GENDER GAPS IN ECUADOR AN OVERVIEW GENDER GAPS IN ECUADOR AN OVERVIEW © 2018 International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank 1818 H Street NW Washington DC 20433 Telephone: 202-473-1000 Internet: www.worldbank.org This work is a product of the staff of The World Bank with external contribu- tions. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this work do not necessarily reflect the views of The World Bank, its Board of Executive Directors, or the governments they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. The boundaries, colors, denominations, and other information shown on any map in this work do not imply any judgment on the part of The World Bank concerning the legal status of any territory or the endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries. Rights and Permissions The material in this work is subject to copyright. Because The World Bank encourages dissemination of its knowledge, this work may be reproduced, in whole or in part, for noncommercial purposes as long as full attribution to this work is given. Any queries on rights and licenses, including subsidiary rights, should be addressed to World Bank Publications, The World Bank Group, 1818 H Street NW, Washington, DC 20433, USA; fax: 202-522-2625; e-mail: pubrights@worldbank.org. TABLE OF CONTENTS List of figures 5 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 7 INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW 9 1.1. Purpose and scope 9 1.2. Methodology 10 1.3. Overview findings 11 CHAPTER 1: LEGAL FRAMEWORK AND 17 THE AGENCY OF WOMEN 1.1 Legal framework 17 1.2 Manifestations of the lack of agency 19 1.2.1 Political representation 19 1.2.2 Violence against women 22 1.2.3 Attitudes towards women 25 CHAPTER 2: ENDOWMENTS 29 2.1 Health 29 2.1.1 Life expectancy, mortality and 29 morbidity 2.1.2 Fertility trends 29 2.1.3 Maternal mortality and access to health 30 services 2.1.4 Contraceptive use and teenage pregnancy 31 2.2 Education 36 2.2.1 Gender gaps in enrolment 36 2.2.2 Attainment/dropout and repetition 36 CHAPTER 3: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES 39 3.1 Labor force participation 39 3.2 Unemployment and quality of employment 41 3.3 Entrepreneurship and access to finance 44 3.4 Earnings 46 3.5 Pensions 47 CONCLUSIONS 49 References 51 Annex 1: The legal and institutional framework 53 for gender equality in Ecuador LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: Key take-aways and priorities identified 11 Figure 2: Gender Inequality Index value 2015 12 Figure 3: Main developments and persistent gender 15 gaps in Ecuador Figure 4: Social Institutions and Gender Index value, 18 LAC 2014 Figure 5: National representation of women (%) 20 Figure 6: National representation of women in 21 Andean countries (%) Figure 7: Local representation of women (%) 21 Figure 8: Ever experienced violence by partner, % of 23 women, 2011 Figure 9: Share of women (married or in couple) 24 who ever experienced any type of violence by spouse or partner Figure 10: World Values Survey responses on gender 26 attitudes 2013 Figure 11: Fertility rate, total (births per woman) 30 Figure 12: Maternal mortality rate 31 (per 100,000 women), modeled estimate Figure 13: Contraceptive use prevalence LAC 32 Figure 14: Adolescent fertility rate 33 (births per 1,000 women) Figure 15: Tertiary education enrolment rates, net 37 Figure 16: Reasons not to be enrolled in education 38 (basic and higher) 2016 Figure 17: Years of education, rural vs. urban – IPs vs. 38 Non-IPs Figure 18: Labor force participation in Ecuador 40 Figure 19: Labor force participation in LAC 2015 40 Figure 20: Time use 2012, hours per week 41 Figure 21:Informality (share of workers in informal 42 jobs, SEDLAC definition) Figure 22:Informality (share of workers in informal 42 jobs, INEC definition) Figure 23:Share of employment by sector 43 Figure 24: Ni-nis: share of youth (15-24) not enrolled 44 in basic/superior education and out of work Figure 25: Female/male with an account at a 45 financial institution Figure 26: Female/male with an account at a 45 financial institution LAC Figure 27: Labor income (hourly wages in dollar) 46 Figure 28: Contributory pensions 47 Figure 29: The pillars of the National Agenda for 56 Women and Gender Equality 2014-2017 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This note was prepared under the Gender Analysis work program (P164267) by Carmen de Paz (Consultant) and Miriam Muller (TTL, Social Scientist). Leandro Chalela (Consultant) provided valuable research assistance. The note benefitted from the sub- stantial inputs from Sergio Olivieri (Senior Economist, Poverty), especially in the Economic Opportunity chapter. INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW 1.1 PURPOSE AND SCOPE Closing the existing gender gaps will be required to boost shared prosperity and maximize poverty reduction efforts in Ecuador over the coming years. Gender inequities not only are unfair from an ethical and social perspective, but are also economically inefficient. Greater gender equality can raise over- all productivity, improve development outcomes, especially of the next generation, and lead to more representative decision making.1 According to a study by Teignier and Cuberes (2016), only the long-term average per capita income loss stem- ming from excluding women from labor markets amount- ed to 20.26 percent in Ecuador in 2011. Access to economic opportunities by women is particularly important in the context of a rapidly unfolding demographic transition characterized by the end of the demographic dividend and population ageing in the country. This review of gender issues aims to uncover the main gender gaps in the country, and to identify potential pol- icy recommendations that could help closing them in the coming years. The note is an input to the development of a Gender Action Plan for the Andean Countries under the Gender Analysis Work Program (P164267). As such the note lays out a descriptive overview of gender gaps in endowments, economic 1 World Bank 2012 9 opportunities and agency – the explanation of sentation and violence against women, time the observed situation is outside the scope of use, and attitudes towards women; Chapter 2 this note. provides an overview the situation with regards to the main endowments of health and educa- 1.2 METHODOLOGY tion; and Chapter 3 deals with the existing gen- der gaps in economic opportunity – labor force The note applies the analytical framework participation and unemployment, the quality devised by the WDR 2012 on Gender Equal- of employment, earnings, entrepreneurship ity and Development. Chapter 1 covers the and access to finance. The main sources of data legal and institutional framework and the issue used for the analysis are outlined below. of the agency of women – e.g. political repre- Sources of data for the analysis • The World Development Indicators World Bank database has been used for the sections on health and education, entrepreneurship and access to finance. • The SEDLAC (Socio-Economic Database for Latin America and the Caribbean) database has been used for the education and labor markets section, drawing on ENENMDU (see below). • The ECLAC database has been used for political representation, femicide rate and legis- lation. • The Labor force survey data – ENEMDUs (Encuesta Nacional de Empleo, Desempleo y Subempleo) - has been used in the sections on education and labor markets. • A dedicated survey - Encuesta de Relaciones Familiares y Violencia de Género contra las Mujeres 2011- has been used for the section on gender-based violence. • Another dedicated survey - National Time Use Survey 2012 – has been used in the section on time use. • World Values Survey data (last wave) have been used in the section on gender attitudes. • Estimations from the UN have been used in the section on contraception use. Gender Gaps 10 in Ecuador an overview The review presented here is the result of the first stage in the assessment pro- 1.3 OVERVIEW cess. This note mainly reflects an initial de- FINDINGS scriptive exercise, and will be revised after the Ecuador has made substantial strides to- completion of stakeholder consultations in wards gender equality over the last decade the countries; the results of such consultations (see Figure 3). As a result, the legal framework will not only help identify additional literature in this area is relatively developed.2 No substan- and research on specific issues, but also help tial gender gaps exist in education, with the ex- prioritize the key gender gaps to be addressed ception of a reverse gender gap in attainment, based on the way discussions on the issue are and the political representation of women is currently taking place in the country. comparatively high, especially since the intro- 2 WBL 2016 Figure 1: Key take-aways and priorities identified KEY TAKE-AWAYS AND PRIORITIES IDENTIFIED • Maternal mortality rates are comparably high among indigenous and Afro descendent women. • Teenage pregnancy is a major issue in the country – much above the regional average; over 1 in 5 girls in Ecuador are married at the age of 18. • Educational disparities persist in rural areas and among indigenous populations to the detriment of women. • Women are over-represented among the ni-nis (more than 1 in 4 women are in this situa- tion) and informal workers (more than 2 in 5 female workers have an informal job). • Violence against women appears to be a major issue although up-to-date data are not available, and access to justice remains a challenge (only 1 in 5 women victims reached out for institutional support). • Patriarchal norms are still prevalent - regarding women’s role as care givers instead of income earners and the lack of acceptance for divorce, for instance 11 Figure 2: Gender Inequality Index value 2015 0,7 0,6 0,5 0,4 0,3 0,2 0,1 0 Uruguay Cuba Costa Rica Chile Trinidad and Tobago Mexico Saint Lucia Argentina El Salvador Peru LAC Ecuador Colombia Brazil Bolivia (Plurinational … Panama Venezuela (Bolivarian … Honduras Nicaragua Paraguay Dominican Republic Guatemala Haiti Source: UNDP 2016 ** 1 imparity, 0 parity duction of parity (50 percent quota) in all candi- performing other Andean (LC6) countries such date lists. The country has made much progress as Bolivia and Venezuela, although behind the too in the area of health; maternal mortality best-performers - Chile and Peru (see Figure 2). rates, for instance, have decreased substantial- Despite the positive developments reg- ly, partly due to the expansion of coverage of istered in recent years, some important maternal services in the country. In addition, a challenges remain (see Figures 1 and 3). Ac- large share of women is engaged in entrepre- cording to the latest available data, domestic neurial activities, while their access to financial violence continues to be prevalent and victims products (e.g., bank accounts) is comparatively are largely helpless, while these crimes most high. In line with these results, Ecuador registers often end in impunity; however, up-to-date of- a medium level of gender inequality in regional ficial data on the incidence of this problem are comparison. Ecuador ranks 89 out of 188 coun- missing. Teenage pregnancy and child mar- tries worldwide in the UNDP Gender Inequality riage are also widespread in the country, more Index3, at pair with the LAC average, and out- so than in others in LAC. Patriarchal norms that 3 The UN Gender inequality index focuses on maternal reproduce gender stereotypes and relegate mortality ratios, adolescent birth rate, share of women in parliaments, population with at least some secondary women to a submissive position with respect education, and labor force participation rates. Gender Gaps 12 in Ecuador an overview to men are widespread. Gaps in access to eco- compounded disadvantages.4 As an exam- nomic opportunities are also notable – partic- ple, sexual and reproductive health indicators ularly with regards to the quality of jobs. The and educational attainment are much poorer share of women engaged in informal jobs has among indigenous and Afro-descendent wom- reached levels similar to those observed in the en than among their white counterparts. At the beginning of the decade in recent years. In ad- same time, and despite the good performance dition, the share of women ni-nis (15-24 years of the country with regards to female political old) is much higher than that of men, and this representation, minority women are not ade- gap is among the largest in LAC. quately represented in political institutions. In Moreover, certain groups of women, Ecuador a total of 21 percent of women are of especially indigenous and afro-descen- indigenous, Afro-descendent or Montubio ori- dants, women with disabilities, and female gin (Census 2010) (see below). migrants and refugees face multiple and 4 CEDAW 2015 Indigenous peoples and rights in Ecuador The indigenous population is comprised by 16 groups in Ecuador. Around 71 percent of the IP, especially kichwam, concentrates in La Sierra, mostly in four provinces: Chimborazo, Pichincha, Imbabura y Cotopaxi. Around 19.6 percent of the IP population is located in the Amazonía, where the two most abundant nationalities are Kichwa and Shuar. There are 95.08 indigenous men per 100 indigenous women.5 Over a long period of time the rights of these populations were not effectively considered in Ecuador. Over the 80s, an indigenous social movement took traction, leading to the is- sue of indigenous rights making it to the top of the public debates in the country over the 1990s. As a result, indigenous rights were effectively recognized in the 1998 Constitution, and confirmed in the 2008 Constitution that describes Ecuador as a multination country. The growing social relevance of these movements has led also to the creation of the Council for the Development of Nationalities and Peoples of Ecuador (CODENPE), with ministerial rank, the National Direction for Bilingual Intercultural Education or the Direction of Indig- enous Health. Although women have contributed to that movement, their role has been more invisible until recent years. 6 5 UN 2012 6 UN 2012 13 Some key takeaways from Consultations held in March 2018 After completion of a first draft of the gender notes for the Andean countries, consultations were held in Bolivia, Ecuador and Peru with local stakeholders (CSO, academia, develop- ment partners) to gather insights, data and information on the key gender gaps and validate the information provided in the notes. The folloring priorities emerged during those consultations: • Gender-based violence, teenage pregnancy, and the low quality economic opportunities were highlighted as priority areas. • The importance of persistent and traditional social norms that identify the role of women in the home as caregivers and not as actively pursuing work and income was referred to strongly and multiple times as one of the drivers behind some of the most pervasive gen- der inequalities observed. • More attention is needed to diminish inequalities between rural and urban women: In fact, national or regional average data may not speak to the many different realities of different women (intersectionality). Knowledge gaps and areas to focus more: • The impact of climate change and resulting migration on gender relations was raised in all three countries as one area where more evidence and knowledge is needed. • Better use of data: Even if gender disaggregated data may be available in countries, sta- tistical offices may not have the capacity to process and analyze it sufficiently. Valuable information hence remains underexplored. • The importance of better data on gender-based violence, including the support in setting up a comprehensive information system between different service providers was also mentioned. • Promoting women’s economic opportunities may have positive preventive effect on gen- der-based violence – which as mentioned is among the key gender priorities in all the three countries visited. • The importance of gender-sensitive infrastructure was also raised. Gender Gaps 14 in Ecuador an overview Figure 3: Main developments and persistent gender gaps in Ecuador ECUA STATUS OF GENDER ISSUES IN LC6 COUNTRIES ENDOWMENTS ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES AGENCY SUCCESSES AND PROGRESS • Maternal mortality rates have • Women’s access to financial products • Good legal framework for gender equality, ranking declined in connection with including credit is more limited than among among teh best performing countries in LAC in the SIGI increased access to maternal men, although the share of women with an Index. services. account is higher in Ecuador than in most • Among the highest female representation in politics in countries in the region. • Contraceptive use has increased LAC (quota of 45% in candidates lists). substantively and is now • Female representation at the local level is also comparable to LAC averages. comparably high NEW AND PERSISTING CHALLENGES • Maternal mortality trates are com- • There have not been major improvements • Legal differences (certain jobs prohibited for women; ma- parably high among indigenous in female labor force participation over time, rried women without same rights to property as men). and Afro descendent women who although FLFP rates and gender gaps are • Violence against women appears to be a major issue have not benefited fom the oveal de- close to the LAV average. (>1 in 3 women experienced physical violence from a creases to the same extent. • Women are over-represented among partner). Higher among afro-descendent and among in- • Teenage preganncy is a major issue the ni-nis (more than 1 in 4 women are in digenous women. Childhood exposure to violence highly in the country - much above the this situation), unemployed, informal and correlated with victimization/becoming an abuser. regional average, and increasingly so. part-time workers. • Only 1 in 5 women victims have reached out for insti- • Small reverse gaps favoring girls • The share of firms with female owner- tutional support - high levels of impunity, and stigma and in enrolment exist at primary and ship and managers is lower than that of lack of support among the victims. secondary levels. men and below the LAC average. • Challenges to law enforcement/access to justice persist, • Gender dispartities (favoring men) • Women earn on average 14 percent less particularly in remote areas and for indigenous women. in attainment at post-secondary than men - partially explained by differen- • Female regugees are particularly vulnerable to violen- levels. ces in edowments, discrimination and diffe- ce, sexual exploitation and human trafficking. rent types of occupations. • Educational disparities persist in • Majority of unpaid work is carried out by women (40 h rural areas and among indigenous weekly comp. to 10 for men); gap increases in rural areas. populations to the detriment of women. • >1 in 5 girls in Ecuador are married at the age of 18. • Patriarchal norms still prevalent (regarding women’s role as care givers isntead of income earners and the lack of acceptance for divorce, for instance). 15 Gender Gaps 16 in Ecuador an overview CHAPTER 1: LEGAL FRAMEWORK AND THE AGENCY OF WOMEN 1.1 LEGAL FRAMEWORK Ecuador ranks low in the OECD Social Institutions and Gen- der Index 2014 (SIGI) 7, almost at the level of some of the best performing countries in LAC. 8 Overall, Ecuador ranks 17 out of 108 countries worldwide. This indicates a comparatively very low level of institutional gender inequality across all catego- ries included (son bias, restricted physical integrity and access to assets, discriminatory family code and restricted civil liberties). Indeed, Ecuador is one of the best performing countries in the LAC region, only behind Argentina, Cuba, Trinidad and Tobago, Panama and Venezuela, and above most other Andean (LC6) countries (see Figure 4 below). 7 The OECD Development Centre’s Social Institutions and Gender Index (SIGI) is a cross-country measure of discrimination against women in social institutions (formal and informal laws, social norms, and practices). The index covers five dimensions of discriminatory social institutions, spanning major socio-economic areas that affect women’s lives: discriminatory family code, restricted physical integrity, son bias, restricted resources and assets, and restricted civil liberties. The SIGI’s variables quantify discriminatory social institutions such as unequal inheritance rights, early marriage, violence against women, and unequal land and property rights. 8 The SIGI comparison is included in this section because it has a strong focus on legal and institutional gaps. 17 Figure 4: Social Institutions and Gender Index value, LAC 2014 0,18 0,16 0,14 0,12 0,10 0,8 0,6 0,4 0,2 0 Argentina Cuba Trinidad And … Dominican … Panama Venezuela Ecuador Brazil El Salvador Costa Rica Bolivia Paraguay Peru Colombia Honduras Guatemala Jamaica Haiti Nicaragua Source: OECD ** 1 imparity, 0 parity Very few legal differences appear to ex- men.9 The last CEDAW recommendations also ist between women and men in Ecuador. highlight the provision that the husband is in Based on the Women, Business and the Law charge of the administration of the marriage´s 2016 report Ecuador is one of the countries in common property as a central legal gap that the world and in LAC with fewer gender differ- needs to be addressed moving forward. 10 ences in the legislation. The country has signed Despite the advanced legal framework all the most important international instru- for gender equality in Ecuador, implemen- ments for the protection and promotion of gen- tation challenges exist. Although the CE- der equality and has passed domestic norms to DAW Committee praised the advancements in incorporate these commitments to the nation- this area in its last (2015) recommendations, it al legislation (see Annex 1). The key gaps high- also expressed concerns over the difficulties to lighted for the country refer to the kinds of jobs apply the different laws at the local level, and that women can do – jobs in mining and that especially in remote areas. Progress to make entail heavy lifting are for instance prohibited possible the application of these norms in the – and the distribution of decision making pow- institutions in charge of their enforcement has er in the marriage. In particular, married wom- 9 World Bank 2016 en do not have the same rights to property as 10 CEDAW 2015 Gender Gaps 18 in Ecuador an overview been slow. Specialized judiciary units are not ciety organizations is inadequate.12 The Coun- available in all territories, and indigenous wom- cil remains removed from the decision making en face particular constraints to access justice. and execution line, and operates as an over- Women who turn to justice in cases of violation seeing agency with very limited resources, rath- of their rights are often stigmatized, and the po- er than being an authentic ruling agency with lice lack the necessary capacity to adequately capacity to effectively mainstream the gender enforce the existing legislation. 11 agenda across different sector programs.13 14 The National Council for Gender Equality is the maximum national authority in the 1.2 MANIFESTATIONS area of gender equality. The Council is the specialized State mechanism to guarantee the OF THE LACK OF rights of women and LGBT people as established AGENCY in the constitution and international human rights instruments. The main objectives of the 1.2.1 Political representation Council include: (1) gender mainstreaming in all Ecuador is one of the best-performing LAC State functions and public institutions, with a countries with regards to the political rep- special incidence in social and cultural patterns, resentation of women at the national level. (2) formulating policies aimed at diminishing The share of women represented in the nation- gender gaps and discrimination and (3) observ- al parliament has grown from 3.7 percent in ing, following up and evaluating the fulfillment 1998 to over 40 percent in 2017 (see Figure 5, of women´s and LGBT people´s rights in the left-hand graph). This significant increase has different state functions and public institutions. 12 CEDAW 2015 The Council is in charge of the implementation 13 UN 2016 of the National Agenda for Women and Gender 14 International organizations also support the advance- ment of the gender agenda. For example, gender equality Equality 2014-2017 (see Annex 1). and women’s empowerment are priorities for the Spanish Cooperation Agency for International Development Different sources indicate however that (AECID) in Ecuador. Here, the organization has contributed the Council is not adequately endowed to to creating spaces of dialogue and reflection regarding indigenous women and their rights, as well as supporting effectively pursue a real gender equality the construction of monitoring systems of state spending agenda. As an example, the budget allocated with a focus on gender. The agency has also encouraged proposals on urban security that benefit women and girls to gender equality has been diminishing in re- and captured lessons learned and knowledge sharing on gender, among others. For example, AECID worked cent years. The mandate of the Council is not with UN Women on the global initiative “Safe Cities” that sufficiently clear, and coordination with civil so- featured Quito as one of the program’s pilot cities. During the pilot, the municipality amended local legislation to im- prove action against sexual harassment in public spaces. 11 CEDAW 2015 (AECID 2017) 19 Figure 5: National representation of women (%) % of women in Parliament % of women ministers 50 80,0 40 60,0 30 40,0 20 20,0 10 0,0 0 I II III 1997 1999 2001 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 Ecuador LAC 2016 Men Women Source: ECLAC ** I: 2006-2009 II:2009-2013 III:2013-2017 accelerated since the introduction of quotas in ing Venezuela and Peru, and also out-performs candidates´ lists. Quotas generally strength- Chile in the share of female parliamentarians en the position of women in political parties, (see Figure 6). increase the number of capable, educated In a similar fashion, women´s represen- women with the necessary professional expe- tation in local institutions and top courts rience in the field of politics and management has increased notably over time. The share of states and have a symbolic function in terms of women mayors has risen from around 5 to al- of women’s political participation.15 Women are most 14 percent over the last two decades, and also represented, although to a much lower ex- has always kept above the LAC average (see Fig- tent, as heads of Ministries. The percentage of ure 7, left-hand graph). The representation of women appointed as ministers has increased women in councilor positions has maintained from mandates 2006-2009 to 2009-2013, and at around 30 percent since the year 2000; only then decreased slightly in 2013-2017, to be- recently the LAC average has got closer to this low 30 percent (27.8) (see Figure 5, right-hand percentage (see Figure 7, right-hand graph). graph). Ecuador shows higher shares of women Women judges in top courts reached almost ministers than other Andean countries includ- 43 percent in 2016, a substantially higher share 15 Poskočilová 2015 than that observed in most of the LAC region. Gender Gaps 20 in Ecuador an overview Figure 6: National representation of women in Andean countries (%) Female MPs, 2016 Women ministers 2016 53,08 37,96 60,9 27,69 72,6 72,2 70,8 83,7 22,16 15,83 39,1 27,4 27,8 29,2 16,3 Chile Venezuela Perú Ecuador Bolivia Venezuela Perú Ecuador Bolivia Chile Female Male Source: ECLAC Figure 7: Local representation of women (%) of women mayors % of women councilors 15 35 30 25 10 20 15 5 10 5 0 0 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016 Ecuador LAC Ecuador LAC 21 However, and as highlighted by vari- ales18 in rural areas with a high indigenous den- ous sources, minority women are not ad- sity. 19 equately represented in the main insti- tutions in Ecuador.16 Indigenous women, in 1.2.2 Violence against women particular, have been generally and tradition- Femicide20 is a concerning phenomenon in ally left out of political or leadership activities all LAC countries including Ecuador. An es- in some of their own indigenous communities calating number of violent female homicides and organizations; only exceptionally some in- committed by men in the last two decades have digenous women have reached representative compelled Latin American countries to adopt positions within them, although disparities ex- specific measures to curtail this phenomenon, ist across indigenous groups. Despite the diffi- especially after the Convention of Belém do culty to calculate the proportion of indigenous Pará, such as the inclusion of “femicide” as a women who become candidates or are elected specific aggravated crime in countries’ legisla- in electoral processes given the lack of detailed tion. Regardless of the difficulties in measuring data, it appears that their number has generally and comparing the incidence of these types of been scarce. 17 crimes across countries, related to the lack of This situation has improved in recent capacity, under-reporting, etc., the region ap- years. More women leaders and female lead- pears to have one of the highest rates of fem- ership spaces are found in indigenous repre- icide in the world. Despite its criminalization, sentative institutions and communities, while femicide also appears to be an important so- women´s organizations are increasingly seen cial challenge in Ecuador. The rate of femicide as spaces for capacity development and lead- in 2016, at 0.9 per each 100,000 women, was ership strengthening among women. The in- high compared to for instance 0.4 in Chile, 0.6 crease in access to education by indigenous in Peru or 0.8 in Venezuela.21 women and in rural-to-urban migration has Other forms of violence against women contributed to this process. However, multiple are also widespread in the country. It must obstacles to female participation remain, in- be however noted that up-to-date official data cluding economic dependency on the husband on the incidence of this phenomenon do not or constraints on time given their role as care 18 Municipal or community governments through which fur- givers. One factor that has contributed to their ther decentralization of competencies has been effected. progressive inclusion in political institutions 19 UN 2012 has been the constitution of Juntas Parroqui- 20 Femicide is generally understood to involve the intentional murder of women because of their sex, 16 CEDAW 2015, UN 2013 and most usually by their current or former partners. 17 UN 2012 21 ECLAC Gender Gaps 22 in Ecuador an overview Figure 8: Ever experienced violence by partner, % of women, 2011 By type of violence By ethnicity White 43,2 Sexual 14,5 Mixed 47,5 Economic 10,7 Montubia 48 Physical 35 Afro-descendent 55,3 Psychological 43,4 Indigenous 59,3 Source: Encuesta de Relaciones Familiares y Violencia de Género contra las Mujeres 2011 exist. According to the latest survey data (2011), cio-economic quintiles; it also decreases as the as many as 35 percent of women report having educational level attained by women increases ever experienced physical violence from their (see Figure 9). Exposure to abuse in childhood partners; the share goes up to 43.4 when con- is an important driver – both on the side of the sidering psychological violence (see Figure 8, abuser and the victim: Over 79 percent of the left-hand graph). Violence against women ap- perpetrators experienced physical maltreat- pears to be more common in the regions of the ment during childhood, while 75 percent of mountains and the Amazon basin than in the the victims did. Violence was also more com- coast. Although the incidence of violence is sim- mon among divorced, separated and widowed ilar in rural and urban areas, it is higher among women, followed by women in couples and indigenous and afro-descendent women (see married, and increases with the number of chil- Figure 8, right-hand graph). By age groups, vi- dren. olence from a partner is more common among Violence against women and girls also the 40-49 year olds, followed by the 50-64 years appears to be high in public spaces in Ec- old group.22 uador. The high rates of sexual harassment Certain factors including the income lev- and violence in educational institutions, the of- el or educational attainment appear to be tentimes passive attitude of the police in these associated with the incidence of violence. cases, and the high degree of impunity among The incidence of violence tends to be lowest perpetrators are of particular concern, as high- among women from the two wealthiest so- lighted by the CEDAW Committee. 23 22 Quintana Zurita et al. 2014 23 CEDAW 2015 23 Figure 9: Share of women (married or in couple) who ever experienced any type of violence by spouse or partner By level of education By socio-economic quintile 70 50 60 40 50 40 30 30 20 20 10 10 0 0 Poorest II III IV Whealthiest None Basic Higher (no university) Higher (university) Postgraduate quintile quintile Physical Psychological Economic Sexual Source: Encuesta de Relaciones Familiares y Violencia de Género contra las Mujeres 2011 The situation of female refugees also ma, and distrust of institutions. In addition, calls for special attention in Ecuador. Ecua- changes in the number of registered cases can dor is the LAC country hosting the largest num- be related with an increase in the capacity of ber of refugees, mostly from Colombia. Female institutions or as a result of increases in report- refugees are particularly vulnerable to violence, ing; indeed, in Ecuador the upward trend in vi- sexual exploitation and human trafficking. olence incidence over time is likely due to the There is evidence that many of these women improved recording and reporting policy in the resort to survival sex due to their precarious National Plan for the Eradication of Gender Vi- living conditions. 24 In addition, according to olence Against Girls, Children, Youth and Wom- the UN, more than 1,500 Venezuelans refugees en, which became effective in 2007.26 have applied for asylum in Ecuador and over The consequences of gender-based vio- 62,000 are estimated to live in the country.25 lence by a partner are multipronged and ex- It must be noted that the measurement tremely negative. Besides the often very seri- of violence offers particular challenges. ous physical harm resulting from gender-based First, under-reporting is common across coun- violence from a partner, the emotional and psy- tries, in connection with fear of retaliation, stig- chological effects for women victims are also multiple and profound. Many women victims 24 World Bank 2011 25 UNHCR 2017 26 World Bank 2011 Gender Gaps 24 in Ecuador an overview of violence reported being sad or depressed reforms, the lack of accelerated procedures to (76 percent) and anxious or scared (56 percent). obtain restraining orders, the limited access to The agency of women is seriously damaged women victims to support mechanisms, and as a result of violence by their partners, and the lack of information on State measures.30 many end up limiting their social interactions The Government recently announced that it is as a consequence: 28 percent reported not go- working on a new plan. 31 ing out, and 24.6 percent stopped seeing their friends and families.27 1.2.3 Attitudes towards Most women victims do not search for women assistance in Ecuador. Only one fifth of wom- Patriarchal social norms regarding the en victims have looked for institutional sup- role of women vis-à-vis men are still wide- port, and only half of those initiated a legal pro- spread in the Ecuadorian society. Based on cedure, although the number of cases reported the World Values Survey (WVS) 2014 (results are to the police has increased over the years. Most for 2013 in Ecuador) over half of the participants women in this situation have turned to wom- believe that when a woman works for pay the en´s police centers28, which may be an indica- children suffer, over a quarter that men make tion that these spaces are becoming a refer- better political leaders than women, 64 per- ence for them. Out of the total of cases taken to cent that abortion is never justifiable and over court only 10 percent ended in a condemnatory 40 percent that divorce is never justifiable (see sentence, which suggests a high level of impu- Figure 10). The CEDAW Committee indeed has nity. 29 recently expressed its concern over the prevail- The ineffectiveness of the institutional ing social and cultural stereotypes in Ecuador, system to protect women victims is likely to on which the different forms of discrimination dissuade many of them to take action. The against women and LBGT people are based. 32 CEDAW Committee alerts in its last recommen- dations about the lack of data in this area, and expresses its concern over the suspension of the National Plan to Eradicate Violence against Women in 2015 in the context of institutional 27 Quintana Zurita et al. 2014 30 CEDAW 2015 28 The Comisarías de la Mujer y la Familia are specialized 31 https://www.andes.info.ec/es/noticias/politica/3/ecua- police units that deal with intra-family and gender based dor-trabaja-en-un-plan-integral-para-erradicar-violen- violence cases. cia-de-genero 29 Quintana Zurita et al. 2014 32 CEDAW 2015 25 Figure 10: World Values Survey responses on gender attitudes 2013 When jobs are scarce, men should If a woman earns more money than have more right to a job than women her husband, it's almost certain to cause problems 56,0% 38,7% 35,4% 21,7% 22,2% 25,7% 0,1% 0,2% 0,1% Agree Neither Disagree Don’t know Agree Neither Disagree Dton’t know Having a job is the best way for a When a mother works for pay, the woman to be an independent person children suffer 32,1% 30,8% 54,0% 27,5% 23,0% 22,9% 9,3% 0,2% 0,1% 0,1% Agree Agree Disagree No Don’t Agree Agree Disagree Strongly No Don’t strongly answer know strongly disagree answer know On the whole, men make better A university education is more political leaders than women do important for a boy than for a girl 42,5% 41,5% 34,8% 30,4% 14,8% 14,1% 12,1% 9,3% 0,1% 0,2% 0,2% 0,1% Agree Agree Disagree Strongly No Don’t Agree Agree Disagree Strongly No Don’t strongly disagree answer know strongly disagree answer know On the whole, men make better Being a housewife is just as fulfilling business executives than women do as working for pay 41,8% 31,4% 34,9% 27,5% 25,0% 15,5% Gender Gaps 26 14,7% in Ecuador an overview 8,5% 0,4% 0,2% 0,1%t Agree Agree Disagree Strongly No Don’t Agree Agree Disagree Strongly No strongly disagree answer know strongly disagree answer 42,5% 41,5% 34,8% 30,4% 14,8% 14,1% 12,1% 9,3% 0,1% 0,2% 0,2% 0,1% Agree Agree Disagree Strongly No Don’t Agree Agree Disagree Strongly No Don’t strongly disagree answer know strongly disagree answer know On the whole, men make better Being a housewife is just as fulfilling business executives than women do as working for pay 41,8% 31,4% 34,9% 27,5% 25,0% 15,5% 14,7% 8,5% 0,4% 0,2% 0,1%t Agree Agree Disagree Strongly No Don’t Agree Agree Disagree Strongly No strongly disagree answer know strongly disagree answer Justifiable: Abortion Justifiable: Divorce 64,2% 39,3% 12,6% 12,6% 9,1% 7,6% 5,7% 5,4% 6,4% 5,6% 5,9% 5,8% 5,5% 3,5% 2,7% 1,6% 1,6% 0,9% 1,6% 2,6% 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Never justificable Always justificable Never justificable Always justificable Justifiable: For a man to beat his wife 73,8% 12,1% 4,0% 3,9% 2,2% 1,6% 1,0% 0,7% 0,1% 0,5% Never 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Always justificable justificable Source: WVS 2014 27 Gender Gaps 28 in Ecuador an overview CHAPTER 2: ENDOWMENTS 2.1 HEALTH 2.1.1 Life expectancy, mortality and morbidity Life expectancy is higher for women than men and has been increasing steadily since 1996 for both groups; mor- tality rates are correspondingly higher among men than women. Women live on average around 5 years more than men in Ecuador – 78 years compared to 73 in 2015. This gap has slightly decreased over time: In 1996, the difference amounted to about 6 years. Female life expectancy in Ecuador is at pair with the LAC average, while male life expectancy is slightly higher – 72 in LAC on average. Mortality rates are lower in Ecuador for both men and women than the LAC average, although the difference is small. 2.1.2 Fertility trends The fertility rate in Ecuador is high compared to the LAC average (see Figure 11). The fertility rate has declined from over 3.2 births per women in 1996 to around 2.5 in 2015. The LAC av- erage in 2015 was however much lower – almost 2. The higher fertility rates indicate that Ecuador finds itself at a comparative- ly earlier stage of the demographic transition marked by ageing 29 area, and above other Andean countries such Figure 11: Fertility rate, total as Peru, Venezuela and Bolivia – although be- (births per woman) hind Chile (see Figure 12, right-hand graph). It 3,5 must be however noted that maternal mortali- 3 ty rates are particularly high among indigenous 2,5 women and adolescents. 35 2 The progress made in this area is likely 1,5 to be associated with the almost universal 1 access to maternal health services; again, 0,5 0 ethnic minority women have more limited access. Almost all births in the country are at- 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 tended by skilled staff, for instance, and Ecua- Ecuador LAC dor performs slightly better than the average Source: WDI LAC country in this regard. Yet access to these services appears to remain limited among in- digenous and Afro-descendent women, whose that all countries in the region are undergoing. different needs and ideas about pregnancy and Fertility rates are higher among indigenous and delivery appear not to be properly respected.36 rural women.33 In 2014 only 14 percent of indigenous women received the minimum five prenatal checkups.37 2.1.3 Maternal mortality and In addition, omission of sexual and re- access to health services 34 productive health has significant economic Maternal mortality rates are close to the re- costs. For example, a joint study conducted by gional average, although differences based UNFPA, Ecuador’s Ministry of Public Health and on ethnicity exist. There has been a substan- National Secretariat for Planning and Develop- tial decrease in maternal mortality since 1996 ment, and the organization SENDAS found that (see Figure 12, left-hand graph); Ecuador is as a the total cost of omitting sexual and reproduc- result in the middle of the range for LAC in this tive health in Ecuador in 2015 was $472.9 thou- 33 UN 2016 sands of dollars. In addition, the cost of univer- 34 Poorly performing health services disproportionately af- sal family planning coverage in 2017 ranged fect women. Mothers and daughters often are responsible for caring for the elderly and children when they are sick. between $44.9 thousands of dollars and $73.7 In the public system, the lack of an appointment system 35 CEDAW 2015 and frequent stock-outs lead to much loss of time, result- ing in a disproportionate loss of productivity for women, 36 CEDAW 2015, UN 2016 as cited by the World Bank report. 37 UN 2016 Gender Gaps 30 in Ecuador an overview Figure 12: Maternal mortality rate (per 100,000 women), modeled estimate Haiti 140 Paraguay 120 Venezuela, RB 100 Jamaica 80 Ecuador Trinidad and Tobago 60 Argentina 40 St. Vincent and the … 20 Cuba 0 Costa Rica 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 Uruguay Ecuador LAC 0 100 200 300 400 Source: WDI thousands of dollars.38 The study also analyzed rate is at pair with the average in LAC. The prev- inequality with regards to access to sexual and alence of modern contraceptives, at around 60 reproductive health, which has contributed to percent, was however below the regional av- poverty (as seen by different levels of maternal erage (Figure 13). The ENSANUT (2012) shows mortality in poorer vs. richer areas). that the use of contraceptives by indigenous peoples was about 14 percent lower that year 2.1.4 Contraceptive use and than the national average. teenage pregnancy Despite the growing use of contracep- The prevalence of contraceptive use has tion, adolescent pregnancy remains a ma- increased significantly in the country, al- jor issue in the country. Although the ad- though it remains lower among ethnic olescent fertility rate has decreased slightly minority women. In 2014 over 70 percent of since 1996, it is much higher – and increasingly women used some contraceptive method; this so – than the regional average (see Figure 14, left-hand graph). The gap with the region has 38 UNFPA et al 2017 31 Figure 13: Contraceptive use prevalence LAC 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Guatemala Panama Argentina Bolivia Chile Venezuela El Salvador Ecuador Mexico LAC Honduras Peru Uruguay Paraguay Colombia Costa Rica Brazil Nicaragua Any method Modern method Unmet demand for family planning Source: UN 201540 been growing over time. As a result, Ecuador is ates as a mechanism for the inter-generational the Andean country with the highest teenage transmission of poverty and vulnerability, as it pregnancy rate, and among the first ones in can have direct impacts on the education and LAC only behind Dominican Republic, Nicara- employment opportunities available to women gua, Guatemala and Venezuela (see Figure 14, (see below). 3940 right-hand graph). Teenage pregnancy oper- 39 UN 2016 40 This report presents a concise, descriptive analysis of levels and trends in key family planning indicators from Model-based Estimates and Projections of Family Planning Indicators 2015 and the data set World Contraceptive Use 2015, representing 195 countries or areas. The Population Division of the Department of Economic and Social Affairs of the United Nations Secretariat provides regular updates of the estimates and projections of family planning indicators as part of its contribution to global monitoring of progress on internationally-agreed targets to achieve universal access to sexual and reproductive health. Gender Gaps 32 in Ecuador an overview Figure 14: Adolescent fertility rate (births per 1,000 women) 90 2015 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 0 50 100 150 Ecuador LAC Source: WDI Teenage pregnancy in Ecuador A World Bank study (2012) aimed to identify the reasons of the high and permanent inci- dence of teenage pregnancy in Ecuador. Almost all adolescents in Ecuador interviewed for the qualitative part say they were offered sexual education classes in school. However, the vast majority of interviewees claim that the quality of the information provided in school was insufficient and too narrowly focused. The information provided in school is perceived as too technical and not linked sufficiently to adolescents’ realities; in addition, their fami- lies are not able to fill this gap. The Ecuador study shows that traditional gender roles and stereotypes are highly prevalent among youths—these gender roles also clearly shape their life projects and aspirations. Thus, for both girls and boys, the predominant association with being a woman is being a mother. Most of the women interviewed explained that they did not have a concrete plan to 33 get pregnant, but when it happened they got used to the idea, which may be a reflection of lack of control over their lives or agency. In addition, many highlight that they knew the risks but were not able to connect them to their own lives; the decision was made without much forward-looking reflection or responsibility over the consequences. Some of them also con- sidered pregnancy as a way to escape the constraints imposed by their families. The fact that they see this is as their only option indicates that their opportunities, self-esteem or empow- erment are very limited. The adolescents interviewed perceive their pregnancy as ¨normal¨, since it is common in their environments, which entails that stigmatization costs are low. Besides quality information (which itself is not always available, and supply of contracep- tives, the effective use of contraceptive methods requires also the removal of barriers to effectively access them. One of the main barriers identified by adolescents in the study is shame and fear to purchase contraceptive methods. The personal interaction with an adult which will make it obvious to her or him that the adolescent is planning to have sexual inter- course is something they perceive as very uncomfortable. Adolescent mothers and parents in general heavily rely on their mothers for both emotional and material support. Some of the interviewees describe the pregnancy as an event that impacted negatively on the realization of their life plans. Girls in particular refer to their pre-pregnancy life projects as something that got quickly and entirely replaced by being a mother. Most of the partici- pants express happiness about being a parent; it seems it is easier for them to name costs related to early pregnancy than benefits. The main issues that are raised in this regard relate to a loss of free-time, a loss of time for themselves, living a life in function of a third person, the loss of friendship and of good relationships to their parents, and finally, the loss of their childhood. Similar to the girls interviewed for the study, boys feel the increased share of re- sponsibility as a burden. In particular, they mention the loss of freedom. However, this new responsibility leads to a speed up in the maturation process—which some of them describe as positive. Quantitative analysis confirms these findings. Being a woman and being married are posi- tively correlated with the likelihood to be a mother. Interestingly, those adolescents with a more stereotyped view about gender roles and sexual relationship are at higher risk of be- coming parents during adolescence. Conversely, being able to make decisions is positively associated with the probability of being teenage parents. Gender Gaps 34 in Ecuador an overview The risk of getting pregnant or having a baby during adolescence is higher among those who are living with only one parent. Moreover, the age their parents believe as ideal to have a baby is negatively correlated with the probability of getting pregnant or being a mother as adolescents. This variable might be considered as a proxy of parents’ expectations and of the general quality of the domestic environments where they live. Remarkably, teenage parents are more likely to have friends who are teenage parents themselves or who experi- enced early pregnancy and childbearing as adolescents. Source: World Bank 2012 Another study titled “Vidas robadas: entre la omisión y la premeditación” by Fundación Desafío in Quito conducted qualitative research on the high rates of adolescent fertility in Ecuador and vulnerability of girls to rape, pregnancy, and forced motherhood. The study highlights the physical, mental, and health related repercussions of pregnancy and mater- nity resulting from adolescent rape victims under the age of 14. The ability to exercise one’s rights is also impacted. One of the authors, Virginia Gomez, presented the findings of the report in Quito and dis- cussed the report, which addresses the integral health of adolescent mothers, as well as the role of society and institutions in creating an environment where girls are being forced to assume a motherly role. The report also analyzes state’s actions of omission (invisibility of girls and violence they suffer, as well as lack of comprehensive protection proposals for girls) and premeditation (inability of state to protect girls). Source: Gomez et al 2015 Child marriage is also still common in As a measure to address this issue in 2015 the Ecuador. Data from UNICEF indicate that 22 National Assembly approved a reform of the percent of girls under 18 years old are married Civil Code and raised the legal minimum age in Ecuador, 4 percent under 15. The averages from 12 for girls and 14 for boys, to 18 for both for LAC were higher - 5 and 23 percent in2016. without exception.41 41 https://www.girlsnotbrides.org/child-marriage/ecuador/ 35 The impacts of child marriage Child marriage has large impacts on a wide range of development outcomes for the girls who are married early, their children and families, and societies at large. Child brides are at great- er risk of experiencing a range of poor health outcomes, having children at younger ages when they are not yet ready to do so, dropping out of school, earning less over their lifetimes and living in poverty compared to their peers who marry at later ages. Child brides may also be more likely to experience intimate partner violence, have restricted physical mobility, and limited decision-making ability. Most fundamentally, child brides may be disempowered in ways that deprive them of their basic rights to health, education and safety. 42 2.2 EDUCATION and there is a significant gender disparity that 43 42 favors males in secondary enrollment rates. 44 In addition, women still tend to specialize in 2.2.1 Gender gaps in larger numbers in traditionally female fields of enrolment study such as education, social work, health Reverse gender gaps favoring girls exist in and economy and finances, while around three primary and secondary enrolment, while quarters of students in science and engineering a slightly higher proportion of men than are men. 45 women are enrolled in tertiary education. The net enrollment rates are only slightly higher 2.2.2 Attainment/dropout and among women than men at both the primary and secondary education levels. The share of repetition women enrolled in tertiary education is high- Reverse gender gaps are observed in com- er than that of men, although the difference is pletion. The gender gap in completion of pri- small (see Figure 15). mary education has been almost fully closed over time; in 2016 the proportion of women However, it must also be noted that who completed this level of education was in- disparities between men and women – to deed a bit higher than that of men, although the detriment of women – still exist in ru- the difference is negligible. Gender gaps in ral areas, and among indigenous popula- completion of lower secondary education are tions. For instance 51 percent of indigenous girls are not enrolled in secondary education, 43 UN 2016 44 World Bank 2011 42 World Bank 2017 45 UN 2016 Gender Gaps 36 in Ecuador an overview Figure 15: Tertiary education enrolment rates, net 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 1995 1998 2000 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 Female Male Source: SEDLAC, ENEMDU also irrelevant, and to the advantage of wom- ing finished studies – were work and econom- en: The share of women completing this level ic problems; for girls, dedication to household of education in 2016 was 3 percent higher than chores was as important as these two reasons that of men. A reverse gender gap in education- (See Figure 16). Among women, family prohibi- al attainment at the post-secondary level also tion is also a reason, which does not appear for exists: 14.2 of women compared to 12.9 percent men. In addition, attainment in general seems of men had post-secondary education in 2012. to be much lower in rural areas, while the ob- However, the reasons for both boys and served gender gap tends to be larger. The gen- girls not to be in school are different. The der gap in educational attainment is also larger main reasons not to be enrolled in education among indigenous peoples (see Figure 17). A for boys in Ecuador in 2016 – other than hav- certain overlap between the categories of rural and indigenous peoples is likely to exist. 37 Figure 16: Reasons not to be enrolled in education (basic and higher) 2016 100% 80% Other 60% Pregnancy Not interested 40% No close schools or vacancies Family prohibition 20% 0% All Female Male Source: ENEMDU Figure 17: Years of education, rural vs. urban – IPs vs. Non-IPs 15 10 8 10 6 4 5 2 0 0 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 Male Rural Male Urban Female IP Female Non - IP Female Rural Female Urban Male IP Male Non - IP Source: ENEMDU Gender Gaps 38 in Ecuador an overview CHAPTER 3: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES 3.1 LABOR FORCE PARTICIPATION Women still participate in the labor market at a much low- er rate than men in Ecuador, and this gap is comparatively large. In 2016, only around 55 percent of women were working or actively looking for a job compared to around 81 percent of men. This disadvantage has been constant for the last decade; differences have ranged from 25 to 31 percentage points, and only registered a decline from 2014 (see Figure 18). Female la- bor force participation rates are higher in Ecuador than in Chile, although they are below those of other Andean (LC6) countries such as Peru and Bolivia (see Figure 19). There has been a recent increase in labor force partici- pation among both women and men, which has helped to narrow the existing gender gap. Between 2007 and 2013 a drop in labor force participation among women and men was registered partly in connection with the 2009 economic crisis; this decline was especially pronounced among the youngest co- hort, who was seeking to increase educational attainment with the purpose of investing in higher future incomes. In contrast to what was observed in the 2007-13 period, more people, in particular the young, the elderly and women, entered the labor force between 2013 and 2017 in connection with low oil prices. 39 Figure 18: Labor force Figure 19: Labor force participation in Ecuador participation in LAC 2015 95 100 85 80 75 60 70 40 65 20 60 0 Guatemala (2014) Honduras Mexico (2014) Dominican Rep. El Salvador Costa Rica Nicaragua (2014) Chile Argentina Ecuador Brazil (with Rural … Panama Bolivia Paraguay Colombia Uruguay Peru 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 Female Male Source: ENEMDU 2007-2017 Female Male Source: SEDLAC In particular, the group of 15 to 19-year-old and female workers increased their participation rate by more than 6 and 8 percentage points in be more often enrolled in the education system. this period, respectively. This resulted on a rel- The widest gap is found among urban men and ative reduction in the labor force participation women age 25-49 (31 percentage points). gap, from 30 to 25 percentage points. However, Economic inactivity among women re- most of the women who joined the labor mar- sponds largely to unpaid domestic work ket did so through informal or precarious jobs. and child-rearing activities. In 2017, about Gender gaps are largest in urban areas two thirds of inactive women reported being and for older age cohorts. The labor force house-wives, while only a third was engaged in participation rate of women that were born education (56 and 35 percent, respectively). On 1976-79 was 63 percent when they reached age the other hand, the main reason for inactivity 36; this rate goes up to 71 percent for the same- among men is education (77 percent) and the age women who were born almost a decade share who report performing domestic duties later in 1984-87. In addition, there are more is minimal. In addition, in the case of wom- young rural women and men who are econom- en, participation in the labor force is further ically active than their urban young counter- influenced by the presence of young children parts, most probably because the later tend to in the household. The higher the number of young children (age 6 or lower), the lower the Gender Gaps 40 in Ecuador an overview percentage of employed women. As the age of children increases, the percentage of working Figure 20: Time use 2012, hours women increases as well and this pattern has per week not changed over the years. Male LFP, on the 70 60 other hand, is mostly invariant to the presence 50 of children, which suggest women are the ones 40 30 bearing the care-taking activity. 20 10 Indeed, a majority of unpaid work is car- 0 Women Men Women Men Women Men ried out by women in Ecuador. The incorpo- ration of women into de labor market has not Total working Paid work Unpaid work been accompanied by a better distribution of time time time caring and household chores, which imposes a burden on women´s time and quality of life.46 Source: National Time Use Survey 2012 Women dedicate much more time than men to unpaid work: 40 hours compared to 10 per week amounted to 2 percentage points, down from on average in 2012; they also work for longer a peak of 14.6 percentage points in 2003. Low hours in total as a result (over 60 per week on av- unemployment rates, however, tend to hide a erage) (see Figure 20). This gap is even larger in higher incidence of informality (see below). rural areas, when there are children in the fam- ily, and among the lowest quintiles of income. Women are more frequently found in informal jobs than men. Informality is wide- spread in the Ecuadorian labor market, but it 3.2 UNEMPLOYMENT is especially common among women: In 2015, AND QUALITY OF around 50 percent of working men were en- EMPLOYMENT gaged in these types of jobs compared to 62 percent of women (based on the SEDLAC defi- The gender gap in unemployment rates nition47, see Figure 21). According to the INEC has decreased since the 1990s, especially definition48 of informality, female workers have since the early 2000s.Unemployment rates have fluctuated for both men and women over 47 SEDLAC definition: An individual is considered an informal the last two decades. However, they have al- worker if (s)he belongs to any of the following categories: (i) unskilled self-employed, (ii) salaried worker in a small ways been higher among the latter. The gen- private firm, (iii) zero-income worker. der gap in 2015 was not particularly large: It 48 INEC definition: percentage of employed people working in businesses that lack the Unique Registry of Contributors (RUC), which is the national identification number for 46 UN 2016 tributary obligations purposes. 41 Figure 21: Informality (share Figure 22: Informality (share of of workers in informal jobs, workers in informal jobs, INEC SEDLAC definition) definition) 70 80 60 60 50 40 40 30 20 20 10 0 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 0 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 Female- Rural Female - Urban Male-Rural Male - Urban Female Male Source: SEDLAC Source: ENEMDU, 2007-2017. reached the same informality levels in 2017 as (27 percent), and workers with disabilities (7 those observed at the beginning of the decade percent). Almost a fourth of total workers with - i.e. more than two-fifth of female workers have “good quality” jobs moved to informality: More an informal job. than half (54.9 percent) moved to a bad “quali- Indeed, the increased female participa- ty” job and 40.8 percent were underemployed. tion in the labor force observed after 2014 Women also tend to work for fewer came along increased rates of informality hours. Women work on average 6.3 hours less and underemployment. Higher female infor- than men per week, which may be an indication mality appears to be driven by a sharp increase of their over-representation in part-time jobs or in informality among women in rural areas. their higher likelihood to have particular types Indeed, gender gaps in informality are irrele- of more precarious contracts (e.g., occasion- vant in urban areas (see Figure 22). Mainly two al and temporary contracts). It must be noted groups of individuals obtained an informal job that the willingness to change jobs is however between 2015 and 2016: (1) those that were in- higher among men than women: In 2015, 19.8 active, and (2) those who switched from formal percent of men compared to 21.7 percent of to informal jobs. Housemaids accounted for 55 women expressed a desire to change jobs or percent of the first group, followed by students increase the amount of hours worked. Gender Gaps 42 in Ecuador an overview Figure 23: Share of employment by sector Construction Mining Transporte International organizations Electricity/water/gas Public administration Agriculture Real state Manufacturing Trade Financial services Other services Education Hotel and restaurants services Health/social services Domestic services 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% Men Women Source: ENEMDU 2017 Gender segregation is high in Ecuador share are “technicians and associate profes- with regards to categories and sectors of sionals” and “managers”. occupations. Almost 25 percent of employed Women are disproportionately repre- women are unpaid workers (in or outside the sented among the NEETS (ni-nis). Most of the household) or perform domestic chores, as population of young people who are neither compared to 6.6 percent of men performing working nor studying (ni-nis) is female; more unpaid work. In addition, women clearly domi- than 1 in 4 women ages 15-24 years old is in this nate in the sectors of “domestic service”, “health situation, compared to around 1 in 10 men in services and social work”, “hotel and restau- the same age group (see Figure 24, left-hand rants” and “education”, and “services; while the graph). Although this phenomenon can be representation of women in the traditionally observed in other countries in the region, the male-dominated sectors of construction, trans- share of female ni-nis is above the regional av- portation and manufacturing, and infrastruc- erage in Ecuador as compared to other Andean ture is rather low (see Figure 23). Interestingly, peers such as Bolivia, Chile or Peru (see Figure and most likely as a reflection of increased ed- 24, right-hand graph).49 The share of women ucation, there are more women than men per- forming “Professional” occupations; yet a lower 49 De Hoyos et al. 2016: http://www.bancomundial.org/es/to- pic/poverty/lac-equity-lab1/labor-markets/youth-outcomes 43 Figure 24: Ni-nis: share of youth (15-24) not enrolled in basic/superior education and out of work 35% 50 30% 40 25% 20% 30 15% 20 10% 10 5% 0% 0 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 Peru Uruguay* Chile Argentina* Costa Rica Brazil Paraguay Bolivia Colombia LAC Panama Ecuador Mexico El Salvador Honduras Guatemala Female Male Female Male Source: ENEMDU; World Bank: http://www.bancomundial.org/es /topic/poverty/lac-equity-lab1/labormarkets/youth-outcomes *urban ni-nis has sharply increased in the period 2012- remains low. Ecuador registers one of the 2014; one of the reasons for the discrepancies largest shares of women entrepreneurs in the by sex in this indicator in LAC is teenage preg- world; according to recent research based on nancy; in Ecuador about 20 percent of pregnan- Global Entrepreneurship Monitor data, in Ec- cies occur in women younger than 19.50 uador, as many as 31.9 percent of women are entrepreneurs.51 The gap in this regard between 3.3 men and women is also comparatively small.52 However, the participation of women in firms´ ENTREPRENEURSHIP management in Ecuador appears to be low. In AND ACCESS TO 2014 4 percent of employed men were manag- FINANCE ing a business, compared to only 1.7 percent of women.53 Female entrepreneurship is comparatively high in Ecuador, although the presence of 51 http://www.aston.ac.uk/news/releases/2017/july/surge- in-female-start-ups-narrows-enterprise-gap/ women in the management of companies 52 Rubio-Bañón et al. 2016 50 World Bank, 2016b 53 UN 2016 Gender Gaps 44 in Ecuador an overview Access to financial products including Figure 25: Female/male with an credit seems to be more limited for wom- account at a financial institution en. As an example, and although the percent- 60 age of women with an account in a financial 50 institution has increased between 2011 and 40 2014, it still remains low (See Figure 25). In 2014 30 only 40.8 percent of women had an account at 20 a financial institution compared to 51.9 per- 10 cent among men. Only 23 percent of business- 0 es headed by women had access to a credit in 2011 2014 2014.54 The share of male and female with an Female Male account is however not among the lowest in Source: WDI LAC (see Figure 26). Countries such as Argenti- na, Peru, Colombia or Mexico have much low- 54 UN 2016 Figure 26: Female/male with an account at a financial institution LAC Female - 2014 Male - 2014 MUS MUS SRB SRB CHN CHN MKD MKD BLR BLR CRI CRI ZAF ZAF RUS RUS LBN LBN DZA DZA NAM NAM BWA BWA KAZ KAZ ARG ARG BLZ BLZ ALB ALB PER PER GAB GAB TKM TKM 0,0 50,0 100,0 0,0 50,0 100,0 150,0 Source: WDI 45 Thus, the maid effect highlights that women on Figure 27: Labor income average earn less than men (Nopo 2012). (hourly wages in dollar) More recent analysis finds that in 2015, 3,5 men´s hourly wages on average were 14 3,0 percent higher than those of women. The 2,5 existing large gender gap in earnings has in- 2,0 creased over time: In 2003 the difference in 1,5 monthly income amounted to 10 percent (See 1,0 Figure 27). The country however ranks favorably 0,5 in this regard within the Global Gender Gap In- 0,0 dex of the World Economic Forum; among oth- 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 er measures, it has included in the legislation Female Male the prohibition of gender discrimination in re- Source: SEDLAC muneration. According to a 2013 study around half of the ethnic and gender wage differentials in Ecuador appears to be explained by differ- er shares of both men and women with an ac- ences in endowments, while the other half may count in a financial institution. be related to discrimination (unexplained).55 However, other sources indicate that the types 3.4 EARNINGS of occupations where women concentrate may also have an effect.56 The wage gap has become Women still have lower earnings than men wider in rural areas. in Ecuador. Ñopo, using data from the Survey on Employment, Unemployment, and Under- Indigenous and Afro-descendent women employmentfound that in 2007, the hourly gen- have much lower mean incomes; however, der wage gap was 7.4 percent, which was signifi- gender gaps are not substantially different cantly smaller than the indigenous earnings gap across ethnic groups. While the mean labor (44.9 percent). There are many factors behind income of white females increased by 52 per- the difference in earnings between men and cent over the 2007-2015 period, the increase for women. Nopo identified the existence of a large indigenous females was only half (26 percent), “maid effect” (presence of many indigenous and even smaller (21 percent) for Afro-Ecuador- women working as maids), which contrasts with 55 Canelas and Salazar 2013 56 http://www.banrep.gov.co/sites/default/files/eventos/ the “chief executive effect,” referring to the fact archivos/Gender_and_Ethnic_Wage_Gaps_in_LAC.pdf, that mostly men rather than women are CEOs. http://lup.lub.lu.se/luur/download?func=download- File&recordOId=3865295&fileOId=3865298 Gender Gaps 46 in Ecuador an overview Figure 28: Contributory pensions 40% 500 20% 250 0% 0 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 Male Female Male Female ian women. After 2015, however, due to the fall over-representation in informal work and the in oil prices, average hourly incomes dropped higher likelihood of discontinuity in their work- significantly among whites and mestizos, lead- ing lives, women in Ecuador have much lower ing to higher gender gaps among these groups access to contributory pensions: In 2017 only compared to Afro-Ecuadorians, and similar lev- 21.6 percent of women vis-à-vis 30.9 percent els to those observed among indigenous peo- of men had access to a contributory pension ples in 2017. in the country. This share has increased over the last decade, although a substantial decline 3.5 PENSIONS has been registered in 2016. Similarly, the real average earning from contributory pensions is Women have less access to contributo- much lower among women than men; the dif- ry pensions and much lower earnings from ference amounted to 18 percent in 2017 (see pensions in Ecuador. As a result of their low- Figure 28). er participation rates in the labor force, their 47 Gender Gaps 48 in Ecuador an overview CONCLUSIONS Main messages: • Ecuador has made progress in the development of an ade- quate legal and institutional framework for gender equality but enforcement of the respective legislation remains a cha- llenge at times. The country also stands out for the high level of female representation in political institutions but women from ethnic minorities remain poorly represented. • Women are also engaged in entrepreneurial activities to a lar- ger extent than in other – much developed – countries accor- ding to some sources, and have a comparatively high access to financial products – e.g., bank accounts. • According to existing (2011) information, gender-based vio- lence remains a pressing social issue; women still lack the adequate institutional support. In addition, Ecuador is the Andean country with the highest teenage pregnancy rate, and among the first ones in LAC. This phenomenon calls for parti- cular attention. • Important female disadvantages still exist among indigenous and Afro-descendent women, for instance with regards to se- xual and maternal health, and in educational attainment. • Female labor force participation rates remain lower than those of male, largely in connection with women bearing the brunt of unpaid domestic work and care tasks. The larger numbers of women in the labor market since 2014 have come along the increase in the representation of women in informal work. • Informality is a challenge in Ecuador, especially affecting women. Largely as a result of this, women´s access to con- 49 tributory pensions and their earnings from among younger population groups? Also, these benefits are much lower than those what is shaping these norms and what is of men. Women are also over-represented their impact on women´s internal drivers of among ni-nis. agency – e.g., aspirations? • Patriarchal social norms are prevalent • It would be necessary to better understand across different life spheres, underpinning the barriers that indigenous and Afro-des- the perpetuation of many of the gender gaps cendent women face to access appropria- identified. te health services and to stay in education, Knowledge gaps: learning from other LAC countries´ expe- riences in this regard. • It would be important to learn more about the types of problems that institutions face • Further analysis on what factors are behind in the effective development and implemen- the increase in FLFP in recent years, the dis- tation of gender equality policies. proportionate representation of women in informal work and among ni-nis, and the • There is no up-to-date official data available existing large wage gaps would also be very on the incidence of gender-based violence; helpful. this is a major information gap demanding attention. New data could help better un- • Although a large of women seem to be enga- derstand the factors that prevent women´s ged in entrepreneurial activities in Ecuador, access to institutional support, as well as fo- it would be useful to learn more about the cus particularly on refugee women. types of activities that these women carry out vis-à-vis men, and the existing gaps in • It would be interesting to assess progress access to resources, productivity and growth in the prevalence of traditional social nor- potential, among other aspects. What exp- ms and their associations with for instance lains the large share of women entrepreneu- high teenage pregnancy rates and violence rs in Ecuador compared to other countries? against women, or women´s constrained economic opportunity. Are norms changing Gender Gaps 50 in Ecuador an overview References AECID (Agencia Española de la Cooperación Internacional para el Desarrollo) (2017). Género y Desarrollo: Mas de una dé- cada de cooperación española por los derechos de las mujeres en Ecuador. Almeida-Sánchez (2017). Justicia económica y equidad de géne- ro en Ecuador. Friedrich Ebert Foundation. Canelas and Salazar (2013). Gender and Ethnicity in Bolivia, Ec- uador, and Guatemala. CEDAW (2015). Recommendations to the reports 8th and 9th. http://acnudh.org/comite-para-la-eliminacion-de-to- das-las-formas-de-discriminacion-contra-la-mujer-ce- daw-ecuador-2015/ Consejo Nacional para la Igualdad Intergeneracional. Agenda Nacional para la Igualdad Intergeneracional 2017-2021. Gomez et al. (2015). Vidas robadas: entre la omisión y la premed- itación Nopo (2012). New Century, Old Disparities: Gender and Ethnic Earnings Gaps in Latin America and the Caribbean. Quintana Zurita, Y. et al. (2014). LA VIOLENCIA DE GÉNERO CON- TRA LAS MUJERES EN EL ECUADOR: Análisis de los resulta- dos de la Encuesta Nacional sobre Relaciones Familiares y Violencia de Género contra las Mujeres Rubio Bañón, et al. (2016). Cultural factors and gender role in female entrepreneurship. Suma de Negocios Volume 7, Is- sue 15, January–June 2016, Pages 9-17 51 Teigner and Cuberes (2016). Aggregate Effects UN (2015). Trends in Contraceptive Use World- of Gender Gaps in the Labor Market: A wide 2015. Quantitative Estimate. Journal of Human UNHCR (2017). Venezuela Situation. Capital, 2016, vol. 10, no. 1. Wodon et al. (2017). Ending child marriage  : UNDP (2012). Participación Política y Liderazgo Child Marriage Laws and their Limita- de las Mujeres Indígenas en América Lati- tions. The World Bank, Save the Children, na Estudio de caso Ecuador. Children´s Investment Fund Foundation, UNFPA et al (2017). Costos de Omisión en Salud Global Partnership for Education. Sexual y Reproductiva en Ecuador.2021 World Bank (2011). Gender Issues in Ecuador, a UN Women (2013). Participación Política de Background Note. The World Bank. Mujeres Indígenas y Afrodescendientes: World Bank (2012). Teenage Pregnancy and Op- las experiencias de Bolivia, Colombia, Ec- portunities in LAC. The World Bank. uador, Guatemala, Nicaragua y Panamá. World Bank (2016). Women, Business and the UN Women (2016). Mujeres Ecuatorianas: Dos Law. The World Bank. Décadas de Cambios (1995-2015). World Bank (2016b). Gender Gaps 52 in Ecuador an overview Annex 1: The legal and institutional framework for gender equality in Ecuador Legal framework: International dimension Different international treaties - ratified and incorporated to the national legislation - operate as the framework for the integration of gender equality in government policies in Bolivia. The most relevant include: 1. The International Covenant for Civil and Political Rights, ratified in 1969, which established the commitment of the State to ensure that women and men enjoy equal political and civil rights. 2. The Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Dis- crimination against Women (CEDAW) and its Protocol were passed in 1980, and mandate that member states adopt the necessary measures to prevent, investigate and punish discri- mination against women. 3. The Inter-American Convention to Prevent, Sanction and Eradicate Violence against Women - Convención Belém Do 53 Pará57 - was approved in 1995, and recogni- 8. The Millennium Development Goals zes that gender based violence constitutes approved in 2000 and the Sustainable De- a serious violation of human rights that the velopment Goals approved in 2015. States need to prevent, punish and eradica- 9. The Action Framework of Dakar on educa- te. tion adopted in 2000. 4. The statute of Rome for the Internatio- 10. Inter-American program on the promo- nal Court approved in 2002 recognizes any tion of the human rights of women and sexual aggression and trafficking as crimes gender equality and equity adopted in against humanity. 2000 (OEA). 5. The UN Convention against Organized 11. The Mexico Consensus59 adopted in 2004. Crime approved in 2001 establishes the obligation of States to assist and protect the 12. The Quito Consensus60, adopted in 2007. victims of trafficking. 13. The Brasilia Consensus61, adopted in 2010. 6. ILO Conventions – Convention 100 on equality of remuneration, 111 on discrimi- nation, 156 on workers with family respon- 59 Regional Consensus adopted after the Ninth Regional sibilities, 183 on the protection of maternity Conference on Women in Latin America and the Caribbean and 189 on domestic workers. held in Mexico City in June 2004. The governments of the region renewed their commitment to continue adopting Other international commitments are: measures aimed at the advancement of women´s rights, incorporating a gender perspective into public policies, adopting proactive policies for job creation, recognizing 7. The Beijing Platform for Action58 adopted the economic value of domestic work, guaranteeing sexual in 1995 and the new related measures adop- and reproductive rights, curtailing violence against wom- en, or addressing HIV/AIDS, among others. ted in 2000. 60 The Consensus followed the Tenth Regional Confer- ence on Women in Latin America and the Caribbean held in Quito, Ecuador, in August 2007. The Consen- 57 The Belém do Pará Convention entered into force on sus focused on two strategic issues: i) political par- March 5, 1995 and was the world’s first binding interna- ticipation and gender parity in decision-making at tional treaty to recognize that violence against wom- all levels, and ii) the contribution of women to the en constitutes a violation of human rights. As a legally binding treaty, the Belém do Pará Convention not only economy and social protection, especially in relation condemns violence against women as an assault on to unpaid work. Representative governments estab- human dignity but also outlines states’ obligations to elim- lished specific measures to overcome gender dis- inate it. crimination in political participation, employment, 58 The Beijing Platform for Action, adopted at the UN’s education, health and the economy. Fourth World Conference on Women (Beijing, China, 1995), 61 Government leaders agreed to facilitate women’s access flagged 12 key areas where urgent action was needed to new technologies, promote a democratic and non-dis- to ensure greater equality and opportunities for women criminatory media, improve health and sexual and repro- and men, girls and boys. It also laid out concrete ways for ductive rights of women, and promote international and countries to bring about change. regional cooperation for gender equity. Gender Gaps 54 in Ecuador an overview Legal framework: National to retirement, widowhood, and disability pensions. dimension • Law reforming Social Insurance regulation The main norms that guarantee the right 2010 - mothers will have the right to the ne- to equality between men and women in- cessary medical assistance over the preg- clude62: nancy, delivery and post-delivery. • The Constitution (2008) - recognizes the ri- • Law on electoral process and political orga- ght to equality and non-discrimination ba- nizations 2009 - establishes the equal repre- sed on sex. In several of its dispositions the sentation of women in all candidates’ lists constitutions makes references to gender (50 percent quota) and in party directive bo- equality, across relevant areas such as em- dies (the Constitution already established a ployment or education. 20 percent quota, further extended by law in • Law on labor protection 1997 - establishes 2000 to 45 percent). the obligation to hire a minimum share of • Reform to the Criminal Code 2014 - inclu- female workers (20 percent) in public insti- ding the crime of femicide as the murder of tutions. a woman based on her sex. • The Labor Code reformed in 2009 - establi- • Regulation (Decreto Ejecutivo 620) to eradi- shes the paternity leave and benefit (10 days cate violence against girls, boys, teenagers + 5 in cases of multiple deliveries). and adult women 2007 - establishes the • Law on the promotion of youth employ- obligation of the State to guarantee the right ment, the regulation of working times and to personal integrity, prohibiting any form of unemployment insurance, 2016 - labor mar- degrading procedure or those entailing any ket reforms include the extension of mater- form of violence and to develop the neces- nal or paternal leave to nine months without sary measures to prevent and sanction vio- remuneration. lence. • Law on labor justice and recognizing house • Law 103 on Violence against women and in work, reforming the Labor Code and related the family 1995 - aims to protect the physical norms, 2015 - recognizes non-remunerated and psychological integrity and sexual free- household work, incorporating women de- dom of women and other members of the dicated to such chores in the social insuran- family, preventing and sanctioning intra-fa- ce system, guaranteeing the right of women mily violence. • Law that reforms the Criminal Code (1998) 62 Observatorio de Igualdad de Género CEPAL 55 to include the crime of sexual harassment Policies: in the education and labor market spheres - The main policy in this area is the Nation- only LAC country that considers it as a crime. al Agenda for Women and Gender Equality • Criminal Code 2014 (arts. 147-150) - allows 2014-2017. The Agenda proposes interven- abortion in cases of danger for the mother tions to overcome gender gaps. The objective or when the pregnancy is the result of rape is to transform discriminatory social relation- and the mother is a person with disabilities. ships, moving towards a State that guarantees • Law on Communication 2013 - prohibits dis- real or substantive equality. This agenda is part criminatory contents and sanctions discri- of the Good Living National Plan, which among mination based on gender identity and sex. other objectives aims to promote equity and in- clusion within diversity. The main pillars of the • The Judiciary function Code 2009 - establi- Agenda are outlined in Figure29 below. shes the creation of specialized justice insti- tutions for cases of gender violence. • Reform of the Civil Code in 2016 - raised the Figure 29: The pillars of the National Agenda for Women legal minimum age for marriage from 12 for and Gender Equality 2014-2017 girls and 14 for boys, to 18 for both without exception. • First: Reproductive rights and the sus- • Agenda Nacional para la Igualdad Interge- tainability of life neracional 2017-2021-guarantees rights of • Second: A life free of violence all citizens and protects them from violence • Third: Education and knowledge and discrimination throughout their lives, with a focus on girls and boys, adolescents, • Fourth: Health youth, and the elderly.63 • Five: Sports and spare time • Six: Culture, communication and the arts • Seven: Production and employment • Eight: Environment • Nine: Power and decision making 63 Consejo Nacional para la Igualdad Intergeneracional, https://www.igualdad.gob.ec/wp-content/uploads/down- loads/2018/03/anii2017_2021_1_2_2018.pdf Gender Gaps 56 in Ecuador an overview 57