-78 0.54 4179.83 6974.20 1743.40 252.42 1763.16 1978-79 0.57 4303.39 7908.20 1762.16 235.30 2029.12 1979-80 0.64 3776.57 6131.94 1526.81 260.92 1886.32 1980-81 0.70 4027.33 5831.24 1707.09 309.32 1988.78 1981-82 0.76 4071.24 5662.81 1840.49 281.92 1828.51 1982-83 0.81 3913.57 5451.69 1937.47 264.19 1905.03 1983-84 0.89 3576.10 7692.14 1803.39 237.94 1729.12 1984-85 0.94 3392.14 5301.65 1664.42 221.69 1779.71 1985-86 1.00 3539.54 4161.99 1634.80 207.95 1927.86 1986-87 1.04 4070.34 4554.61 1553.29 250.01 1850.02 Mean 0.45 4171.32 5598.09 1814.70 287.73 2024.55 S.D. 0.29 762.98 1081.33 206.17 45.07 180.06 C.V. 0.65 0.18 0.19 0.11 0.16 0.09 PNA = Price of non-agricultural good (non-agricuLturaL GDP deflator). PA/PNA = relative price of agricultural to non-agricultural good (A = b, c, Ir, Sc, w implying basmati rice, cotton, irri rice, sugarcane and wheat respectively). - 162 - Table 5.2: Effect of Direct Price Interventions on Relative Prices (1961-1987) Year PNA P'B/PNA P'C/PNA P'lr/PNA P'Sc/PNA P'W/PNA NPRb NPRc NPRlr NPRSc NPRw (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10) (11) 1960-61 0.16 6808.00 2281.89 -0.15 0.03 1961-62 0.16 6295.42 60.33 2324.64 -0.21 5.44 -0.06 1962-63 0.16 5911.17 94.81 2244.60 -0.18 2.61 -0.10 1963-64 0.17 5800.19 5319.46 128.54 2347.47 -0.13 -0.14 1.26 -0.07 1964-65 0.17 5109.11 5558.07 110.71 2139.32 -0.19 -0.02 1.85 0.04 1965-66 0.18 4044.59 6057.20 134.87 1990.47 -0.10 -0.14 1.25 0.02 1966-67 0.19 3653.04 5498.09 74.15 1905.54 0.06 -0.15 2.28 0.23 1967-68 0.20 4766.06 4407.98 56.04 2034.30 -0.31 -0.15 4.20 0.08 1968-69 0.21 4616.65 5265.51 27.23 1328.87 -0.15 -0.16 10.95 0.51 1969-70 0.21 3595.28 5447.09 65.67 1338.15 -0.02 -0.15 3.74 0.53 1970-71 0.22 3013.46 5772.07 1345.39 86.75 1351.97 -0.01 -0.05 0.47 2.41 0.45 1971-72 0.24 5892.50 7804.12 1496.42 366.87 1718.61 -0.41 -0.33 0.23 -0.31 0.08 1972-73 0.27 8005.92 8035.11 3593.64 483.67 3125.37 -0.51 -0.23 -0.56 -0.19 -0.30 1973-74 0.33 12689.12 11314.16 7797.85 540.08 3856.63 -0.67 -0.35 -0.79 -0.42 -0.48 1974-75 0.40 9965.17 7899.83 6891.62 956.63 4608.86 -0.49 -0.31 -0.69 -0.67 -0.48 1975-76 0.46 9829.87 7920.06 3285.95 372.16 3365.08 -0.55 -0.22 -0.45 -0.18 -0.38 1976-77 0.50 5191.08 12461.01 2590.22 322.68 2327.07 -0.12 -0.40 -0.09 -0.15 -0.18 1977-78 0.54 6851.23 8355.58 2917.96 317.01 2415.99 -0.39 -0.17 -0.40 -0.20 -0.27 1978-79 0.57 11576.36 8592.97 3337.11 296.62 2803,35 -0.63 -0.08 -0.47 -0.21 -0.28 1979-80 0.64 9598.67 8262.43 3025.31 593.84 2398.10 -0.61 -0.26 -0.50 -0.56 -0.21 1980-81 0.70 8445.52 8823.35 3707.20 735.31 2638.67 -0.52 -0.34 -0.54 -0.58 -0.25 1981-82 0.76 8246.95 6815.88 3169.90 544.69 2601.18 -0.51 -0.17 -0.42 -0.48 -0.30 1982-83 0.81 8256.54 7344.41 2380.99 337.63 2410.01 -0.53 -0.26 -0.19 -0.22 -0.21 1983-84 0.89 7585.86 8198.86 2202.97 290.66 3011.18 -0.53 -0.06 -0.18 -0.18 -0.43 1984-85 0.94 8488.57 6802.06 2342.94 187.59 2658.55 -0.60 -0.22 -0.29 0.18 -0.33 1985-86 1.00 9225.41 5167.78 1646.16 198.38 2161580 -0.62 -0.,9 -O.01 U.u5 -0.11 1986-o7 1.04 10196.61 4929.52 1596.19 185.45 2701.06 -0.60 -0.08 -0.03 0.35 -0.32 Mean 0.45 7276.82 7076.56 3136.93 291.09 2447.73 -0.38 -0.19 -0.29 1.24 -0.10 S.D. 0.29 2634.83 1862.20 1703.80 230.52 713.58 0.23 0.09 0.32 2.54 0.28 C.V. 0.65 0.36 0.26 0.54 0.79 0.29 -0.60 -0.49 -1.11 2.05 -2.69 PA'/PNA = Ratio of transport adjusted border price of agricultural good to price of non-agricultural good. where A b, c, i, sc, w, implying basmati, cotton, irri, sugarcane and wheat respectively. NPRA = (nominal protection rate on agricultural good A i.e. the direct effect of intervention) = (PA/PNA - PA'/PNA)/(PA'/PNA) . - 163 - Table 5.3: Effects of Indirect Price Interventions on Relative Prices (1961-1987) (PA/PNA*) * (E*/EO) Year PNA* Basmati Cotton Irri Sugarcane Wheat IE:B IE:C IE:Ir IE:Sc IE:W (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10) (11) 1960-61 0.15 9009.02 9202.53 3767.06 -0.37 -0.37 -0.37 1961-62 0.16 9588.71 7958.24 624.07 3517.84 -0.38 -0.38 -0.38 -0.38 1962-63 0.16 9740.46 7883.24 556.62 3285.59 -0.39 -0.39 -0.39 -0.39 1963-64 0.17 8200.49 7486.85 474.35 3551.77 -0.39 -0.39 -0.39 -0.39 1964-65 0.17 6948.51 9162.43 530.42 3739.60 -0.40 -0.40 -0.40 -0.40 1965-66 0.18 6076.56 8618.30 504.46 3367.93 -0.40 -0.40 -0.40 -0.40 1966-67 0.19 6517.21 7790.91 407.63 3930.83 -0.40 -0.40 -0.40 -0.40 1967-68 0.19 5539.62 6274.76 489.69 3706.00 -0.41 -0.41 -0.41 -0.41 1968-69 0.19 6824.25 7682.06 3565.04 567.96 3500.72 -0.43 -0.43 -0.43 -0.43 -0.43 1969-70 0.20 6361.82 8291.12 3492.04 559.25 3682.89 -0.44 -0.44 -0.44 -0.44 -0.44 1970-71 0.20 5223.83 9597.76 3443.74 517.27 3418.02 -0.43 -0.43 -0.43 -0.43 -0.43 1971-72 0.23 6587.18 9926.60 3497.56 480.21 3517.69 -0.47 -0.47 -0.47 -0.47 -0.47 1972-73 0.23 4413.31 6883.68 1745.16 439.42 2439.81 -0.10 -0.10 -0.10 -0.10 -0.10 1973-74 0.31 5689.44 9986.95 2253.89 424.48 2718.20 -0.27 -0.27 -0.27 -0.27 -0.27 1974-75 0.39 7309.27 7746.64 3022.93 449.43 3398.21 -0.30 -0.30 -0.30 -0.30 -0.30 1975-76 0.44 6503.92 9019.53 2661.60 445.53 3073.98 -0.32 -0.32 -0.32 -0.32 -0.32 1976-77 0.48 6641.75 10873.45 3411.92 397.69 2762.64 -0.31 -0.31 -0.31 -0.31 -0.31 1977-78 0.51 6142.93 10249.70 2562.21 370.97 2591.25 -0.32 -0.32 -0.32 -0.32 -0.32 1978-79 0.55 6111.56 11231.01 2502.57 334.17 2881.70 -0.30 -0.30 -0.30 -0.30 -0.30 1979-80 0.61 5288.76 8587.27 2138.16 365.39 2641.63 -0.29 -0.29 -0.29 -0.29 -0.29 1980-81 0.67 5743.74 8316.46 2434.63 441.15 2836.38 -0.30 -0.30 -0.30 -0.30 -0.30 1981-82 0.73 5808.20 8078.80 2625.71 402.19 2608.63 -0.30 -0.30 -0.30 -0.30 -0.30 1982-83 0.76 5240.62 7300.29 2594.44 353.77 2551.01 -0.25 -0.25 -0.25 -0.25 -0.25 1983-84 0.84 5025.66 10810.12 2534.39 334.39 2430.02 -0.29 -0.29 -0.29 -0.29 -0.29 1984-85 0.89 4533.90 7086.13 2224.64 296.31 2378.75 -0.25 -0.25 -0.25 -0.25 -0.25 1985-86 0.95 4686.34 5510.46 2164.47 275.32 2552.48 -0.24 -0.24 -0.24 -0.24 -0.24 1986-87 0.99 5229.07 5851.21 1995.48 321.19 2376.68 -0.22 -0.22 -0.22 -0.22 -0.22 Mean 0.43 6332.82 8422.46 2677.40 437.05 3082.49 -0.33 -0.33 -0.31 -0.33 -0.33 S.D. 0.28 1395.08 1473.88 551.35 89.45 504.43 0.08 0.08 0.08 0.08 0.08 C.V. 0.65 0.22 0.17 0.21 0.20 0.16 -0.24 -0.24 -0.28 -0.25 -0.24 PA is the domestic price, where A = b, c, ir, sc, w. PNA* is the price of non-agricultural good (PNA) corrected for distortions due to trade inibalance and commercial policy. Columns (7) to (11) give the indirect effect (IE) of price intervention for each crop. IE = t(PA/PNA)-(E*/EO) * (PA/PNA*)] / E(E*/EO)*(PA/PNA*)J where IE is the indirect effect on the crop. - 164 - Table 5.4: Combined Direct and Indirect Effects of Pricing Policies (1961-1987) Year PNA* PB*/PNA* PC*/PNA* Plr*/PNA* PSc*/PNA* PW*/PNA* CEb CEc CEIr CESc CEw (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10) (11) 1960-61 0.15 14094.34 14397.07 5893.45 -0.47 -0.35 1961-62 0.16 15199.11 12614.64 989.22 5576.15 -0.51 3.01 -0.41 1962-63 0.16 15633.32 12652.50 893.36 5273.33 -0.50 1.22 -0.45 1963-64 0.17 13296.89 12139.75 769.15 5759.11 -0.47 -0.47 0.39 -0.43 1964-65 0.17 11414.11 15050.85 871.30 6142.93 -0.52 -0.42 0.70 -0.38 1965-66 0.18 9922.60 14073.08 823.75 5499.60 -0.46 -0.49 0.35 -0.39 1966-67 0.19 10585.64 12654.47 662.09 6384.70 -0.36 -0.50 0.96 -0.27 1967-68 0.19 8917.19 10100.56 788.26 5965.59 -0.59 -0.50 2.09 -0.36 1968-69 0.19 11115.00 12512.17 5806.57 925.07 5701.80 -0.51 -0.52 5.85 -0.13 1969-70 0.20 10520.45 13710.90 5774.73 924.83 6090.33 -0.45 -0.53 1.64 -0.15 1970-71 0.20 8249.07 15156.03 5438.09 816.83 5397.46 -0.43 -0.46 -0.16 0.95 -0.17 1971-72 0.23 11958.76 18021.35 6349.67 871.81 6386.22 -0.69 -0.65 -0.35 -0.64 -0.43 1972-73 0.23 4296.30 6701.17 1698.89 427.77 2373.12 -0.56 -0.31 -0.61 -0.27 -0.37 1973-74 0.31 7354.10 12909.02 2913.36 548.67 3513.51 -0.76 -0.53 -0.85 -0.58 -0.62 1974-75 0.39 9991.48 10589.35 4132.23 614.35 4645.22 -0.64 -0.52 -0.78 -0.77 -0.64 1975-76 0.44 9186.67 12739.92 3759.46 629.31 4341.94 -0.69 -0.47 -0.62 -0.44 -0.57 1976'77 0.48 9171.02 15014.19 4711.23 549.13 3814.69 -0.39 -0.59 -0.37 -0.41 -0.44 1977-78 0.51 8542.25 14253.06 3562.96 515.87 3603.35 -0.58 -0.43 -0.59 -0.46 -0.50 1978-79 0.55 8244.57 15150.77 3376.00 450.80 3887.45 -0.74 -0.35 -0.63 -0.44 -0.49 1979-80 0.61 7037.01 11425.87 2844.96 486.17 3514.84 -0.72 -0.47 -0.64 -0.69 -0.44 1980-81 0.67 7806.60 11303.31 3309.03 599.59 3855.06 -0.67 -0.54 -0.68 -0.71 -0.47 1981-82 0.73 7930.81 11031.21 3585.28 549.17 3561.96 -0.65 -0.42 -0.59 -0.64 -0.51 1982-83 0.76 6583.83 9171.42 3259.42 444.44 3204.85 -0.65 -0.45 -0.39 -0.42 -0.41 1983-84 0.84 6697.32 14405.84 3377.39 445.62 3238.30 -0.66 -0.33 -0.42 -0.42 -0.59 1984-85 0.89 5741.52 8973.55 2817.19 375.23 3012.34 -0.70 -0.42 -0.47 -0.12 -0.50 1985-86 0.95 5892.55 6928.79 2721.58 346.19 3209.46 -0.71 -0.39 -0.25 -0.21 -0.33 1986-87 0.99 6367.68 7125.28 2429.99 391.12 2894.19 -0.69 -0.28 -0.24 0.05 -0.47 Mean 0.43 9324.08 12252.08 3782.53 642.66 4546.0.3 -0.60 -0.46 -0.51 0.39 -0.42 S.D. 0.28 2859.28 2732.61 1238.83 196.25 1249.26 0.12 0.08 0.19 1.45 0.13 C.v. 0.65 0.31 0.22 0.33 0.31 0.27 -0.19 -0.17 -0.37 3.76 -0.30 PA* = ((E*/Eo)(PIA)) where P'A is the transport adjusted border price of basmati rice, cotton, irri rice, sugarcane and wheat respectively. Columns (7) to (11) give the combined (direct and indirect) effects of price intervention = (CEA) = (PA/PNA)/((PA'/PNA*)*(E*/Eo)) - 1 -165 - Table 5.5a: Expenditure on Purchased Irputs Excluding Fertilizer and Pesticides, 1963-1987 (Percentage of Total Crop Value) Years Basmati Cotton Irri Sugar Wheat (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) 1962-63 10.79% 18.66% 23.31% 1963-64 10.84% 19.80% 22.88% 1964-65 10.38% 17.80% 21.93% 1965-66 10.58% 17.77% 26.49% 1966-67 10.68% 20.11% 23.05% 1967-68 12.37% 17.94% 18.18% 1968-69 11.45% 10.47% 11.73% 16.04% 19.50% 1969-70 11.26% 10.19% 12.38% 15.65% 17.76% 1970-71 16.13% 8.89% 12.33% 18.38% 20.57% 1971-72 12.35% 7.98% 13.13% 19.25% 20.36% 1972-73 10.66% 7.85% 13.66% 16.78% 17.87% 1973-74 8.48% 6.43% 11.73% 17.18% 17.26% 1974-75 7.08% 7.25% 9.27% 18.30% 14.45% 1975-76 7.62% 7.63% 9.09% 17.02% 13.49% 1976-77 7.40% 8.15% 7.86% 16.58% 13.43% 1977-78 9.14% 6.65% 9.87% 17.59% 15.83% 1978-79 7.51% 7.84% 8.84% 17.94% 13.49% 1979-80 7.16% 5.28% 7.66% 15.81% 11.09% 1980-81 6.64% 5.45% 6.64% 15.24% 10.59% 1981-82 6.57% 5.76% 6.27% 15.79% 11.42% 1982-83 6.78% 5.30% 5.83% 17.16% 10.60% 1983-84 7.19% 7.07% 6.26% 16.34% 12.30% 1984-85 7.31% 4.83% 6.78% 17.80% 11.63% 1985-86 8.14% 4.98% 8.54% 18.50% 9.99% 1986-87 6.83% 4.52% 7.70% 16.50% 11.84% ------- ------- ------ ------- ------- ------ ------- ------- ------ - 166 - Table 5.5b: Expenditure on Fertilizer, 1963-1987 (Percentage of Crop Vatue) Year Basmati Cotton Irri Sugarcane Wheat (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (1962-63) 0.58% 0.36% 1.10% (1963-64) 0.90% 0.83% 1.73% (1964-65) 1.03% 0.81% 1.86% (1965-66) 0.66% 0.47% 1.61% (1966-67) 1.12% 1.02% 2.12% (1967-68) 2.04% 1.63% 2.51% (1968-69) 1.28% 2.15% 3.69% 1.58% 3.39% (1969-70) 1.73% 2.66% 3.79% 1.80% 3.95% (1970-71) 2.57% 1.96% 3.47% 1.91% 4.14% (1971-72) 2.38% 2.00% 3.68% 3.30% 5.22% (1972-73) 2.06% 1.76% 3.18% 2.55% 4.22% (1973-74) 1.61% 1.45% 2.70% 2.47% 4.15% (1974-75) 2.53% 3.94% 4.26% 5.32% 6.67% (1975-76) 3.46% 4.42% 5.23% 3.72% 6.91% (1976-77) 3.32% 4.50% 4.14% 3.74% 7.59% (1977-78) 3.53% 3.68% 4.69% 4.01% 9.01% (1978-79) 3.21% 4.30% 5.29% 4.23% 7.18% (1979-80) 4.83% 4.20% 6.69% 4.41% 8.46% (1980-81) 5.54% 5.47% 7.28% 3.84% 8.99% (1981-82) 4.19% 4.97% 5.00% 3.27% 10.19% (1982-83) 5.25% 5.47% 5.53% 4.57% 10.39% (1983-84) 6.99% 7.67% 6.91% 5.73% 15.52% (1984-85) 7.92% 6.18% 8.24% 7.42% 15.86% (1985-86) 10.05% 7.67% 12.80% 10.65% 14.37% (1986-87) 8R63A 7.24% 12.70% 9.35% i9.54% ----. .----...------...-----.-....------- ...-----..---....--------. - 167 - Table 5.5c: Expenditure on Pesticides, 1963-1987 (Percentage of Crop Value) Years Basmati Cotton Irri Sugarcane Wheat (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) 1962-63 0.03X 0.350% 0.025% 0.01X 0.015X 1963-64 0.03% 0.350% 0.025% 0.01% 0.015% 1964-65 0.03% 0.350% 0.025% 0.01% 0.015% 1965-66 0.03% 0.350% 0.025% 0.01% 0.015% 1966-67 0.03% 0.350% 0.025% 0.01% 0.015% 1967-68 0.03% 0.350% 0.025% 0.01% 0.015% 1968-69 0.03% 0.350% 0.025% 0.01% 0.015% 1969-70 0.03% 0.350% 0.025% 0.01% 0.015% 1970-71 0.03% 0.350% 0.025% 0.01% 0.015% 1971-72 0.03% 0.350% 0.025% 0.01% 0.015% 1972-73 0.03% 0.333% 0.024% 0.01% 0.014% 1973-74 0.01% 0.17X% 0.013% 0.01% 0.008% 1974-75 0.01% 0.277% 0.013% 0.01% 0.008% 1975-76 0.02% 0.609% 0.027% 0.01% 0.016% 1976-77 0.02% 0.606% 0.021% 0.01% 0.017% 1977-78 0.06% 0.902% 0.041% 0.02% 0.037% 1978-79 0.03% 0.923% 0.033% 0.03% 0.026% 1979-80 0.04% 0.792% 0.039% 0.02% 0.027% 1980-81 0.12% 3.165% 0.141% 0.06% 0.088% 1981-82 0.11% 2.953% 0.110% 0.06% 0.092% 1982-83 0.19% 4.511% 0.161% 0.11% 0.131% 1983-84 0.34% 8.382% 0.262% 0.18% 0.259% 1984-85 0.58% 9.791% 0.438% 0.35% 0.383% 1985-86 0.68% 11.637% 0.656% 0.48% 0.333% 1986-87 0.54% 10.236% 0.606% 0.39% 0.422% -- -- -- - -- -- -- - -- -- -- - -- -- -- - -- -- -- - -- -- -- - -- -- -- - -- -- - - 168 - Table 5.6: Effects of Direct and Indirect Output Price Interventions and of Input Price Interventions on Relative Value Added of Wheat (1961-1987) ('000 Rs) Years Value VA Value* VA* VA/PNA VA*/PNA* Effective Protection (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (1960-61) 1420797.5 2151999.2 (1961-62) 1416722.5 2383412.3 (1962-63) 1361315.4 1028759 2427245.9 6376343.97 (1963-64) 1507022.5 1135931 2635710.6 2241305 6834636.13 13558698.97 -0.50 (1964-65) 1772731.4 1350753 2798558.1 2340055 7779484.03 13796365.20 -0.44 (1965-66) 1428778.1 1027121 2294403.3 1867544 5690777.33 10557086.53 -0.46 (1966-67) 1976801.9 1478847 2608285.9 2067211 7591823.87 10970849.91 -0.31 (1967-68) 2834235.2 2247640 4210202.2 3563091 11206244.63 18575812.77 -0.40 (1968-69) 2744123.7 2115725 2960468.6 2270820 10241759.95 11770852.05 -0.13 (1969-70) 3214182.7 2515996 3469946.6 2712222 11709645.80 13707427.93 -0.15 (1970-71) 2849264.3 2144808 3109427.3 2362338 9544970.36 11621832.70 -0.18 (1971-72) 3025665.9 2251201 5087351.1 4197572 9510534.87 18521106.14 -0.49 (1972-73) 4348390.8 3387397 6047189.8 4937978 12686982.92 21180488.07 -0.40 (1973-74) 5036318.7 3958048 12617483.5 11154506 11945063.92 35532501.36 -0.66 (1974-75) 7380951.7 5821433 19517769.2 17031542 14392326.28 44015076.94 -0.67 (1975-76) 8331365.3 6630340 18877861.4 16528409 14468378.23 37523429.10 -0.61 (1976-77) 8738395.0 6900348 14738472.4 12303807 13730959.63 25759297.37 -0.47 (1977-78) 7976099.0 5991936 15198123.8 12415165 11055091.80 24268558.81 -0.54 (1978-79) 11589028.4 9190639 21598966.8 17973538 15972701.24 32964150.99 -0.52 (1979-80) 12755527.0 10259385 21576670.4 17385435 16035090.65 28648195.72 -0.44 (1980-81) 16049068.2 12892936 28941126.9 23983035 18320500.30 35785211.11 -0.49 (1981-82) 15740107.1 12322860 30574354.8 25289785 16157143.96 34698134.59 -0.53 (1982-83) 19117797.3 15080180 30384384.2 24853547 18627722.16 32770066.65 -0.43 (1983-84) 16703162.0 12012294 38762976.6 33246916 13528062.20 39496861.58 -0.66 (1984-85) 19672332.7 14188191 37214031.7 3U572370 15006304.83 34163590.43 -0.56 (1985-86) 26841320.5 20213644 37845467.8 29243288 20204358.14 30792719.51 -0.34 (1986-87) 23292973.3 15885916 41413248.8 32046930 15268106.74 32490817.60 -0.53 Mean 8486091.79 6881293.06 15238708.86 13857850.42 12555400.56 25548713.83 -0.45 S. D. 7505594.10 5583601.24 13459097.44 10907297.19 3911228.81 10399709.10 0.15 C. V. 88.45 81.14 88.32 78.71 31.15 40.71 -32.25 Col 7 = (VA/PNA - VA*/PNA*) / (VA*/PNA*) = the effect of price policies on relative value added. VA* is value added at free trade prices. PNA* is given in table 5.3. - 169 - Table 5.7: Effects of Direct and Indirect Output Price Interventions and of Input Price Interventions on Relative Value Added of Basmati Rice (1969-1987) (000 Rs) Value VA Value* VA* VA/PNA VA*/PNA* Effective Year Protection (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (1968-69) 454266.9 396305 873402.6 810341 1918424.5 4200420.8 -0.54 (1969-70) 445301.4 387330 747723.8 685614 1802664.9 3465056.1 -0.48 (1970-71) 276365.0 224610 439860.4 385442 999572.8 1896231.4 -0.47 (1971-72) 315773.5 269177 972133.4 919823 1137179.3 4058568.1 -0.72 (1972-73) 422773.6 368868 832594.0 771483 1381540.1 3309126.1 -0.58 (1973-74) 671537.2 603691 2644633.0 2556864 1821888.6 8144851.3 -0.78 (1974-75) 1245568.2 1125644 3310948.5 3131523 2782929.3 8092879.3 -0.66 (1975-76) 1302743.7 1157982 4075429.6 3879517 2526886.9 8807428.6 -0.71 (1976-77) 1515883.8 1353147 2372340.2 2163999 2692618.3 4530556.7 -0.41 (1977-78) 1265763.4 1104773 2885087.3 2673257 2038300.4 5225551.6 -0.61 (1978-79) 2168071.6 1934876 7867753.9 7530861 3362681.2 13811885.7 -0.76 (1979-80) 2138631.3 1881403 7232421.0 6811964 2940572.2 11224941.4 -0.74 (1980-81) 2775581.0 2434202 7910980.6 7376985 3458933.0 11007238.2 -0.69 (1981-82) 3270515.2 2915154 9046048.9 8530377 3822209.9 11703862.9 -0.67 (1982-83) 3196614.9 2805854 8472508.5 7954504 3465918.6 10488226.7 -0.67 (1983-84) 3064016.6 2619403 8661519.9 8146535 2949931.4 9677967.8 -0.70 (1984-85) 3070317.6 2584785 9729711.5 9150736 2733828.2 10225638.6 -0.73 (1985-86) 3125738.6 2535699 10243799.7 9489314 2534533.7 9992097.5 -0.75 (1986-87) 4323489.7 3631514 13189132.7 12333110 3490283.1 12503937.7 -0.72 Mean 1844681.74 1596548.17 5342527.86 5015907.91 2518994.55 8019287.72 -0.65 S. D. 1232787.11 1048794.09 3895657.79 3654455.66 819053.41 3519579.38 0.10 C. V. 66.83 65.69 72.92 72.86 32.52 43.89 -16.02 Col 7 - (VA/PNA - VA*/PNA*) / (VA*/PNA*) = the effect of price policies on relative vaLue added. VA* is vaLue added at free trade prices. PNA* is given in tabLe 5.3. - 170 - Table 5.8: Effects of Direct and Indirect Output Price Intervention and of Input Price Interventions and Relative Value Added of Irri Rice (1969-1987) ('000 Rs) Year Value VA Value* VA* VA/PNA VA*/PNA* Effective Protection (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (1968-69) 336122.8 284206 1375778.17 (1969-70) 422004.1 353674 1646029.02 (1970-71) 469438.5 395129 506002.1 425703 1758428.29 2094302.52 -0.16 (1971-72) 614769.1 511298 905213.7 784956 2160053.19 3463490.96 -0.38 (1972-73) 524521.3 436068 1172576.3 1070514 1633226.67 4591760.23 -0.64 (1973-74) 711061.0 608343 4343920.8 4205732 1835927.95 13397293.76 -0.86 (1974-75) 947268.0 818985 4210565.4 4006302 2024775.13 10353595.01 -0.80 (1975-76) 1070724.2 917097 2736137.2 2519131 2001239.94 5719026.87 -0.65 (1976-77) 1553195.8 1366493 2361024.7 2116265 2719175.16 4430621.11 -0.39 (1977-78) 1575079.6 1345048 3665904.4 3352976 2481607.10 6554233.67 -0.62 (1978-79) 1971396.5 1692214 5036335.8 4602818 2940951.57 8441742.78 -0.65 (1979-80) 1909448.4 1634652 5034174.5 4557942 2554908.34 7510700.92 -0.66 (1980-81) 2157323.0 1854014 6367544.3 5867692 2634501.22 8755213.93 -0.70 (1981-82) 2832544.6 2510027 6661398.9 6173255 3291027.53 8469840.28 -0.61 (1982-83) 3326695.1 2943597 5136093.7 4613974 3636065.06 6083648.57 -0.40 (1983-84) 3534703.9 3060099 5754119.5 5200074 3446236.67 6177613.76 -0.44 (1984-85) 3689640.9 3119438 6577167.6 5891834 3299309.75 6583925.78 -0.50 (1985-86) 2917436.9 2275723 3693851.8 2858285 2274677.30 3009729.32 -0.24 (1986-87) 3470477.4 2741438 4342862.4 3421628 2634822.90 3469021.54 -0.24 Mean 1791255.32 1519344.25 4029699.60 3627593.07 2439407.42 6417985.94 -0.53 S. D. 1160393.20 979788.19 1884541.13 1739826.87 650475.92 2816828.85 0.20 C. V. 64.78 64.49 46.77 47.96 26.67 43.89 -37.40 Cot 7 = (VA/PNA - VA*/PNA*) / (VA*/PNA*) = the effect of price policies on relative value added. VA* is value added at free trade prices. PNA* is given in table 5.3. - 171 - TabLe 5.9: Effects of Direct and Indirect Output Price Interventions and of Input Price Interventions on ReLative Value Added of Cotton (1961-1987) ('000 Rs) Year VaLue VA Value* VA* VA/PNA VA*/PNA* Effective Protection (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (1960-61) 821756.9 1520110.3 (1961-62) 773589.0 1557946.3 (1962-63) 860035.6 759270.7 1683120.4 4706031.10 (1963-64) 959416.6 843447.1 1803842.0 1672473 5074827.96 10117571.06 -0.50 (1964-65) 1072838.2 946769.8 1795925.7 1647670 5452795.41 9714243.73 -0.44 (1965-66) 1159583.8 1025213.4 2214447.8 2062200 5680209.77 11657462.00 -0.51 (1966-67) 1255393.6 1102910.4 2411356.0 2174170 5661913.69 11538487.44 -0.51 (1967-68) 1161928.9 990459.7 2208907.0 2006981 4938217.77 10463191.17 -0.53 (1968-69) 1441296.1 1254350.4 2807673.9 2543528 6072033.90 13184436.55 -0.54 (1969-70) 1595203.0 1384668.2 3113887.1 2855997 6444357.33 14434058.35 -0.55 (1970-71) 2008826.0 1783754.2 3333181.9 3082088 7938185.67 15162737.87 -0.48 (1971-72) 2628367.6 2356880.4 7111477.7 6771822 9956993.80 29879565.43 -0.67 (1972-73) 3471862.4 3126594.1 4399589.8 3987241 11710186.48 17102486.46 -0.32 (1973-74) 4795169.2 4408991.0 9592383.5 9071735 13305972.96 28897868.17 -0.54 (1974-75) 4170812.9 3692769.9 8292772.0 7494917 9129633.06 19369318.53 -0.53 (1975-76) 4337245.1 3788114.6 7883161.3 7078670 8266223.44 16070267.75 -0.49 (1976-77) 4908498.0 4257515.8 11263441.1 10365584 8472003.84 21701427.02 -0.61 (1977-78) 6504468.3 5774013.6 10836540.2 9707967 10653026.28 18976660.09 -0.44 (1978-79) 6441345.4 5599415.0 9441881.6 8058985 9731399.30 14780485.07 -0.34 (1979-80) 8553850.1 7674593.1 15335764.0 13754242 11995144.06 22664615.89 -0.47 (1980-81) 8796276.7 7557568.2 18090002.6 16152320 10739091.95 24100960.76 -0.55 (1981-82) 9676825.2 8352494.7 15903724.8 13916347 10951391.38 19093530.03 -0.43 (1982-83) 10894402.2 9229641.5 18438522.9 16201712 11400871.81 21362391.34 -0.47 (1983-84) 10139995.8 7795485.1 14402973.1 11532501 8779156.05 13700446.43 -0.36 (1984-85) 15142628.0 11992745.8 24602891.9 20716862 12684266.48 23150393.44 -0.45 (1985-86) 15082912.2 11419982.6 23548191.2 18848072 11414736.57 19846722.00 -0.42 (1986-87) 18867177.5 14717399.6 24866622.6 19714676 14145034.75 19987746.88 -0.29 Mean 5463766.83 4873401.95 9202234.77 8809115.03 9012148.19 17789878.06 -0.48 S. D. 5001849.40 3931967.89 7550336.82 6156113.43 2826403.62 5506181.00 0.09 C. V. 91.55 80.68 82.05 69.88 31.36 30.95 -18.33 Col 7 = (VA/PNA - VA*/PNA*) / (VA*/PNA*) = the effect of price policies on relative value added. VA* is value added at free trade prices. PNA* is given in table 5.3. - 172 - TabLe 5.10: Effects of Direct and Indirect Output Price Interventions and of Input Price Interventions on Relative Value Added of Sugarcane (1961-1987) ('000 Rs) Years Value VA Value* VA* VA/PNA VA*/PNA* Effective Protection (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) 1961-62 896036.3 220518.4 1962-63 1019773.6 825649.5 453328.2 5117453.24 1963-64 780512.0 619388.8 559689.8 392705 3726720.28 2375658.08 0.57 1964-65 1022415.0 832056.3 588878.5 389258 4792118.19 2294967.96 1.09 1965-66 1219173.5 996595.4 885631.0 656590 5521651.28 3711655.40 0.49 1966-67 1039484.6 819778.3 514666.7 283638 4208423.38 1505287.47 1.80 1967-68 1088844.6 875661.2 337225.3 108898 4365857.29 567728.30 6.69 1968-69 1478044.6 1217489.6 201373.3 -75032 5893598.59 -388929.78 -16.15 1969-70 1764552.9 1456478.8 615630.2 292366 6778569.28 1477601.66 3.59 1970-71 1542543.0 1229347.8 713709.5 389775 5470928.14 1917548.94 1.85 1971-72 1196754.9 926789.8 3146563.4 2847749 3915361.93 12565231.65 -0.69 1972-73 2099152.2 1693199.5 2508371.3 2059186 6341623.44 8832472.44 -0.28 1973-74 2464997.9 1980534.7 5537982.1 4941307 5977091.31 15740454.89 -0.62 1974-75 2702438.5 2064042.0 11215262.7 10306579 5102929.97 26635574.01 -0.81 1975-76 3549498.6 2812955.0 6137021.8 5251705 6138281.61 11922621.50 -0.49 1976-77 4061354.1 3235500.3 6598374.2 5635600 6438301.55 11798713.36 -0.45 1977-78 4104778.9 3217114.0 7168577.8 6097298 5935559.22 11918700.83 -0.50 1978-79 3690815.3 2871769.3 6276358.7 5226411 4990938.21 9585435.88 -0.48 1979-80 4582595.4 3654910.8 13877712.1 12631325 5712508.87 20814242.56 -0.73 1980-81 7039127.1 5691247.9 22742809.6 21056447 8087103.26 31418434.49 -0.74 1981-82 7853083.4 6352015.7 20717855.5 18917222 8328459.00 25954840.09 -0.68 1982-83 6948173.0 5430053.5 11155724.9 9397732 6707448.37 12391161.68 -0.46 1983-84 7242099.1 5630255.6 11789362.6 10043339 6340707.76 11931343.06 -0.47 1984-85 6729719.5 5009115.8 7211379.1 5302570 5297949.36 5925442.44 -0.11 1985-86 5792530.5 4076395.1 6948397.4 4912947 4074522.49 5173255.61 -0.21 1986-87 7782987.3 5740225.3 7030301.1 4670894 5516985.93 4735591.65 0.17 Mean 3528537.65 2835045.01 6198053.28 5730936.60 5620312.22 10486694.09 0.37 S. D. 2470824.50 1890215.52 6129927.34 5658894.48 1161046.28 8562856.20 1.71 C. V. 70.02 66.67 98.90 98.74 20.66 81.65 462.08 Notes: (1) Cot 7 = (VA/PNA - VA*/PNA*) / (VA*/PNA*) = the effect of price policies on relative value added. (2) VA* is value added at free trade prices. (3) PNA* is given in table 5.3. (4) Negative effective protection Larger than 1 implies negative value added at world prices. (5) Computations of rean, standard deviation and coefficient of variation did not incLude 1968-69. - 173 - Table 5.11: A Sunmary of Means and Variances in Relative Producer Prices (1961-1987) Mean Variance Pp/PNA P'p/PNA P*p/PNA Pp/PNA P'p/PNA P*p/PNA Basmati Rice 1.18 2.06 2.84 0.05 0.55 0.73 Cotton 1.34 1.70 2.43 0.07 0.20 0.33 Irri Rice 1.11 1.92 2.55 0.02 1.09 1.86 Sugarcane 1.38 1.40 1.92 0.05 1.23 2.17 Wheat 1.05 1.27 1.80 0.01 0.14 0.19 Notes: Pp = Domestic Producer Prices P'p = Transport Adjusted Producer Prices P*p = Producer Prices at Free Trade - 174 - Table 5.12: A Summary of Means and Variances in Relative Consumer Prices (1961-1987) Mean Variance Pc/PNA P'c/PNA P*c/PNA Pc/PNA P'c/PNA P*c/PNA Basmati Rice 0.96 1.09 1.51 0.04 0.15 0.20 Cotton 1.26 1.31 1.87 0.04 0.12 0.19 Irri Rice 1.00 1.25 1.67 0.01 0.44 0.76 Sugar 1.03 0.57 0.79 0.01 0.09 0.16 Wheat 1.06 1.27 1.80 0.01 0.13 0.18 Notes: Pc = Domestic Consumer Prices P'c = Transport Adjusted Consumer Prices P*c = Consumer Prices at Free Trade -175 - Table 5.13: A Summary of Zx - Statistics for Relative Prices (Consumer Prices) 1961-1987 Pc PIC P*c Basmati Rice 0.02 0.10 0.23 Cotton 0.04 0.10 0.29 Irri Rice 0.01 0.37 0.71 Sugarcane 0.01 0.05 0.14 Wheat 0.00 0.08 0.16 Notes: Pc = Domestic Consumer Prices P'c = Transport Adjusted Consumer Prices P*c = Consumer Prices at Free Trade -176 - TabLe 5.14: A Summary of Zx - Statistics for Relative Prices (Producer Prices) 1961-1987 Pp pop P*p Basmati Rice 0.02 0.35 0.82 Cotton 0.06 0.17 0.50 Irri Rice 0.03 0.91 1.72 Sugarcane 0.05 0.76 1.64 Wheat 0.01 0.08 0.16 Notes: Pp = Domestic Producer Prices P'p = Transport Adjusted Producer Prices P*p = Producer Prices at Free Trade -177 - Table 5.15: A Summary of Correlation and Variance between Indices of Output per capita (Qs/L), Cosumption per capita (Qd/L) and Domestic Consumer Prices (Pc/PNA) (1961-1987) Correlation Variance (Qs/L),(Qd/L) (Qs/L),(Pc/PNA) (Qd/L) (Qs/L) Basmati Rice 0.771 -0.075 0.116 0.041 Cotton 0.589 -0.515 0.039 0.022 Irri Rice -0.009 0.103 0.260 0.031 Sugarcane 0.745 -0.117 0.017 0.024 Wheat 0.794 -0.625 0.016 0.018 178 - Table 6.1a: Short Run Direct Output Effects of Intervention (1964-1987) Year Basmati Cotton Irri Sugarcane Wheat (1963-64) -0.05 0.38 -0.01 (1964-65) -0.02 0.56 0.00 (1965-66) -0.05 0.38 0.00 (1966-67) -0.05 0.70 0.03 (1967-68) -0.08 0.00 (1968-69) -0.08 -0.13 0.04 (1969-70) -0.01 -0.06 1.14 0.07 (1970-71) -0.01 -0.02 0.09 0.74 0.06 (1971-72) -0.07 -0.09 0.06 -0.08 0.02 (1972-73) -0.10 -0.07 -0.11 -0.05 -0.04 (1973-74) -0.13 -0.11 -0.15 -0.12 -0.06 (1974-75) -0.09 -0.09 -0.13 -0.20 -0.06 (1975-76) -0.11 -0.07 -0.09 -0.05 -0.05 (1976-77) -0.01 -0.12 -0.01 -0.03 -0.02 (1977-78) -0.08 -0.05 -0.08 -0.06 -0.03 (1978-79) -0.13 -0.02 -0.09 -0.06 -0.03 (1979-80) -0.11 -0.07 -0.09 -0.16 -0.02 (1980-81) -0.09 -0.10 -0.10 -0.16 -0.02 (1981-82) -0.10 -0.05 -0.08 -0.14 -0.03 (1982-83) -0.10 -0.08 -0.03 -0.06 -0.02 (1983-84) -0.11 -0.03 -0.04 -0.07 -0.06 (1984-85) -0.12 -0.08 -0.06 0.05 -0.05 (1985-86) -0.12 -0.06 0.01 0.03 -0.01 (1986-87) -0.13 -0.03 -0.01 0.10 -0.04 Mean -0.09 -0.07 -0.05 0.13 -0.01 S.D. 0.04 0.03 0.06 0.35 0.04 Note: For 1967-68 and 1968-69 value added for sugarcane at transport adjusted border prices was negative. For these years the non-intervention output of sugarcane was taken to be zero. The output effects (X-X')/X' is not defined for these years. -179 - Table 6.1b: Short Run Total Output Effects of Intervention (1964-1987) Year Sasmati Cotton Irri Sugarcane Wheat 3---)--0-6-.1 --.0 (1963-64) -0.16 0.13 -0.06 (1964-65) -0.14 0.23 -0.05 (1965-66) -0.16 0.12 -0.05 (1966-67) -0.15 0.32 -0.03 (1967-68) -0.17 0.69 -0.05 (1968-69) -0.12 -0.20 -0.02 (1969-70) -0.08 -0.16 0.58 -0.01 (1970-71) -0.07 -0.13 -0.01 0.37 -0.01 (1971-72) -0.12 -0.19 -0.05 -0.17 -0.04 (1972-73) -0.10 -0.07 -0.11 -0.04 -0.03 (1973-74) -0.14 -0.16 -0.16 -0.16 -0.08 (1974-75) -0.12 -0.15 -0.15 -0.22 -0.08 (1975-76) -0.13 -0.14 -0.12 -0.12 -0.07 (1976-77) -0.06 -0.17 -0.06 -0.10 -0.04 (1977-78) -0.11 -0.12 -0.11 -0.12 -0.06 (1978-79) -0.14 -0.09 -0.12 -0.12 -0.06 (1979-80) -0.13 -0.12 -0.11 -0.19 -0.04 (1980-81) -0.12 -0.15 -0.12 -0.20 -0.05 (1981-82) -0.12 -0.11 -0.11 -0.18 -0.06 (1982-83) -0.12 -0.12 -0.06 -0.10 -0.04 (1983-84) -0.13 -0.09 -0.08 -0.12 -0.08 (1984-85) -0.13 -0.12 -0.08 -0.01 -0.06 (1985-86) -0.13 -0.10 -0.03 -0.03 -0.03 (1986-87) -0.14 -0.08 -0.04 0.04 -0.06 Mean -0.12 -0.14 -0.09 0.03 -0.05 S.D. 0.02 0.03 0.04 0.25 0.02 Note: For 1968-69 vaLue added for sugarcane at free trade prices was negative. For this year the non-intervention output of sugarcane was taken to be zero. The output effect (X-X*)/X* is not defined for this year. -180 - Table 6.2a: Long Run Direct Output Effects of Intervention (1964-1987) Year Basmati Cotton Irri Sugarcane Wheat (1963-64) -0.05 0.38 -0.01 (1964-65) -0.06 0.81 -0.01 (1965-66) -0.09 0.92 0.00 (1966-67) -0.12 1.31 0.03 (1967-68) -0.17 0.02 (1968-69) -0.08 -0.25 0.05 (1969-70) -0.06 -0.24 1.14 0.10 (1970-71) -0.05 -0.19 0.09 1.50 0.12 (1971-72) -0.10 -0.23 0.12 0.92 0.09 (1972-73) -0.17 -0.23 -0.03 0.56 0.02 (1973-74) -0.24 -0.28 -0.18 0.25 -0.05 (1974-75) -0.25 -0.29 -0.25 -0.03 -0.09 (1975-76) -0.28 -0.27 -0.26 -0.07 -0.11 (1976-77) -0.20 -0.31 -0.18 -0.08 -0.08 (1977-78) -0.21 -0.26 -0.20 -0.11 -0.08 (1978-79) -0.27 -0.20 -0.22 -0.13 -0.09 (1979-80) -0.29 -0.21 -0.24 -0.25 -0.07 (1980-81) -0.29 -0.24 -0.25 -0.33 -0.07 (1981-82) -0.29 -0.22 -0.25 -0.36 -0.08 (1982-83) -0.29 -0.23 -0.20 -0.30 -0.07 (1983-84) -0.31 -0.19 -0.17 -0.27 -0.11 (1984-85) -0.33 -0.21 -0.17 -0.12 -0.11 (1985-86) -0.34 -0.21 -0.11 -0.06 -0.08 (1986-87) -0.35 -0.18 -0.08 0.07 -0.09 Mean -0.23 -0.20 -0.15 0.26 -0.03 S.D. 0.09 0.07 0.11 0.57 0.07 Note: For 1967-68 and 1968-69 value added for sugarcane at transport adjusted border prices was negative. For these years the non-intervention output of sugarcane was taken to be zero. The output effects (X-X')/X' is not defined for these years. - 181 - Tabte 6.2b: Long Run Totat Output Effects of Intervention (1964-1987) Year Basmati Cotton Irri Sugarcane Wheat (1963-64) -0.16 0.12 -0.06 (1964-65) -0.25 0.30 -0.09 (1965-66) -0.33 0.32 -0.10 (1966-67) -0.39 0.52 -0.10 (1967-68) -0.45 1.00 -0.11 (1968-69) -0.12 -0.52 -0.10 (1969-70) -0.17 -0.54 0.53 -0.08 (1970-71) -0.19 -0.53 -0.02 0.67 -0.06 (1971-72) -0.25 -0.57 -0.07 0.27 -0.09 (1972-73) -0.28 -0.49 -0.16 0.11 -0.10 (1973-74) -0.33 -0.51 -0.27 -0.09 -0.14 (1974-75) -0.34 -0.51 -0.33 -0.28 -0.16 (1975-76) -0.36 -0.50 -0.34 -0.31 -0.17 (1976-77) -0.31 -0.53 -0.29 -0.32 -0.16 (1977-78) -0.31 -0.50 -0.30 -0.34 -0.16 (1978-79) -0.35 -0.45 -0.32 -0.35 -0.16 (1979-80) -0.37 -0.45 -0.33 -0.42 -0.14 (1980-81) -0.36 -0.47 -0.34 -0.48 -0.14 (1981-82) -0.37 -0.45 -0.33 -0.51 -0.14 (1982-83) -0.36 -0.45 -0.29 -0.45 -0.13 (1983-84) -0.38 -0.41 -0.27 -0.43 -0.16 (1984-85) -0.39 -0.42 -0.27 -0.31 -0.16 (1985-86) -0.39 -0.40 -0.21 -0.24 -0.14 (1986-87) -0.40 -0.37 -0.18 -0.13 -0.14 Mean -0.32 -0.44 -0.25 -0.04 -0.12 S.D. 0.08 0.09 0.09 0.42 0.03 Note: For 1968-69 vaLue added for sugarcane at free trade prices was negative. For this year the non-intervention output of sugarcane was taken to be zero. The output effect (X-X*)/X* is not defined for this year. - 182- TabLe 6.3: SHORT RUN SUPPLY ELASTICITIES Prices Output Pc Ps Pb Pi Pw Basmati Rice -0.028 -0.009 0.2 0 0.00 Cotton 0.3 -0.015 -0.01 -01 0.00 Irri Rice -0.028 -0.009 .0 0.2 0.00 Sugarcane -0.043 0.3 -0.009 -0.009 0.00 Wheat -0.020 -0.007 -0.004 -0.004 0.15 Notes: b = basmati c = cotton i = irri rice s = sugarcane w = wheat Source: Tweeten (1985) -183 - TabLe 6.4: LONG RUN SUPPLY ELASTICITIES Prices Output Pc Ps Pb Pi Pw Basmati Rice -0.074 -0.017 0.6 .00 0.060 Cotton 1.0 -0.033 .00 .00 0.114 Irri Rice -0.074 -0.017 .00 0.6 0.060 Sugarcane -0.114 0.9 .00 .00 0.092 Wheat -0.045 -0.010 0 0 0.400 Notes: b = basmati c = cotton i = irri rice s = sugarcane w = wheat Source: Tweeten (1985) - 184 - Table 6.5: Uncompensated Elasticities of Demand (Cross and Own) Basmati Cotton Other Sugar Wheat Rice Basmati Rice -0.70 -0.02 0.12 -0.02 0.15 Cotton -0.01 -0.59 -0.01 -0.03 -0.08 Other Rice 0.13 0.00 -0.40 0.01 0.18 Sugar -0.01 -0.02 -0.01 -0.45 -0.05 Wheat 0.03 -0.00 0.02 0.01 -0.25 Source: Hamid, N., Pinckney, T., Gnaegy S., and Valdes, A., (1987). "The Wheat Economy of Pakistan: Setting and Prospects". Washington, D.C.: International Food Policy and Research Institute. -185- Table 6.6a: Consumption Effects - Direct (1961-1987) Year Basmati Cotton Irri Sugarcane Wheat (1960-61) -0.01 -0.01 (1961-62) 0.01 -0.14 0.01 (1962-63) -0.01 -0.13 0.01 (1963-64) -0.16 -0.05 -0.12 0.02 (1964-65) -0.26 -0.12 -0.13 0.01 (1965-66) -0.17 -0.04 -0.12 0.00 (1966-67) -0.43 -0.06 -0.13 -0.01 (1967-68) 0.10 -0.08 -0.15 -0.03 (1968-69) 0.22 -0.08 -0.17 -0.12 (1969-70) 0.08 -0.09 -0.16 -0.13 (1970-71) -0.13 -0.14 -0.10 -0.15 -0.09 (1971-72) 0.19 0.09 -0.18 -0.04 -0.03 (1972-73) -0.04 0.08 0.01 -0.03 0.08 (1973-74) 0.09 0.19 0.13 0.00 0.10 (1974-75) 0.00 0.15 0.11 0.13 0.11 (1975-76) 0.06 0.06 -0.02 -0.20 0.09 (1976-77) -0.30 0.17 -0.02 -0.21 0.07 (1977-78) -0.07 0.02 -0.04 -0.21 0.07 (1978-79) 0.26 -0.02 0.01 -0.22 0.06 (1979-80) 0.21 0.08 0.03 -0.07 0.02 (1980-81) 0.06 0.14 0.07 -0.01 0.05 (1981-82) 0.06 0.00 0.01 -0.15 0.06 (1982-83) 0.13 0.04 -0.09 -0.36 0.05 (1983-84) 0.03 -0.05 -0.14 -0.35 0.11 (1984-85) 0.14 0.01 -0.12 -0.53 0.08 (1985-86) 0.21 -0.06 -0.24 -0.60 0.04 (1986-87) 0.22 -0.12 -0.28 -0.64 0.09 Mean 0.0203 0.0045 -0.0507 -0.1885 0.0260 S. D. 0.1801 0.0894 0.1127 0.1755 0.0632 ---- --- --- . - --- . -- - . . --- . -- -.- . - --- --- -.- --- -- -186 - Table 6.6b: Consumption Effects - Total (1961-1987) Year Basmati Cotton Irri Sugarcane Wheat (1960-61) 0.24 0.08 (1961-62) 0.25 -0.07 0.10 (1962-63) 0.24 -0.06 0.10 (1963-64) 0.12 0.23 -0.05 0.10 (1964-65) 0.06 0.19 -0.05 0.09 (1965-66) 0.11 0.24 -0.05 0.09 (1966-67) -0.05 0.23 -0.05 0.08 (1967-68) 0.28 0.20 -0.08 0.06 (1968-69) 0.36 0.21 -0.10 0.01 (1969-70) 0.28 0.22 -0.07 0.01 (1970-71) 0.08 0.16 -0.03 -0.06 0.02 (1971-72) 0.31 0.36 -0.06 0.09 0.07 (1972-73) -0.06 0.06 0.00 0.00 0.08 (1973-74) 0.17 0.31 0.12 0.07 0.12 (1974-75) 0.12 0.29 0.10 0.11 0.13 (1975-76) 0.18 0.25 0.01 0.04 0.12 (1976-77) -0.08 0.32 0.00 0.02 0.10 (1977-78) 0.08 0.22 -0.01 0.03 0.10 (1978-79) 0.32 0.17 0.03 0.03 0.09 (1979-80) 0.27 0.23 0.04 0.05 0.06 (1980-81) 0.16 0.29 0.08 0.07 0.09 (1981-82) 0.17 0.19 0.03 0.04 0.09 (1982-83) 0.20 0.19 -0.06 -0.01 0.08 (1983-84) 0.14 0.15 -0.09 0.00 0.13 (1984-85) 0.22 0.18 -0.08 -0.03 0.10 (1985-86) 0.27 0.12 -0.18 -0.05 0.07 (1986-87) 0.28 0.06 -0.23 -0.05 0.10 Mean 0.1674 0.2162 -0.0186 -0.0095 0.0838 S. D. 0.1183 0.0688 0.0893 0.0570 0.0304 -187- Tabte 6.7a: Short Run Direct Export Effects of Intervention (1964-1987) Years Basmati Cotton Irri Sugarcane Wheat 1963-64 -0.06 -1.00 1.95 1964-65 0.27 -0.94 0.53 1965-66 -0.09 -1.00 1.12 1966-67 -0.03 -1.00 0.29 1967-68 -0.08 -0.99 0.41 1968-69 -0.26 -0.91 -0.96 1969-70 0.07 -1.00 -0.76 1970-71 1.52 -1.00 -0.49 1971-72 -0.32 -0.37 -1.01 -1.05 1.21 1972-73 -0.34 -0.29 -0.86 -2.64 -5.77 1973-74 -0.50 -0.83 -0.84 -1.08 -2.59 1974-75 -0.35 -0.38 -0.86 -1.00 -2.89 1975-76 -0.30 -0.36 -0.67 -1.00 -2.34 1976-77 -0.01 -0.87 -0.45 -1.00 -1.31 1977-78 -0.18 -0.27 -0.25 -1.00 -2.76 1978-79 -0.64 0.01 -0.28 -0.98 2.79 1979-80 -0.45 -0.25 -0.30 -1.16 -1.61 1980-81 -0.32 -0.28 -0.30 -1.07 -1.16 1981-82 -0.45 -0.14 -0.31 -1.00 -1.19 1982-83 -0.52 -0.26 -0.09 -1.00 -1.16 1983-84 -0.32 0.03 -0.03 -1.00 -1.12 1984-85 -0.62 -0.26 -0.11 -1.00 -2.26 1985-86 -0.51 -0.06 0.10 -0.93 -3.79 1986-87 -0.65 0.08 0.29 -0.87 -1.12 Mean -0.40 -0.13 -0.37 -1.07 -1.04 S.D. 0.17 0.43 0.37 0.33 1.85 Export effect of interventions = (E - ENI)/ENI where E is export with intervention ENT is export without intervention - 188 - Table 6.7b: Short Run Total Export Effects of Intervention (1964-1987) Years Basmati Cotton Irri Sugarcane Wheat 1963-64 -0.44 -1.00 -5.03 1964-65 -0.44 -0.80 3.69 1965-66 -0.53 0.25 -5.01 1966-67 -0.52 -1.00 4.38 1967-68 -0.41 -0.98 66.39 1968-69 -0.59 -0.90 -1.02 1969-70 -0.69 -1.00 -1.36 1970-71 -0.59 -1.00 -1.54 1971-72 -0.40 -0.61 -0.97 -1.02 -1.87 1972-73 -0.32 -0.27 -0.85 -2.14 -6.71 1973-74 -0.55 -0.88 -0.85 -1.06 -2.19 1974-75 -0.47 -0.51 -0.86 -1.00 -2.32 1975-76 -0.37 -0.59 -0.74 -1.00 -1.91 1976-77 -0.12 -0.91 -0.68 -1.00 -1.24 1977-78 -0.31 -0.62 -0.33 -1.00 -1.99 1978-79 -0.66 -0.66 -0.32 -1.00 104.25 1979-80 -0.48 -0.44 -0.34 -1.10 -1.36 1980-81 -0.39 -0.40 -0.33 -1.05 -1.12 1981-82 -0.54 -0.44 -0.36 -1.00 -1.15 1982-83 -0.57 -0.45 -0.21 -1.00 -1.13 1983-84 -0.40 -0.51 -0.19 -1.00 -1.10 1984-85 -0.66 -0.49 -0.28 -1.00 -1.85 1985-86 -0.54 -0.24 -0.02 -4.38 -2.50 1986-87 -0.68 -0.18 0.08 0.20 -1.11 Mean -0.45 -0.52 -0.46 -1.09 -1.61 S.D. 0.14 0.17 0.32 0.84 2.31 Notes: (1) Export efffect of interventions = (E - ENI)/ENI where E is export with intervention ENI is export without intervention (2) Comiputations of mean and standard deviation did not incLude 1967-68 and 1978-79. - 189- Table 6.8a. Long Run Direct Export Effects of Intervention (1964-1987) Years Basmati Cotton Irri Sugarcane Wheat 1963-64 -0.06 -1.00 1.95 1964-65 0.10 -0.95 0.59 1965-66 -0.21 -1.00 1.25 1966-67 -0.24 -1.00 0.30 1967-68 -0.25 -0.99 0.28 1968-69 -0.51 -0.91 -0.97 1969-70 -0.60 -1.00 -0.80 1970-71 -0.06 -0.35 -1.02 -1.00 -0.68 1971-72 -0.35 -0.56 -1.01 -0.98 -0.10 1972-73 -0.46 -0.53 -0.76 -0.69 7.95 1973-74 -0.62 -0.90 -0.86 -0.72 -2.86 1974-75 -0.57 -0.61 -0.91 -1.00 -2.37 1975-76 -0.50 -0.65 -0.85 -1.00 -1.81 1976-77 -0.24 -0.93 -0.82 -1.00 -1.22 1977-78 -0.37 -0.68 -0.44 -1.00 -1.97 1978-79 -0.74 -0.67 -0.45 -1.01 -1.34 1979-80 -0.62 -0.47 -0.49 -1.10 -1.37 1980-81 -0.54 -0.46 -0.48 -1.04 -1.12 1981-82 -0.67 -0.47 -0.54 -1.00 -1.15 1982-83 -0.70 -0.51 -0.44 -1.00 -1.13 1983-84 -0.55 -0.50 -0.31 -1.00 -1.10 1984-85 -0.78 -0.51 -0.43 -1.00 -1.58 1985-86 -0.70 -0.30 -0.11 -0.92 -2.09 1986-87 -0.80 -0.23 0.06 -0.87 -1.10 Mean -0.53 -0.46 -0.59 -0.96 -0.48 S.D. 0.19 0.24 0.31 0.09 2.12 Notes: (1) Export efffect of interventions = tE - ENI)/ENI where E is export with intervention ENI is export without intervention (2) Computations for mean and standard deviation did not incLude 1978/79. - 190 - Table 6.8b: Long Run Total Export Effects of Intervention (1964-1987) Years Basmati Cotton Irri Sugarcane Wheat 1963-64 -0.44 -1.00 -5.01 1964-65 -0.56 -0.86 11.17 1965-66 -0.69 -0.99 -2.70 1966-67 -0.73 -1.00 -10.65 1967-68 -0.68 -0.99 -4.08 1968-69 -0.82 -0.90 -1.01 1969-70 -0.89 -1.00 -1.19 1970-71 -0.47 -0.87 -0.95 -1.00 -1.31 1971-72 -0.53 -0.84 -0.98 -3.97 -1.61 1972-73 -0.60 -0.77 -0.89 1.01 -2.74 1973-74 -0.71 -0.96 -0.89 -1.07 -1.75 1974-75 -0.68 -0.79 -0.93 -1.00 -1.71 1975-76 -0.59 -0.84 -0.89 -1.00 -1.48 1976-77 -0.39 -0.97 -0.89 -1.00 -1.15 1977-78 -0.53 -0.87 -0.58 -1.00 -1.50 1978-79 -0.79 -0.89 -0.56 -1.00 -2.82 1979-80 -0.68 -0.73 -0.59 -1.04 -1.20 1980-81 -0.63 -0.69 -0.57 -1.02 -1.08 1981-82 -0.75 -0.75 -0.63 -1.00 -1.10 1982-83 -0.76 -0.75 -0.58 -1.00 -1.09 1983-84 -0.63 -0.80 -0.50 -1.00 -1.07 1984-85 -0.82 -0.76 -0.61 -1.00 -1.36 1985-86 -0.74 -0.58 -0.30 -1.32 -1.63 1986-87 -0.83 -0.56 -0.24 4.80 -1.08 Mean -0.65 -0.76 -0.68 -0.81 -1.63 S.D. 0.12 0.13 0.22 1.38 3.35 Export efffect of interventions = (E - ENI)/ENI where E is export with intervention ENI is export without intervention -191 - Table 6.9a. Short Run Foreign Exchange Effects of Intervention (Direct) (1961-1987) Years Basmati Cotton Irri Sugarcane Wheat 1960-61 0.34 -0.70 1961-62 0.29 -0.05 -0.45 1962-63 0.49 -0.02 -0.25 1963-64 -0.03 0.15 -0.20 1964-65 0.08 0.22 -0.16 1965-66 -0.04 0.22 -0.11 1966-67 -0.01 0.24 -0.07 1967-68 -0.04 0.41 -0.10 1968-69 -0.11 0.41 0.08 1969-70 0.01 0.34 0.16 1970-71 0.08 0.13 0.22 0.05 1971-72 -0.04 -0.20 0.05 -0.18 -0.04 1972-73 -0.02 -0.07 -0.03 -0.08 -0.16 1973-74 -0.06 -0.22 -0.13 -0.17 -0.25 1974-75 -0.04 -0.12 -0.10 -0.47 -0.37 1975-76 -0.06 -0.06 -0.03 0.00 -0.28 1976-77 0.00 -0.21 -0.01 0.03 -0.24 1977-78 -0.02 -0.04 -0.03 0.01 -0.16 1978-79 -0.14 0.00 -0.05 0.01 -0.15 1979-80 -0.08 -0.06 -0.04 -0.16 -0.12 1980-81 -0.05 -0.08 -0.04 -0.23 -0.16 1981-82 -0.06 -0.03 -0.04 -0.12 -0.19 1982-83 -0.06 -0.05 -0.01 0.10 -0.18 1983-84 -0.04 0.00 0.00 0.08 -0.22 1984-85 -0.07 -0.05 -0.01 0.21 -0.13 1985-86 -0.06 -0.01 0.01 0.23 -0.13 1986-87 -0.07 0.01 0.01 0.29 -0.18 Mean -0.05 0.00 -0.03 0.06 -0.17 S.D. 0.04 0.16 0.04 0.21 0.16 Note; Foreign Exchange Effect = (F - FNI)/TF where F is the foreign exchange with intervention FNI is the non-intervention foreign exchange TF is the total foreign exchange earnings in the country -192 - Tabte 6.9b. Short Run Foreign Exchange Effects of Intervention (Total) (1961-1987) Years Basmati Cotton Irri Sugarcane Wheat 1960-61 0.53 -1.09 1961-62 0.47 -0.07 -0.71 1962-63 0.79 -0.03 -0.40 1963-64 -0.56 0.01 -0.62 1964-65 -0.46 0.09 -0.61 1965-66 -0.66 0.00 -0.44 1966-67 -0.64 0.14 -0.42 1967-68 -0.46 0.22 -0.54 1968-69 -0.71 0.61 -0.29 1969-70 -0.74 0.30 -0.31 1970-71 0.13 -0.49 0.14 -0.24 1971-72 -0.11 -0.98 -0.02 -0.73 -0.31 1972-73 -0.01 -0.06 -0.03 -0.09 -0.15 1973-74 -0.09 -0.41 -0.17 -0.30 -0.36 1974-75 -0.10 -0.29 -0.15 -0.68 -0.57 1975-76 -0.12 -0.24 -0.06 -0.25 -0.47 1976-77 -0.03 -0.46 -0.03 -0.25 -0.42 1977-78 -0.06 -0.25 -0.07 -0.26 -0.29 1978-79 -0.21 -0.14 -0.08 -0.18 -0.28 1979-80 -0.12 -0.19 -0.06 -0.32 -0.22 1980-81 -0.09 -0.20 -0.06 -0.42 -0.28 1981-82 -0.12 -0.16 -0.06 -0.40 -0.33 1982-83 -0.09 -0.14 -0.02 -0.11 -0.27 1983-84 -0.08 -0.09 -0.02 -0.13 -0.32 1984-85 -0.11 -0.18 -0.02 -0.04 -0.20 1985-86 -0.08 -0.09 0.00 -0.03 -0.20 1986-87 -0.09 -0.05 gOA -0.01 -0.23 Mean -0.08 -0.25 -0.05 -0.11 -0.39 S.D. 0.07 0.38 0.05 0.28 0.20 Note: Foreign Exchange Effect = (F - FNI)/TF where F is the foreign exchange with intervention FNI is the non-intervention foreign exchange TF is the total foreign exchange earnings in the country -193 - Table 6.10a. Long Run Foreign Exchange Effects of Intervention (Direct) (1961-1987) Years Basmati Cotton Irri Sugarcane Wheat 1960-61 0.34 -0.70 1961-62 0.29 -0.05 -0.45 1962-63 0.49 -0.02 -0.25 1963-64 -0.03 0.15 -0.20 1964-65 0.03 0.27 -0.18 1965-66 -0.09 0.40 -0.12 1966-67 -0.11 0.33 -0.07 1967-68 -0.14 0.41 -0.07 1968-69 -0.31 0.41 0.09 1969-70 -0.30 0.34 0.20 1970-71 -0.01 -0.12 0.03 0.30 0.11 1971-72 -0.05 -0.44 0.06 0.34 0.01 1972-73 -0.03 -0.20 -0.02 0.11 -0.12 1973-74 -0.10 -0.41 -0.14 0.03 -0.23 1974-75 -0.11 -0.31 -0.16 -0.27 -0.41 1975-76 -0.14 -0.22 -0.09 -0.01 -0.35 1976-77 -0.05 -0.45 -0.05 0.00 -0.32 1977-78 -0.06 -0.24 -0.08 -0.03 -0.21 1978-79 -0.22 -0.10 -0.10 -0.03 -0.21 1979-80 -0.15 -0.16 -0.08 -0.24 -0.16 1980-81 -0.12 -0.19 -0.09 -0.44 -0.20 1981-82 -0.15 -0.13 -0.10 -0.42 -0.24 1982-83 -0.13 -0.15 -0.04 -0.04 -0.22 1983-84 -0.11 -0.06 -0.03 -0.02 -0.26 1984-85 -0.15 -0.15 -0.03 0.17 -0.20 1985-86 -0.13 -0.10 -0.01 0.22 -0.18 1986-87 -0.14 -0.05 0.00 0.29 -0.21 Mean -0.11 -0.12 -0.05 0.09 -0.19 S.D. 0.05 0.21 0.06 0.24 0.18 Note: Foreign Exchange Effect = (F - FNI)/TF where F is the foreign exchange with intervention FNi is the non-intervention foreign exchange TF is the total foreign exchange earnings in the country -194 - Table 6.10b. Long Run Foreign Exchange Effects of Intervention (Total) (1961-1987) Years Basmati Cotton Irri Sugarcane Wheat 1960-61 0.53 -1.09 1961-62 0.47 -0.07 -0.71 1962-63 0.79 -0.03 -0.40 1963-64 -0.56 0.01 -0.62 1964-65 -0.77 0.14 -0.71 1965-66 -1.30 0.19 -0.56 1966-67 -1.59 0.23 -0.57 1967-68 -1.40 0.28 -0.73 1968-69 -0.77 -2.26 0.61 -0.47 1969-70 -0.79 -2.84 0.27 -0.51 1970-71 -0.11 -2.24 -0.02 0.25 -0.36 1971-72 -0.19 -3.39 -0.03 -0.02 -0.38 1972-73 -0.05 -0.56 -0.04 -0.02 -0.20 1973-74 -0.19 -1.26 -0.25 -0.23 -0.46 1974-75 -0.24 -1.05 -0.30 -0.82 -0.79 1975-76 -0.29 -0.89 -0.18 -0.51 -0.69 1976-77 -0.13 -1.43 -0.13 -0.56 -0.62 1977-78 -0.15 -1.03 -0.18 -0.58 -0.43 1978-79 -0.41 -0.56 -0.21 -0.42 -0.43 1979-80 -0.27 -065 -0.16 -0.70 -0.35 1980-81 -0.23 -0.66 -0.16 -1.07 -0.40 1981-82 -0.30 -0.61 -0.19 -1.20 -0.47 1982-83 -0.22 -0.53 -0.09 -0.43 -0.38 1983-84 -0.20 -0.34 -0.08 -0.40 -0.45 1984-85 -0.25 -0.59 -0.09 -0.18 -0.34 1985-86 -0.20 -0.38 -0.03 -0.10 -0.31 1986-87 -0.21 -027 -0.02 -0.04 -0.31 Mean -0.27 -0.94 -0.13 -0.21 -0.51 S.D. 0.19 0.93 0.08 0.43 0.19 Note: Foreign Exchange Effect = (F - FNI)/TF where F is the foreign exchange with intervention FNI is the non-intervention foreign exchange TF is the total foreign exchange earnings in the country -195 - Table 6.11. Foreign Exchange Earnings Foregone by Intervention (1961-1987) Non Intervention Foreign Exchange Earnings - - - -- - .. ... ..... . ....... . . . . . . .. . (all crops million S) Actual Actual Foreign Exchange Earnings Foregone (All crops) ----------------------------------------------- foreign foreign -------------------------------------------- Short Short Long Long exchange exchange (1-5)/(6) (2-5)/(6) (3-5)/(6) (4-5)/(6) Year Run Run Run Run earnings earnings Direct Total Direct Total (all crops) (total exports) (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10) (1960-61) -40.50 113.40 (1961-62) -22.62 114.03 (1962-63) 46.77 209.58 (1963-64) 46.99 193.11 46.99 193.69 29.42 225.75 7.79% 72.51% 7.79% 72.77% (1964-65) -60.37 113.54 -60.64 166.02 -29.50 239.40 -12.90% 59.75% -13.01% 81.67% (1965-66) 16.28 203.40 -12.96 291.57 33.75 252.83 -6.91% 67.10% -18.48% 101.97% (1966-67) -29.67 166.92 -27.56 335.46 12.42 272.36 -15.46% 56.73% -14.68% 118.60% (1967-68) -70.57 191.28 -43.85 418.82 22.48 345.44 -26.94% 48.86% -19.20% 114.73% (1968-69) -45.83 175.42 21.57 725.81 91.70 356.99 -38.53% 23.45% -19.64% 177.63% (1969-70) -120.59 205.76 -26.88 842.66 51.86 337.88 -51.04% 45.55% -23.30% 234.04% (1970-71) -98.59 224.33 -37.28 763.06 101.86 419.57 -47.77% 29.19% -33.16% 157.59% (1971-72) 548.50 1089.83 303.38 1813.66 248.06 707.90 42.44% 118.91% 7.81% 221.16% (1972-73) 317.32 315.12 223.75 747.55 26.27 807.61 36.04% 35.77% 24.45% 89.31% (1973-74) 803.63 1022.00 833.25 1862.62 -38.05 1026.36 82.01% 103.28% 84.89% 185.19% (1974-75) 1213.88 1418.74 1377.72 2493.93 62.45 1038.99 110.82% 130.54% 126.59% 234.02% (1975-76) 621.61 1050.30 1053.94 2188.68 130.57 1136.67 43.20% 80.91% 81.23% 181.07% (1976-77) 649.55 1141.80 1150.90 2532.16 155.56 1140.81 43.30% 86.45% 87.25% 208.33% (1977-78) 583.50 1138.00 1062.62 2503.74 263.46 1311.11 24.41% 66.70% 60.95% 170.87% (1978-79) 635.94 1190.68 1211.76 2649.15 74.65 1709.60 32.83% 65.28% 66.51% 150.59% (1979-80) 1758.43 2308.66 2582.47 4497.91 697.19 2364.65 4.88% 68.15% 79.73% 160.73% (1980-81) 2760.25 3369.42 4132.03 6581.86 1106.75 2957.58 55.91% 76.50% 102.29% 185.12% (1981-82) 1779.12 2642.29 3268.44 5751.34 687.47 2490.05 43.84% 78.51% 103.65% 203.36% (1982-83) 1149.72 1976.31 2172.54 4166.76 606.67 2701.33 20.10% 50.70% 57.97% 131.79% (1983-84) 1030.92 1848.85 1857.60 3587.94 528.88 2769.96 18.12% 47.65% 47.97% 110.44% (1984-85) 511.76 1484.56 1333.67 3268.78 403.04 2505.21 4.34% 43.17% 37.15% 114.39% (1985-86) 573.36 1663.43 1295.90 3180.28 678.61 3074.52 -3.42% 32.03% 20.08% 81.37% (1986-87) 448.62 1843.40 1147.16 3280.73 709.39 3684.80 -7.08% 30.78% 11.88% 69.78% Mean 626 1124 1036 2285 277 1412 16.7 63.3 36.1 148.2 .....- -- . ... -- . . . --...- -- -- - . . ... ----.- ------ ------ -. - . -- -- . --..-- --.--- . -...- . --- . - -.- . --- - --- .- -.--. -196 - Table 7.1: Effect of the Pricing Policy on the Budget (in Million Rs - 1985-86 Prices) (1961-1987) PRICE POLICY RELATED Net Expenditure Net Expenditure ---------------------------------------as X of the Total as X of the Budget Fiscal Total Total Net Budgetary Deficit Year Revenue Expenditure Expenditure Expenditure (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) 1960-61 121.71 410.75 289.04 1961-62 111.34 275.58 164.24 1962-63 173.42 199.38 25.96 1963-64 88.34 324.46 236.13 1964-65 45.22 492.20 446.98 1965-66 43.90 610.10 566.19 1966-67 45.21 847.38 802.17 1967-68 0.00 332.91 332.91 1968-69 0.00 522.07 522.07 1969-70 0.00 617.00 617.00 1970-71 0.00 989.52 989.52 2.27 8.68 1971-72 0.00 817.65 817.65 1.70 5.99 1972-73 2100.71 4699.63 2598.91 4.65 12.82 1973-74 1914.36 6422.95 4508.59 7.11 20.09 1974-75 3505.76 7168.39 3662.63 4.85 10.39 1975-76 2553.36 4999.41 2446.04 3.47 8.59 1976-77 509.02 4390.78 3881.77 5.59 14.84 1977-78 1124.72 4641.74 3517.02 4.76 14.00 1978-79 1612.26 8898.06 7285.80 8.50 24.04 1979-80 2243.69 9841.06 7597.38 8.93 33.25 1980-81 4373.70 6691.67 2317.98 2.58 11.25 1981-82 1504.42 4741.44 3237.02 3.54 14.62 1982-83 1469.85 4733.76 3263.91 3.07 10.44 1983-84 987.79 5267.47 4279.68 3.84 15.28 1984-85 665.65 7554.91 6889.27 5.62 17.84 1985-86 -1279.00 7804.19 9083.19 6.76 21.81 1986-87 -1760.32 7882.54 9642.86 6.39 18.59 Mean 821 3784 2964 4.9 15.4 -197- Table 7.1(a): Taxes on and Profits From AgricuLture, 1961-1987 (Rs in MiLLion) Taxes Profits - ---------- --- ---- Total **Years** Cotton Rice Cotton Export Rice Export Revenue Corporation Corporation 1960-61 20 0 0 0 20 1961-62 18 0 0 0 18 1962-63 28 0 0 0 28 1963-64 15 0 0 0 15 1964-65 8 0 0 0 8 1965-66 8 0 0 0 8 1966-67 9 0 0 0 9 1967-68 0 0 0 0 0 1968-69 0 0 0 0 0 1969-70 0 0 0 0 0 1970-71 0 0 0 0 0 1971-72 0 0 0 0 0 1972-73 442 128 0 0 570 1973-74 179 464 0 0 643 1974-75 335 333 0 769 1,437 1975-76 340 241 0 591 1,172 1976-77 1 58 142 57 258 1977-78 0 0 220 402 622 1978-79 0 0 (152) 1,073 921 1979-80 0 0 151 1,289 1,440 1980-81 500 0 724 1,878 3,102 1981-82 150 0 (237) 1,254 1,167 1982-83 462 0 77 667 1,206 1983-84 265 0 46 576 887 1984-85 300 0 (72) 406 634 1985-86 834 0 (2,456) 343 (1,279) 1986-87 84 0 (1,994) 89 (1,821) ---- --- ---- --- --- ---- --- ---- --- --- ---- --- ---- --- --- ---- --- ---- --- --- -198- TabLe 7.1(b): Direct Consumption Subsidies, 1961-1987 (Rs in Millions) Year Wheat Edible Oil Sugar Total 1960-61 0 0 0 0 1961-62 0 0 0 0 1962-63 0 0 0 0 1963-64 0 0 0 0 1964-65 0 0 0 0 1965-66 0 0 0 0 1966-67 0 0 0 0 1967-68 0 0 0 0 1968-69 0 0 0 0 1969-70 80 0 0 80 1970-71 101 0 0 101 1971-72 95 0 0 95 1972-73 939 0 0 939 1973-74 1,905 269 0 2,174 1974-75 2,243 443 0 2,686 1975-76 1,553 0 0 1,553 1976-77 1,683 0 0 1,683 1977-78 1,571 0 25 1,596 1978-79 2,384 577 11 2,972 1979-80 2,353 884 20 3,257 1980-81 1,229 603 72 1,904 1981-82 1,299 1 4 1,304 1982-83 1,121 0 38 1,159 1983-84 1,267 1,485 15 2,767 1984-85 2878 2251 10 5,139 1985-8A 3919 0 0 3,919 1986-87 4064 0 0 4,064 -- - - -- - - - - - - - -- - - - -- - - -- - - - -- - - - -- - - - - 199- Tabte 7.1(c): Direct Input Subsidies, 1961-1987 (Rs in Millions) Year Fertilizer Plant Seed Mechanization Water Credit Total Protection (1960-61) 18.00 10 0 0 37 2 67 (1961-62) 21.00 8 0 0 12 4 45 (1962-63) 13.00 12 0 0 4 3 32 (1963-64) 50.00 7 0 0 (5) 3 55 (1964-65) 60.00 9 0 0 15 3 87 (1965-66) 73.00 12 0 0 23 3 111 (1966-67) 75.00 16 0 0 73 5 169 (1967-68) 95.00 23 0 0 (54) 4 68 (1968-69) 127.00 26 0 0 (50) 3 106 (1969-70) 115.00 28 0 0 (96) 4 51 (1970-71) 98.00 30 0 0 (13) 4 119 (1971-72) 72.00 54 0 1 (33) 3 97 (1972-73) 212.00 128 3 22 (38) 9 336 (1973-74) -53.00 63 12 10 (76) 27 -17 (1974-75) 33.00 112 0 16 61 30 252 (1975-76) 262.00 241 6 43 146 44 742 (1976-77) -150.00 421 6 48 166 52 543 (1977-78) 397.00 347 25 37 121 44 971 (1978-79) 1533.00 267 8 24 231 48 2111 (1979-80) 2297.00 218 29 22 377 116 3059 (1980-81) 2087.00 0 44 20 511 180 2842 (1981-82) 1433.00 0 8 24 644 265 2374 (1982-83) 1581.00 0 8 24 763 349 2725 (1983-84) 629.00 0 0 16 794 524 1963 (1984-85) 538.00 0 0 16 842 661 2057 (1985-86) 2062.00 0 0 16 884 923 3885 (1986-87) 2026.00 0 0 18 914 1,132 4090 - 200 - Tabte 7.2a: Direct and Total Nominal Transfers Due to Output Price Interventions (1985-86 Prices) (1961-1987) Basmati Cotton Irri Sugarcane Wheat Totat Years Direct Totat Direct Totat Direct Total Direct Total Direct Total Direct TotaL Rs. m Rs. m Rs. m Rs. m Rs. m Rs. m Rs. m Rs. m Rs. m Rs. m Rs. m Rs. m 1960-61 -967 -419.15 912 4249.90 -55 895.21 -110.30 4725.97 1961-62 -1175 -401.06 1294 4851.68 -1430 -1276.56 142 1578.30 -1168.82 4752.37 1962-63 -1015 -281.58 1168 5097.71 -1478 -1135.84 240 1695.79 -1084.60 5376.08 1963-64 -832 -125.57 901 4972.87 -861 -436.95 161 1530.38 -631.08 5940.72 1964-65 -689 82.95 116 4087.48 -1243 -811.75 -67 992.38 -1882.83 4351.06 1965-66 -376 453.76 1079 5789.17 -1307 -643.95 -34 1243.76 -638.04 6842.74 1966-67 -248 774.96 1151 5807.07 -1308 -949.96 -427 727.13 -831.75 6359.20 1967-68 222 1453.85 1025 5103.57 -1563 -1335.84 -282 1773.73 -598.11 6995.32 1968-69 -429 1237.07 1386 6703.90 -2112 -1990.72 -1803 420.91 -2957.46 6371.16 1969-70 -895 605.29 1358 7168.23 -2400 -1980.71 -1943 445.44 -3879.87 6238.26 1970-71 6 457.47 459 5962.33 -269 65.91 -1770 -1345.45 -1412 417.49 -2986.24 5557.74 1971-72 622 1859.22 5486 19084.66 -199 497.05 817 2970.11 -311 2867.47 6416.45 27278.52 1972-73 897 850.44 3861 3419.10 1071 1020.27 545 467.18 1982 1807.19 8356.34 7564.18 1973-74 2321 3331.31 7818 14282.39 3571 4896.45 1980 3343.63 4358 6992.86 20047.72 32846.64 1974-75 1692 2971.09 4625 10056.09 2355 3603.28 5157 7979.14 5230 9202.98 19059.84 33812.58 1975-76 2374 4159.03 2710 7725.27 882 1696.17 674 2192.20 3704 7759.76 10343.50 23532.42 1976-77 339 1436.75 6409 12537.88 144 742.29 557 1969.51 1593 4940.07 9042.74 21626.50 1977-78 1022 2045.03 2330 7833.41 1211 2386.07 756 2205.25 1891 4624.37 7209.23 19094.13 1978-79 3544 5512.28 976 5252.60 2064 3591.05 677 1820.77 2254 5102.99 9515.99 21279.69 1979-80 3247 5016.27 4631 10567.01 1904 3174.54 3488 5543.81 2186 5572.97 15455.29 29874.60 1980-81 2856 4816.17 6364 13103.79 2452 4084.61 5329 8632.83 3149 7740.55 20149.73 38377.95 1981-82 2488 4284.40 2540 8027.31 1647 3081.40 3793 6666.36 3563 7947.37 14031.52 30006.83 1982-83 2458 3655.84 4610 9194.66 566 1345.11 946 2060.45 2739 6089.12 11318.82 22345.16 1983-84 2570 4188.03 744 4747.38 572 1620.29 735 2082.03 5794 10320.38 10414.74 22958.10 1984-85 2695 3891.20 4499 9932.46 919 1764.61 -457 212.52 3723 6722.95 11380.41 22523.74 1985-86 2972 4213.41 3645 8465.28 15 583.66 -89 386.62 1170 3951.13 7712.75 17600.10 1986-87 3572 4866.42 1501 5799.53 67 606.02 -556 -208.41 4975 8413.52 9558.51 19477.10 -- . - -- --- - . -- --- . -- --- . -- --- . . -- . -- . . - -- -- . . . - . -- . - . - --- - . - --- . - - .. -- -- -- . . -- . - -- - 201 - Table 7.2b: Direct and Total Transfers Due to Input Price Interventions (In miLLions of Rs - 1985-86=1) (1961-1987) Year Fertilizer PLant Protection Credit Water Sub Total Direct TotaL Direct Total Subsidy Subsidy Direct TotaL (1960-61) 60.86 162.26 15.19 225.17 301.21 402.62 (1961-62) 49.48 108.80 21.97 74.23 145.68 205.00 (1962-63) 74.32 202.05 19.77 24.77 118.86 246.60 (1963-64) 68.63 382.55 41.22 91.14 18.23 -29.45 98.64 462.48 (1964-65) 144.54 582.54 50.88 109.29 17.37 84.79 297.57 793.99 (1965-66) 99.36 395.28 65.86 146.65 17.39 126.23 308.83 685.54 (1966-67) 107.90 556.77 80.38 135.73 23.51 366.72 578.51 1082.73 (1967-68) 141.31 838.61 112.12 235.28 20.94 -263.23 11.14 831.60 (1968-69) -17.26 799.37 127.56 219.71 16.72 -245.32 -118.30 790.48 (1969-70) -213.83 778.80 132.16 250.92 17.56 -453.12 -517.24 594.15 (1970-71) -217.72 544.94 135.06 322.18 17.07 -58.53 -124.12 825.66 (1971-72) -101.52 1396.52 229.88 554.98 13.08 -140.48 0.96 1824.10 (1972-73) 2019.96 1903.56 471.74 451.54 33.83 -140.05 2385.48 2248.88 (1973-74) 3396.99 5220.66 187.57 391.72 81.46 -226.27 3439.75 5467.57 (1974-75) 3554.25 6036.48 273.24 604.19 73.92 148.82 4050.23 6863.41 (1975-76) 1808.31 4036.58 525.05 1020.58 95.29 318.08 2746.73 5470.53 (1976-77) 1297.28 3116.41 830.61 1493.00 101.63 327.51 2557.02 5038.54 (1977-78) 1829.08 3939.40 627.46 1052.25 79.56 218.80 2754.90 5290.01 (1978-79) 3347.68 5925.93 467.40 745.88 84.03 404.38 4303.48 7160.21 (1979-80) 4435.09 7481.18 339.67 538.30 180.74 587.41 5542.91 8787.63 (1980-81) 3758.82 7179.30 0.00 113.80 253.79 720.49 4733.10 8267.38 (1981-82) 3132.18 6242.74 0.00 108.65 341.62 830.20 4304.01 7523.21 (1982-83) 2718.80 5194.50 0.00 123.93 425.36 929.93 4074.09 6673.72 (1983-84) -102.11 2134.82 0.00 254.05 583.54 884.22 1365.66 3856.64 (1984-85) 518.52 2437.49 0.00 334.63 693.99 883.76 2096.28 4349.88 (1985-86) 1560.02 3992.57 0.00 364.67 923.00 884.19 3367.20 6164.43 (1986-87) 1537.54 3831.75 0.00 344.57 1094.28 883.79 3515.61 6154.39 ---- . --- - ----- ---.- -.--- ---- ---- . ----- ---- . ----- -- .. - -- ----- - .- . ---.- -..-- --.. - 202 - Table 7.2c: Direct and TotaL Nominal Transfers Due to Output Price and Input Price Interventions (Rs in million - 1985-86=1) (1961-1987) Product Prices Input Prices Net Transfers Net transfers as a Year Direct Total Direct Total Direct Total share of GDP Rs m Rs m Rs m Rs m Rs m Rs m Direct Total (1960-61) -110.30 4725.97 301.21 402.62 -411.51 4323.35 -0.37% 3.87% (1961-62) -1168.82 4752.37 145.68 205.00 -1314.50 4547.37 -1.11% 3.84% (1962-63) -1084.60 5376.08 118.86 246.60 -1203.47 5129.48 -0.95% 4.04% (1963-64) -631.08 5940.72 98.64 462.48 -729.72 5478.24 -0.54% 4.05% (1964-65) -1882.83 4351.06 297.57 793.99 -2180.41 3557.06 -1.47% 2.40% (1965-66) -638.04 6842.74 308.83 685.54 -946.87 6157.19 -0.60% 3.87% (1966-67) -831.75 6359.20 578.51 1082.73 -1410.26 5276.48 -0.86% 3.22% (1967-68) -598.11 6995.32 11.14 831.60 -609.25 6163.72 -0.35% 3.56% (1968-69) -2957.46 6371.16 -118.30 790.48 -2839.17 5580.68 -1.52% 2.99% (1969-70) -3879.87 6238.26 -517.24 594.15 -3362.64 5644.11 -1.64% 2.76% (1970-71) -2986.24 5557.74 -124.12 825.66 -2862.13 4732.08 -1.38% 2.28% (1971-72) 6416.45 27278.52 0.96 1824.10 6415.49 25454.42 3.03% 12.01% (1972-73) 8356.34 7564.18 2385.48 2248.88 5970.86 5315.30 2.64% 2.35% (1973-74) 20047.72 32846.64 3439.75 5467.57 16607.97 27379.08 6.83% 11.26% (1974-75) 19059.84 33812.58 4050.23 6863.41 15009.61 26949.17 5.94% 10.67% (1975-76) 10343.50 23532.42 2746.73 5470.53 7596.77 18061.89 2.91% 6.92% (19'76-77) 9042.74 21626.50 2557.02 5038.54 6485.73 16587.96 2.42% 6.18% (1977-78) 7209.23 19094.13 2754.90 5290.01 4454.33 13804.12 1.54% 4.77% (1978-79) 9515.99 21279.69 4303.48 7160.21 5212.51 14119.48 1.67% 4.53% (1979-80) 15455.29 29874.60 5542.91 8787.63 9912.38 21086.97 3.02% 6.43% (1980-81) 20149.73 38377.95 4733.10 8267.38 15416.62 30110.57 4.42% 8.63% (1981-82) 14031.52 30006.83 4304.01 7523.21 9727.52 22483.62 2.60% 6.02% (1982-83) 11318.82 22345.16 4074.09 6673.72 7244.73 15671.44 1.82% 3.94% (1983-84) 10414.74 22958.10 1365.66 3856.64 9049.09 19101.47 2.18% 4.60% (1984-85) 11380.41 22523.74 2096.28 4349.88 9284.13 18173.86 2.05% 4.02% (1985-86) 7712.75 17600.10 3367.20 6164.43 4345.55 11435.67 0.90% 2.36% (1986-87) 9558.51 19477.10 3515.61 6154.39 6042.90 13322.71 1.16% 2.57% Source: Tables 7.2(a) and 7.2(b) - 203 - Table 7.2(d): Transfers into (-) and Out of (+) Agriculture, 1961-1987 (Rs in mili.on - 1985-86=1) Years Land Rev Public Research & Totat Non- Price Retated Total of Price & Total of Price & Non Price + Ushr Investment Extention Price Transfers Transfers Non Price Transfers Transfers (as % of GDP) Direct Total Rs m Rs m Direct Total Direct Total 1960-61 805.73 -2968.91 -14.37 -2177.55 -411.51 4323.35 -2589.06 2145.80 -2.32% 1.92% 1961-62 853.61 -3069.78 -49.39 -2265.56 -1314.50 4547.37 -3580.06 2281.81 -3.02% 1.93% 1962-63 897.43 -2545.27 -149.22 -1797.06 -1203.47 5129.48 -3000.53 3332.43 -2.36% 2.63% 1963-64 671.94 -3537.21 -200.45 -3065.71 -729.72 5478.24 -3795.43 2412.53 -2.81% 1.79% 1964-65 412.66 -4669.65 -246.10 -4503.10 -2180.41 3557.06 -6683.51 -946.04 -4.51% -0.64% 1965-66 625.09 -3974.46 -61.25 -3410.61 -946.87 6157.19 -4357.48 2746.58 -2.74% 1.73% 1966-67 757.56 -5204.96 -50.11 -4497.51 -1410.26 5276.48 -5907.77 778.97 -3.60% 0.48% 1967-68 438.71 -7287.39 -66.82 -6915.49 -609.25 6163.72 -7524.75 -751.78 -4.34% -0.43% 1968-69 402.32 -7950.81 -87.97 -7636.46 -2839.17 5580.68 -10475.63 -2055.78 -5.62% -1.10% 1969-70 429.52 -7812.01 -89.09 -7471.57 -3362.64 5644.11 -10834.21 -1827.46 -5.30% -0.89% 1970-71 603.28 -5552.62 -60.13 -5009.47 -2862.13 4732.08 -7871.60 -277.40 -3.80% -0.13% 1971-72 642.81 -5639.37 -34.52 -5031.09 6415.49 25454.42 1384.40 20423.33 0.65% 9.64% 1972-73 611.79 -6460.40 -64.59 -5913.21 5970.86 5315.30 57.65 -597.91 0.03% -0.26% 1973-74 523.99 -7733.11 -87.97 -7297.09 16607.97 27379.08 9310.88 20081.99 3.83% 8.26% 1974-75 444.01 -9388.70 -121.38 -9066.07 15009.61 26949.17 5943.54 17883.10 2.35% 7.08% 1975-76 566.45 -8539.62 -112.47 -8085.64 7596.77 18061.89 -488.87 9976.25 -0.19% 3.82% 1976-77 268.32 -10668.18 -130.29 -10530.15 6485.73 16587.96 -4044.42 6057.81 -1.51% 2.26% 1977-78 226.03 -7441.77 -152.56 -7368.30 4454.33 13804.12 -2913.98 6435.82 -1.01% 2.23% 1978-79 819.26 -7694.28 -202.67 -7077.70 5212.51 14119.48 -1865.19 7041.78 -0.60% 2.26% 1979-80 663.76 -7081.31 -249.44 -6667.00 9912.38 21086.97 3245.38 14419.97 0.99% 4.39% 1980-81 675.37 -7651.37 -350.78 -7326.78 15416.62 30110.57 8089.84 22783.79 2.32% 6.53% 1981-82 660.04 -9297.78 -484.41 -9122.15 9727.52 22483.62 605.36 13361.46 0.16% 3.58% 1982-83 474.11 -10476.92 -511.14 -10513.94 7244.73 15671.44 -3269.21 5157.50 -0.82% 1.30% 1983-84 450.39 -8732.54 -465.05 -8747.21 9049.09 19101.47 301.88 10354.26 0.07% 2.49% 1984-85 422.52 -8694.59 -520.86 -8792.93 9284.13 18173.86 491.20 9380.93 0.11% 2.07% 1985-86 378.43 -9346.00 -430.20 -9397.77 4345.55 11435.67 -5052.22 2037.90 -1.04% 0.42% 1986-87 363.89 -9580.58 -615.97 -9832.66 6042.90 13322.71 -3789.77 3490.04 -0.73% 0.67% Mean 559 -7000 -208 -6649 4478 13172 -2171 6523 -1.3 2.4 -- - -- - - -- - - -- - -- - - -- - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 204 - Tabte 7.3: The Bias in Government Investment (GIB) and Expenditure (GEB) (1961-1987) Year GDP:ANI/GDP GIA/GI GIB GE-A/GE GEB (1960-61) 0.52 (1961-62) 0.47 0.37 0.80 (1962-63) 0.46 0.20 0.42 (1963-64) 0.47 0.33 0.70 (1964-65) 0.43 0.38 0.88 (1965-66) 0.42 0.39 0.95 (1966-67) 0.43 0.44 1.03 (1967-68) 0.42 0.48 1.14 (1968-69) 0.42 0.48 1.13 (1969-70) 0.42 0.48 1.14 (1970-71) 0.41 0.40 0.97 0.19 0.45 (1971-72) 0.55 0.45 0.82 0.19 0.35 (1972-73) 0.55 0.38 0.69 0.19 0.35 (1973-74) 0.69 0.38 0.55 0.26 0.38 (1974-75) 0.65 0.33 0.51 0.27 0.41 (1975-76) 0.51 0.25 0.49 0.21 0.41 (1976-77) 0.50 0.28 0.55 0.22 0.45 (1977-78) 0.48 0.20 0.41 0.20 0.42 (1978-79) 0.48 0.19 0.39 0.20 0.42 (1979-80) 0.53 0.18 0.35 0.21 0.40 (1980-81) 0.56 0.20 0.36 0.22 0.39 (1981-82) 0.51 0.27 0.52 0.22 0.43 (1982-83) 0.44 0.30 0.69 0.19 0.44 (1983-84) 0.39 0.27 0.70 0.15 0.39 (1984-85) 0.38 0.24 0.64 0,12 0.33 (1985-86) 0.36 0.24 0.68 0.13 0.35 (1986-87) 0.34 0.22 0.65 0.11 0.32 Mean 0.47 0.32 0.70 0.19 0.39 - 205 - TabLe 8.1: Off-Farm Income as a Percentage of Farm-Income (1980) ZONE SMALL MEDIUM LARGE BARRANI-PUNJAB 126.0 83.0 44.0 MIX-PUNJAB 53.0 39.0 23.0 R/W PUNJAB 48.0 35.5 21.0 LOW-DEN. PUNJAB 22.0 18.0 13.0 CTN-PUNJAB 23.0 19.0 13.0 C/W SIND 17.3 14.3 9.8 R SIND 17.3 14.3 9.8 IRRIGATED 26.5 19.5 11.5 UNIRRIGATED 42.0 28.0 15.0 BAL'TAN 16.5 13.5 9.8 (EXC SIBI) Note: Information was avaiLabLe for barani Punjab, C/W Punjab, R/W Punjab for farm size 0-12.5 and 12.5 and above. This data was extrapolated to obtain values corresponding to our definitions of small, medium and Large. To construct off farm incomes as X of farm incomes (NFI/Fl) for the other zones, the following ratios were used: Mixed Punjab = 110% (NFI/FI) of R/W Punjab. Low Density Punjab = same as C/W Punjab C/W Sind = 75% (NFI/Fl) of C/W Punjab R/W Sind = same as C/W Sind BaLuchistan = same as C/W Sind Irrigated NWFP = 50% (NFI/FI) of mixed Punjab Unirrigated NWFP = 33% (NFI/FI) of barani Punjab. Source: A study of constraints facing smaLL farmers in Punjab - Pakistan, Punjab Economic Research Institute, Lahore. - 206 - Table 8.2: Rural and Urban Consumption Weights Rural Weights Wi W2 0.72 0.28 aW aR aC aS 0.18 0.05 0.08 0.04 Urban Weights aW aR aC aS Incomes less than Rs 600 0.1043 0.0183 0.0297 0.0446 Incomes of Rs 600 to 2500 0.0717 0.0211 0.0312 0.0344 Incomes of Rs 2500 and above 0.0303 0.0144 0.028 0.0174 Notes: W1 = Proportion of irrigated area to total area W2 = Proportion of non-irrigated area to total area a = Consumption weights; W=Wheat, R=Rice, C-Cotton, S=Sugar. -207 - Table 8.3: Rural Price Indices (1961-1987) Years DOM TABP ETABP 1960-61 0.17 0.16 0.20 1961-62 0.17 0.17 0.20 1962-63 0.16 0.17 0.20 1963-64 0.17 0.17 0.21 1964-65 0.18 0.18 0.21 1965-66 0.18 0.18 0.22 1966-67 0.20 0.19 0.23 1967-68 0.20 0.20 0.23 1968-69 0.21 0.19 0.22 1969-70 0.22 0.20 0.23 1970-71 0.23 0.21 0.23 1971-72 0.24 0.24 0.31 1972-73 0.28 0.33 0.30 1973-74 0.35 0.48 0.54 1974-75 0.44 0.58 0.69 1975-76 0.48 0.57 0.66 1976-77 0.53 0.60 0.68 1977-78 0.56 0.61 0.69 1978-79 0.62 0.70 0.80 1979-80 0.66 0.75 0.83 1980-81 0.74 0.85 0.98 1981-82 0.79 0.88 1.00 1982-83 0.83 0.91 0.98 1983-84 0.93 1.05 1.18 1984-85 0.94 1.06 1.15 1985-86 1.00 1.07 1.14 1986-87 1.04 1.16 1.23 Note: DOM = Domestic Producer Prices TABP = Transport Adjusted Producer Prices ETABP = Transport Adjusted for Equitibrium Exchange Rate - 208 - Table 8.4(a): Real Farm Income Per Farm (Adjusted) 1972 ZONES INST-P INST-P' INST-PS SRDIR-P' LRDIR-P' SRTOT-PS LRTOT-PS BARRANI-PUNJAB 2432.73 2197.79 3508.95 2158.56 2012.15 3672.94 3845.61 MIX-PUNJAB 17090.31 21966.74 33176.70 23267.28 19804.29 38658.58 45368.36 R/W PUNJAB 9979.38 12883.19 19418.13 13466.50 12209.08 21903.22 23772.19 LOW-DEN. PUNJAB 9654.36 11150.61 17017.70 11608.00 10965.64 19340.44 24573.89 CTN-PUNJAB 18121.37 24451.77 36159.52 26297.06 28049.69 43154.55 68631.70 C/W SIND 14558.91 18915.56 28074.63 20199.82 20741.94 33269.64 50075.10 R SIND 11533.32 9546.22 14765.57 9187.32 8464.46 15645.39 15932.69 IRRIGATED 9225.64 12868.19 19581.75 13715.20 7680.25 23016.46 16682.05 UNIRRIGATED 3575.52 3715.65 5823.35 3765.42 2981.76 6370.56 5936.20 BAL'TAN 848.85 783.45 1244.68 774.24 731.93 1313.95 1432.59 (EXC SIBI) 1980 ZONES INST-P INST-P' INST-PS SRDIR-Pt LRDIR-P' SRTOT-PS LRTOT-PS BARRANI-PUNJAB 4068.41 4454.72 5503.29 4537.19 4805.09 5743.78 6438.09 MIX-PUNJAB 18569.69 28700.48 35174.87 31872.19 35867.39 40414.85 54199.23 R/W PUNJAB 13898.08 23370.95 28534.84 25657.60 30049.76 32101.43 41938.87 LOW-DEN. PUNJAB 12276.16 16046.06 19687.50 17291.98 19235.60 22025.67 29229.18 CTN-PUNJAB 21561.28 28594.50 34971.47 30993.22 35264.27 39580.08 55457.75 C/W SIND 22902.61 28831.54 35250.36 31046.69 35293.84 39805.26 56757.11 R SIND 14296.32 23858.99 29116.39 26198.75 30382.21 32864.80 43112.17 IRRIGATED 10827.13 19822.88 24333.70 22838.70 25311.85 29002.83 39259.67 UNIRRIGATED 5839.74 7248.98 8928.88 7620.80 8282.32 9631.96 11467.33 BAL'TAN 1842.55 2036.40 2514.57 2077.93 2209.33 2629.66 2966.29 (EXC SIBI) Note: INST = Instantaneous (i.e., no change in output) SR and LR = Short- and long-run respective P, P' and PS = Actual, border and effective border prices Table 8.4(b): ReaL Farm Income Per Farm (Adjusted - 1985-86 1) By Size Category 1972 INST-P INST-P' INST-PS SRDIR-P' LRDIR-P' SRTOT-PS LRTOT-PS ZONES SMALL MEDIUM LARGE SMALL MEDIUM LARGE SMALL MEDIUM LARGE SMALL MEDIUM LARGE SMALL MEDIUM LARGE SMALL MEDIUM LARGE SMALL MEDILIM LARGE BARRANI-PUNJAB 1441 4123 7789 1302 3725 7037 2079 5947 11235 1279 3658 6911 1192 3410 6442 2176 6224 11760 2278 6517 12312 MIX-PUNJAB 5857 17224 51335 7528 22139 65982 11369 33437 99654 7973 23450 69889 6787 19960 59487 13248 38962 116120 15547 45724 136274 R/W PUNJAB 1798 13209 39873 2321 17053 51476 3498 25703 77587 2426 17825 53806 2199 16161 48782 3946 28992 87516 4282 31466 94984 LOW-DEN. PUNJAB 3948 10302 25103 4560 11899 28994 6959 18160 44250 4747 12387 30183 4484 11701 28513 7909 20638 50289 10049 26223 63898 CTN-PUNJAB 5963 18248 54534 8046 24623 73584 11898 36412 108817 8653 26481 79137 9230 28246 84411 14200 43456 129867 22583 69111 206537 C/W SIWD 6458 15257 44042 8390 19823 57222 12453 29421 84929 8960 21169 61107 9201 21737 62747 14758 34866 100644 22212 52477 151483 R SIND 5641 13538 27706 4669 11206 22933 7222 17332 35471 4494 10784 22071 4140 9936 20334 7653 18365 37585 7793 18702 38275 IRRIGATED 5974 14596 58780 8332 20359 81988 12679 30981 124763 8880 21699 87385 4973 12151 48934 14903 36415 146647 10801 26393 106288 UNIRRIGATED 1913 6270 14284 1988 6516 14844 3115 10212 23265 2014 6603 15043 1595 5229 11912 3408 11172 25451 3175 10410 23715 BAL'TAN 298 922 2209 275 851 2039 437 1352 3240 272 841 2015 257 795 1905 461 1428 3420 502 1557 3729 (EXC SIBI) (0 1980 INST-P INST-P' INST-PS SRDIR-P' LRDIR-P' SRTOT-PS LRTOT-PS ZONES SMALL MEDIUM LARGE SMALL MEDIUM LARGE SMALL MEDIUM LARGE SMALL MEDIUM LARGE SMALL MEDIUM LARGE SMALL MEDIUM LARGE SMALL MEDIUM LARGE BARRANI-PUNJAB 2536 7454 13800 2777 8162 15111 3431 10083 18667 2829 8313 15390 2996 8804 16299 3581 10524 19483 4014 11796 21838 MIX-PUNJAB 7376 20523 63387 11400 31719 97968 13972 38874 120068 12660 35224 108795 14247 39639 122432 16053 44665 137955 21529 59899 185007 R/U PUNJAB 2941 20406 67107 4946 34314 112848 6038 41896 137782 5429 37671 123889 6359 44120 145096 6793 47132 155003 8875 61576 202503 LOW-DEN. PUNJAB 4992 13488 34831 6525 17630 45528 8006 21630 55859 7032 18998 49063 7822 21134 54577 8957 24199 62493 11886 32114 82932 CTN-PUNJAB 7935 23240 77474 10524 30821 102746 1Z871 37695 125660 11407 33407 111365 12979 38010 126712 14567 42662 142220 20411 59776 199271 C/W SIND 10464 24404 75444 13173 30722 94975 16105 37561 116119 14185 33082 102272 16125 37608 116263 18187 42415 131124 25932 60478 186966 R SIND 7381 16603 44151 12318 27709 73684 15032 33815 89920 13526 30426 80910 15686 35285 93829 16968 38168 101496 22258 50069 133143 IRRIGATED 7188 25471 76135 13161 46633 139393 16155 57245 171112 15163 53728 160600 16805 59546 177991 19255 68229 203945 26065 92359 276071 UNIRRIGATED 3454 12058 25810 4288 14968 32038 5281 18436 39463 4507 15735 33681 4899 17101 36605 5697 19888 42570 6783 23678 50682 BAL'TAN 761 1808 5688 841 1998 6286 1039 2467 7762 859 2039 6414 913 2168 6820 1086 2580 8118 1226 2911 9157 (EXC SIBI) -210 - Table 8.4(c): Regional Income Distribution (%) 1972 ZONES INST-P INST-P' INST-PS SRDIR-P' LRDIR-P' SRTOT-PS LRTOT-PS BARRANI-PUNJAB 1.62% 1.16% 1.24% 1.08% 1.05% 1.12% 0.88% MIX-PUNJAB 17.49% 17.91% 18.02% 17.95% 15.95% 18.06% 15.91% R/W PUNJAB 12.49% 12.84% 12.90% 12.71% 12.03% 12.51% 10.19% LOW-DEN. PUNJAB 8.12% 7.47% 7.60% 7.36% 7.26% 7.42% 7.08% CTN-PUNJAB 30.15% 32.41% 31.94% 32.99% 36.74% 32.78% 39.13% C/W SIND 16.64% 17.23% 17.04% 17.41% 18.67% 17.37% 19.62% R SIND 7.17% 4.73% 4.88% 4.31% 4.15% 4.44% 3.40% IRRIGATED 3.62% 4.03% 4.08% 4.06% 2.37% 4.13% 2.25% UNIRRIGATED 2.41% 2.00% 2.09% 1.92% 1.58% 1.96% 1.37% BAL'TAN 0.29% 0.21% 0.23% 0.20% 0.20% 0.21% 0.17% (EXC SIBI) 1980 ZONES INST-P INST-P' INST-PS SRDIR-P' LRDIR-P' SRTOT-PS LRTOT-PS BARRANI-PUNJAB 2.15% 1.64% 1.66% 1.54% 1.43% 1.53% 1.27% MIX-PUNJAB 14.28% 15.44% 15.46% 15.72% 15.56% 15.71% 15.58% R/W PUNJAB 13.69% 16.11% 16.07% 16.22% 16.70% 15.99% 15.45% LOW-DEN. PUNJAB 8.01% 7.33% 7.35% 7.24% 7.08% 7.27% 7.13% CTN-PUNJAB 28.62% 26.55% 26.54% 26.39% 26.40% 26.57% 27.52% C/W SIND 17.39% 15.32% 15.31% 15.13% 15.12% 15.29% 16.12% R SIND 8.74% 10.20% 10.17% 10.27% 10.47% 10.16% 9.85% IRRIGATED 3.09% 3.95% 3.96% 4.18% 4.07% 4.18% 4.18% UNIRRIGATED 3.50% 3.04% 3.06% 2.93% 2.80% 2.92% 2.57% BAL'TAN 0.54% 0.42% 0.42% 0.39% 0.36% 0.39% 0.32% (EXC SIBI) -211 - Table 8.5: ReaL Instantaneous (A), Short-run (B), and Cumulative (C) Income Effects of Direct Intervention in Ten Agro Climatic Zones in Pakistan 1972 A B C ZONES y-y'I/y' y-ysr'/ysr' y-ylr'/ylr' BARRANI-PUNJAB 0.11 0.13 0.21 MIX-PUNJAB -0.22 -0.27 -0.14 R/W PUNJAB -0.23 -0.26 -0.18 LOW-DEN. PUNJAB -0.13 -0.17 -0.12 CTN-PUNJAB -0.26 -0.31 -0.35 C/W SIND -0.23 -0.28 -0.30 R SIND 0.21 0.26 0.36 IRRIGATED -0.28 -0.33 0.20 UNIRRIGATED -0.04 -0.05 0.20 BAL'TAN 0.08 0.10 0.16 (EXC SIBI) 1980 A B C ZONES y-y'I/y' y-ysr'/ysr' y-ylr'/ytr' BARRANI-PUNJAB -0.09 -0.10 -0.15 MIX-PUNJAB -0.35 -0.42 -0.48 R/W PUNJAB -0.41 -0.46 -0.54 LOW-DEN. PUNJAB -0.23 -0.29 -0.36 CTN-PUNJAB -0.25 -0.30 -0.39 C/W SIND -0.21 -0.26 -0.35 R SIND -0.40 -0.45 -0.53 IRRIGATED -0.45 -0.53 -0.57 UNIRRIGATED -0.19 -0.23 -0.29 BAL'TAN -0.10 -0.11 -0.17 (EXC SIBI) Note: By construction, income effects for adjusted and unadjusted incomes are identical. - 212 - Table 8.6: Real Instantaneous (A), Short-run (B), and Cumulative (C) Income Effect of Total Intervention in Ten Agro Climatic Zones in Pakistan 1972 … A B C ZONES y-y*/y* y-ysr*/ysr* y-ylr*/yLr* BARRANI-PUNJAB -0.31 -0.34 -0.37 MIX-PUNJAB -0.48 -0.56 -0.62 R/W PUNJAB -0.49 -0.54 -0.58 LOW-DEN. PUNJAB -0.43 -0.50 -0.61 CTN-PUNJAB -0.50 -0.58 -0.74 C/W SIND -0.48 -0.56 -0.71 R SIND -0.22 -0.26 -0.28 IRRIGATED -0.53 -0.60 -0.45 UNIRRIGATED -0.39 -0.44 -0.40 BAL'TAN -0.32 -0.35 -0.41 (EXC SIBI) 1980 A B C ZONES y.y*/y* y-ysr*/ysr* y-ylr*/ylr* BARRANI-PUNJAB -0.26 -0.29 -0.37 MIX-PUNJAB -0.47 -0.54 -0.66 R/W PUNJAB -0.51 -0.57 -0.67 LOW-DEN. PUNJAB -0.38 -0.44 -0.58 CTN-PUNJAB -0.38 -0.46 -0.61 C/W SIND -0.35 -0.42 -0.60 R SIND -0.51 -0.56 -0.67 IRRIGATED -0.56 -0.63 -0.72 UNIRRIGATED -0.35 -0.39 -0.49 BAL'TAN -0.27 -0.30 -0.38 (EXC SIBI) Note: By construction, income effects for adjusted and unadjusted incomes are identical. - 213 - Table 8.7: Real Instantaneous Effect on Rural Farm Labour of Direct and Total Price Intervention (1961-1987) Direct Total Years PI'/PI-1 PI*/PI.1 = =~ ~~~~ ====2= ==_== 1960-61 -0.03 0.16 1961-62 0.00 0.22 1962-63 0.01 0.23 1963-64 -0.01 0.22 1964-65 -0.04 0.16 1965-66 -0.01 0.20 1966-67 -0.04 0.14 1967-68 -0.03 0.14 1968-69 -0.08 0.06 1969-70 -0.08 0.05 1970-71 -0.09 0.01 1971-72 0.03 0.32 1972-73 0.16 0.06 1973-74 0.35 0.54 1974-75 0.33 0.58 1975-76 0.17 0.38 1976-77 0.12 0.28 1977-78 0.10 0.25 1978-79 0.13 0.29 1979-80 0.13 0.27 1980-81 0.16 0.33 1981-82 0.12 0.27 1982-83 0.09 0.17 1983-84 0.13 0.27 1984-85 0.13 0.22 1985-86 0.07 0.14 1986-87 0.11 0.18 -214- Table 8.8: Urban Price Indices (1961-1987) CPI CPI' CPI* CPI CPI' CPT* CPI CPI' CPI* Years 0-600 0-600 0-600 600-2500 600-2500 600-2500 2500- 2500- 2500- DOM TABP ETABP DOM TABP ETABP DOM TABP ETABP 1960-61 0.16 0.15 0.17 0.16 0.15 0.16 0.16 0.16 0.16 1961-62 0.16 0.16 0.17 0.16 0.16 0.17 0.16 0.16 0.17 1962-63 0.16 0.16 0.17 0.16 0.16 0.17 0.16 0.16 0.17 1963-64 0.17 0.16 0.18 0.17 0.16 0.18 0.17 0.16 0.17 1964-65 0.18 0.17 0.18 0.18 0.17 0.18 0.17 0.17 0.18 1965-66 0.18 0.17 0.19 0.18 0.18 0.19 0.18 0.18 0.18 1966-67 0.19 0.19 0.20 0.19 0.19 0.20 0.19 0.19 0.19 1967-68 0.20 0.19 0.20 0.20 0.19 0.20 0.20 0.20 0.20 1968-69 0.21 0.19 0.20 0.21 0.19 0.20 0.21 0.20 0.20 1969-70 0.22 0.20 0.20 0.21 0.20 0.20 0.21 0.21 0.20 1970-71 0.22 0.21 0.21 0.22 0.21 0.21 0.22 0.22 0.21 1971-72 0.24 0.23 0.26 0.24 0.23 0.25 0.24 0.24 0.24 1972-73 0.27 0.29 0.26 0.27 0.28 0.25 0.27 0.28 0.24 1973-74 0.34 0.38 0.40 0.34 0.37 0.39 0.34 0.36 0.36 1974-75 0.42 0.48 0.52 0.41 0.46 0.49 0.41 0.43 0.44 1975-76 0.47 0.49 0.53 0.46 0.48 0.51 0.46 0.47 0.48 1976-77 0.51 0.52 0.55 0.51 0.52 0.54 0.51 0.52 0.52 1977-78 0.54 0.55 0.58 0.54 0.55 0.56 0.55 0.55 0.54 1978-79 0.58 0.61 0.63 0.58 0.60 0.62 0.58 0.59 0.59 1979-80 0.65 0.66 0.69 0.65 0.66 0.67 0.65 0.65 0.65 1980-81 0.72 0.75 0.79 0.71 0.74 0.77 0.71 0.73 0.73 1981-82 0.77 0.79 0.83 0.77 0.79 0.81 0.77 0.78 0.78 1982-83 0.82 0.83 0.83 0.82 0.82 0.82 0.82 0.82 0.79 1963-84 0.90 0.93 0.97 0.90 0.92 0.94 0.90 0.91 0.90 1984-85 0.94 0.96 0.98 0.94 0.96 0.96 0.95 0.95 0.93 1985-86 1.00 0.99 1.00 1.00 0.99 0.99 1.00 1o00 0.97 1986-87 1.04 1.06 1.06 1.04 1.05 1.04 1.04 1.04 1.01 - 215 - Table 8.9: Real Instantaneous Effect on Urban Incomes of Direct Price Intervention (1961-1987) CPI'/CPI-1 CPI'/CPI-1 CPI'/CPI-1 Years 0-600 600-2500 2500+ 1960-61 -0.06 -0.04 -0.02 1961-62 *0.03 -0.03 -0.01 1962-63 -0.03 -0.03 -0.01 1963-64 -0.03 -0.03 -0.02 1964-65 -0.04 -0.04 -0.02 1965-66 -0.04 -0.03 -0.02 1966-67 -0.04 -0.03 -0.02 1967-68 -0.05 -0.04 -0.02 1968-69 -0.07 -0.05 -0.03 1969-70 -0.07 -0.05 -0.03 1970-71 -0.07 -0.05 -0.03 1971-72 -0.01 0.00 0.00 1972-73 0.06 0.04 0.02 1973-74 0.13 0.10 0.06 1974-75 0.15 0.12 0.06 1975-76 0.06 0.04 0.02 1976-77 0.03 0.02 0.02 1977-78 0.02 0.01 0.00 1978-79 0.04 0.03 0.01 1979-80 0.02 0.02 0.01 1980-81 0.05 0.04 0.02 1981-82 0.02 0.02 0.01 1982-83 0.01 0.01 0.00 1983-84 0.04 0.02 0.01 1984-85 0.02 0.02 0.01 1985-86 -0.01 -0.01 0.00 1986-87 0.02 0.01 0.00 --- --- --- --- --- -- --- --- --- --- --- -- ----. - --- --- -- -216 - TabLe 8.10: Real Instantaneous Effect on Urban Incomes of Total Price Intervention (1961-1987) CPII/CPI-1 CPI'/CPI-1 CPI'/CPI-1 Years 0-600 600-2500 2500+ 1960-61 0.02 0.01 0.00 1961-62 0.06 0.04 0.02 1962-63 0.06 0.05 0.02 1963-64 0.07 0.05 0.03 1964-65 0.04 0.03 0.01 1965-66 0.05 0.04 0.01 1966-67 0.03 0.02 0.00 1967-68 0.01 0.00 -0.02 1968-69 -0.05 -0.05 -0.05 1969-70 -0.06 -0.06 -0.06 1970-71 -0.07 -0.07 -0.08 1971-72 0.11 0.08 0.03 1972-73 -0.05 -0.07 -0.10 1973-74 0.19 0.14 0.06 1974-75 0.26 0.19 0.08 1975-76 0.14 0.10 0.03 1976-77 0.08 0.06 0.02 1977-78 0.06 0.03 -0.01 1978-79 0.08 0.06 0.01 1979-80 0.06 0.04 0.00 1980-81 0.10 0.07 0.02 1981-82 0.08 0.05 0.01 1982-83 0.01 0.00 -0.03 1983-84 0.08 0.05 0.00 1984-85 0.04 0.02 -0.02 1985-86 0.00 -0.01 -0.03 1986-87 0.02 0.00 -0.03 -- - -- - -- - - -- - -- - - -- - -- - -- - -- - - -- - ---, -217- Table 9.1: Harvest Wheat Prices in Pakistani and Indian Punjab (Rs. per 100 kg*) Pakistan Indian Punjab Punjab 1966 40 63 1970 48 83 1974 72 115 1975 107 108 1980 129 121 Prices are in local currencies and if converned to a common currency at thc official exchange rate the difrcrence would be cvcn grcatcr. 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Pakistan, Government of, Pakistan Census of Agriculture 1972 and 1980, Lahore: Agricultural Census Organization, Statistics Division. 18. __ , Pakistan Economic Survey, (various issues) Islamabad: Economic Adviser's Wing, Ministry of Finance. 19. ,Pakistan StatistWal Yearbook, (various issues), Karachi: Federal Bureau of Statistics, Statistics Division. 20. , Houischold Income and Expendi;ure Survey, 1972 and 1980, Karachi: Fcderal Burcau of Statistics, Statistics Division. 21. , Ten Years of Pakistan's Statistics 1972-82, Karachi: Federal Bureau of Statistics, Statistics Division. 22. , Twenty Five Years of Pakistan in Statistics 1947-72, Karachi: Ministry of Finance, l'anning anad Devclopment, Economic Affairs Division. 23. - , Report of the N;ational C o Commssion on Agriculture, 19S8, Islariha!)ad: viinistry of Food and Agrictllturc. 24. , Agrictillural Statlistics of Pakistan, (various iXsiecs), Islaniaadi: ?%linistry of Food, Agricultture and Co-operatives, l-oo,l and Agriculture Division. - 220 - 25. Pakistan Institute of Development Economics (1983). Structure of Protection in Pakistan, Islamabad. 26. Papanek, G.F. (1967). Pakistan's Development: Social goals and Private Incentives, Harvard University Press. 27. Punjab Economic Research Institute (1985). A Study of Constraints Facing Small Farmers in Puniab - Pakistan, Lahore. 28. Qureshi, SK, (1987). 'Agricultural Pricing and Taxation in Pakistan". Islamabad: Pakistan Institute-of Development Economics. 29. Rogers, B.L. and FJ. Levinson (1976). Subsidized Food Consumption Systems in Low Income Countries: The Pakistan Experience, MIT, INP Discussion Paper No. 6. 30. Salccm, M.A. and Ni. ilaq., (1985). "Farm Accounts, Family Budgets Of Rural Families and Cost of Production of Major Crops in the Punjab, 1982-83", Publication No. 214, Lahore: Punjab Economic Research Institute. 31. Sjaastad, L. (1980). 'True Tariffs and Relative Prices", in Black and Hidley (eds.) Current Issues in Commercial Policy and Diplomacy, London: MacMillan. 32. Tweeten, L., (1985). 'Supply Response in Pakistan", Islamabad: FAO Consultancy Report to Pakistan Agricultural Prices Commission. 33. Westlake, MJ., (1987). "Thd Measurement of Agricultural Price Distortion in Developing Countrics", Journal of Development Studies Vol. 23. -221 - Ai-pendix I Domestic and Transvort Adiusted Border Prices Producer Prices All producer prices were adjusted to reflect prices at the farmgate. This implies for example that if we consider the procurement price as the typical price that the farmers receive for their produce at the procurement centre, then the farmgate price is obtained by subtracting the transport cost from the farm to the procurement centre. The border prices also have been adjusted for transport costs in a manner that reflect the prices that farmers would receive at the farmgate. In this context the distinction between importables and exportables for the purpose of adjustment for transport cost is important. If a commodity is an exportable then the price the farmers would receive in the absence of direct intervention would equal the f.o.b. price minus the cost of transport from the farmgate to the border. Thus if: pp ~~producer price at the farmgate PX ~~f.o.b. price of exportables C: cost of transport from farmgate to the border then the farmer would receive the following farmgate price for an exportable crop: pp - PX - c (A.1) - 222 - If a commodity is an importable then the domestically produced and imported crop would fetch the same price at any point in the marketing chain'. The following relationship therefore holds: PP + C1 PM + C2 (A.2) where Pp : producer price at the farmgate PM : c.i.f. price of importable in rupees C, : handling and transportation costs from farmgate to point 'f' in the marketing chain. C2 : handling and transportation costs from the 'port' to point 'f' in the marketing chain. From Eq (A.2) it follows that in the absence of direct intervention, farmers would receive the following price at the farmgate for an importable crop: pp- PM + C2 - C, (A.3) The main export crops - cotton, basmati rice and irri rice were treated as exportables in our analysis whereas sugarcane was treated as an importable. In sugar Pakistan has been a net importer for most years although for some years in the seventies and early eighties a degree of self sufficiency was achieved. By mid eighties it was again importing about one third of its white sugar requirements. Wheat was treated as an 1 See Westlake, M.J. (1987). 223 - importable for the years in which imports were greater than 10 per cent of output. For the years for which imports were less than 10 per cent we presumed that at the export parity price [given in Eq (A.1)] wheat would therefore have been imported and at the import parity price [given in Eq (A.3)] it would have been exported. The domestic market would therefore have cleared at a price between the import and export parity prices. We took this price to be the average of the import and export parity prices. The producer prices for wheat were taken to be the procurement prices from 1968/69 onwards. For the earlier years when very little wheat was procured, we took the wholesale price of wheat and adjusted it downwards by 13 per cent to account for the marketing margins. The figure of 13 per cent was obtained by comparing the ratio of procurement to wholesale prices in the normal years in the seventies and early eighties2 and taking the average markup. The producer price of seed-cotton was obtained from the prices of lint cotton and cotton-seed and the ginning cost. A ton of seed- cotton is converted into 1/3 ton of lint and 2/3 ton of cotton-seed. The producer price of seed-cotton was obtained from the equation: Price of seed-cotton - 1/3 [ Price of lint ] + 2/3 [ Price of cotton-seed ] - ginning cost. The average wholesale prices of lint and cotton-seed were used in the above equation. Producer price of basmati from the seventies was taken as the procurement price and for the sixties the wholesale price was adjusted 2 These years were 1971/72 - 1976/7 and 1978/79 - 1981/82 - 224 - downwards as was done for wheat. Irri was introduced in the late sixties and the appropriate producer price is the procurement price. For sugarcane too the procurement price was considered as the appropriate producer price. Consumer Prices The domestic consumer prices were either average wholesale prices or the prices in the market where the bulk of the consumption takes place. The transport adjusted border prices for importables is the c.i.f. price plus the transport cost from the border to the consumption centre. For exportables the appropriate price was the 'border prices minus the transport cost from the farm to border plus the cost from the farm to the consumption centre. Consumer price of wneat was taken to be a weighted average of procurement price, rationshop price and open market price. The procurement price reflecting the implicit price of wheat which is not marketed. Consumer price of cotton was obtained by adding back the transport and ginning costs to the farmgate price of seed-cotton. Consumer prices of basmati and irri were taken as the wholesale price at Lahore and Hyderabad respectively which are points where the bulk of these crops are produced and consumed. Price of sugar was the weighted average of wholesale and ration shop price for the period for which it was rationed and as the wholesale price for the years after that. Baluchistan (Excluding Sibi) - 225 - ARDendix III Regions and Farm Sizes in Pakistan Agriculture The country is divided into ten agro-climatic zones as follows: 1. Barani Punjab 2. Mixed Punjab 3. R/W (rice/wheat) Punjab 4. Low density Punjab 5. C/W (cotton/wheat) Punjab 6. C/W (cotton/wheat) Sind 7. R/W (rice/wheat) Sind (includes Sibi district) 8. Irrigated N WFP 9. Unirrigated NWFP 10. Baluchistan (Excluding Sibi district) We used the following definitions for small, medium and large farmers. 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