TWUDR File No: 15462 Environmentally Sustainable Development Publications ESD Proceedings Series I Citidture(and Devehpclinent in Africa: Proceedings of an hiteriational Conifercince (Also in French) 2 Vainiirg t[e Environlcn,wt:Proceeding,sof tilt l'irst Annuiiial Internaltio1nal Con ferejic oni EnvironuincitallYSuistainbldcDevelopment 3 Overcoining GlolbalHiing'er:ProceetdingsofJaConference on Actionis to ReduiceHl- iuier Worltdzvitie 4 Traditional Knowclgc ie Developinent: Proceediingsof a Conferenice and Siustainalle? 5 Tlhe, Himian Faceof tilet Urban Environnmcnt: A Report to thleDecvloptnent Conumnunitly 6 Huiiimia Thec Faceot the Urbn Envoironment: of tit' Second A uiifnual P'rocecdlin'gs World BanlkConference oniEnvzlironmlentailll Suistainalelc Developinnet 7 The Biusilcsssof SuistainalieCities: Puiblic-PrizatePartniershipsfor CreatizveTechlnical (711(stiStitlitlltill Solutiolns 8 Enabling Suistainable Comnininity, Decelopmnent 9 Sustainal7e FiiniacinlgMtcchonisins for-Coral Reef ConserVatiOln: ProCCCedilngS of a Workshiopl ESD Studies and Monographs Series (formerly Occasional Paper Series) 1 TlheConitr-ibiutioni of People's Participation: Evidence fromn121 RuranlWater Supply Projects 2 DevelopmnentSuistainablc: Miakinig FroniiCoancepts to Actionz 3 Sociology, An thropology, aynid Developmnent: AnlnlotatcdBibliographyi Ami of Worldl Bank Publications 1975-1993 4 Tilt' World Bank's Strateg,X for Reduicing Pov'rty/ andt Huntiger: A Report to tile Deve1opmnent Comminunity, 5 SuIstaillalilitiy, amldtIlC WealtIh of Natiosi: First Steps in an Ontgoin,gJoUrne'il (forthcoming) 6 Developmnent Anithropologyi: Tlie 1995 Malinowski AUwardLectlre Social OrganiZation andit1 7 Cotnfronting Crisis: A SuminmariVof Hoslseiold Responstcs to Pozvrty antidVudinrab7iliti/ il Foutr Poor LUrlan Conimmunitites (Also in French, forthcominig, and in Spanish) Related ESD Publications Monitoring Enz'ironmnemital Progress:A Report oni Work il Progress Nu-rtliring Developinen t: Aid and Coopteratioll inl Todayll's Chalngilig World Toward SUstaimlabiC' t Of Wtater Rc'sourccs MaMlngCCl'm Waterf SU )uph, Sanlitation, a(Id Elviromlmnental Suistainl7ilit Y: Tlic Fillalncinlg ChlallemglgC Tlte World BamikParticil7tioll Sourceblook Confronting Crisis A Summary Responses ofHousehold and toPoverty Vulnerability in Four Urban Poor Communities Caroline 0. N. Moser ESD EnvironmentallySustainableDevelopmentStudies and MonographsSeriesNo. 7 ESD The World Bank, Washington, D.C. © 1996The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/THEWORLD BANK 1818 H Street, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20433, U.S.A. All rights reserved Manufactured in the United States of America First printing March 1996 This report has been prepared by the staff of the World Bank. The judgments expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of the Board of ExecutiveDirectors or the governments they represent. Cover photographs by Brian Moser/The Hutchison Library,London. Front: Family members assemble on the bamboo catwalk entrance to their house in Cisne Dos, Guayaquil, Ecuador. Back:An example of a home-based industry-a tailor and his young daughter work together in Cisne Dos, Guayaquil, Ecuador. Caroline 0. N. Moser is a senior urban social policy specialist in the Transportation, Water, and Urban Development Department of the World Bank. Libraryof Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Moser, Caroline 0. N. Confronting crisis: a summary of household responses to poverty and vulnerability in four poor urban communities / Caroline Moser. p. cm. - (Environmentally sustainable development studies and monographs series; no. 7) ISBN 0-8213-3561-8 1. Urban poor-Case studies. 2. Urban poor-Housing-Case studies. 3. Informal sector (Economics)-Case studies. I. Title. II. Series. HV4028.M68 1996 362.5'09173'2-dc2O 96-9 CIP Contents Foreword v Acknowledgments viii Introduction 1 Assetsas a BufferagainstVulnerability 1 Selecting for the Study PoorCommunities 2 Respond HowHouseholds to Adversity 3 Prioritiesfor Action 16 for Strengthening Tools theAssetsof the Poor 17 Further For Reading 19 Boxes 1. Key features of the four communities 4 2. Boys' strategies for balancing work and school in Cisne Dos 6 3. Girls' strategies for balancing work and school in Cisne Dos 6 4. Constraints of poor access to water in Chawama 8 5. The intergenerational housing strategy of the Gonzalez family in Cisne Dos 9 6. Avoiding poverty as a "hidden" female head of household in Cisne Dos 11 7. Structuring households to maintain eligibility for state benefits in Angyalfold 12 8. Increasing crime and violence in the research communities 15 Figures 1. The most common response to declining household income is for women to go to work 5 2. Poor households consistently pay more of their income for services 8 3. The number of extended households has been steadily increasing 11 4. Women average more time working than men 13 Tables 1. Asset vulnerability matrix: potential indicators of increasing and decreasing vulnerability for the individual, household, and community 3 2. Asset vulnerability in the four research communities: outcomes and potential solutions 18 111 Foreword Poverty statistics are people with the 2. Where the improvements in social tears wiped off. This booklet describes a and economic infrastructure of the study that forces analysts to look beneath 1970s have not been maintained the statistics-to recognize the real mis- through the 1980s and into the ery of the poor and to appreciate the grit, 1990s, there have been implica- the courage, and the determination that tions for the ability of poor statistics Povery are they bring to the endless challenge of sur- households-less able to substi- vival. It restores the reality that we all tute private for public services-to people withthetears know, yet that is conveniently airbrushed eam incomes. wipedoff away when we talk in the averages of 3. Housing is an important produc- macroeconomic statistics. The study is tive asset that can cushion house- rich in qualitative micro-level detail, com- holds against severe poverty, and plementing the quantitative detail so land market regulation can either prevalent in the poverty analyses that the create opportunities to diversify its World Bank undertakes. This booklet use or foreclose them. captures the individual in a series of 4. Changes in household structure to thumbnail sketches in boxes throughout strengthen family support net- the text. Just as World Development works are both a result of vulnera- Report 1990: Poverty used that device to biity and a strategy to reduce humanize its statistical portraits of pover- vulnerability. ty, these concrete examples show differ- 5. Strategies to reduce vulnerability ent aspects of the life of the poor, sometimes impose unequal bur- bringing to life the multifaceted reality of dens on household members. their struggle for existence. Women, because of their multiple The study analyzed four urban com- responsibilities, have frequently munities in four very different regions: assumed a disproportionate share Chawama, in Lusaka, Zambia; Cisne of the burden of adjusting to Dos, in Guayaquil, Ecuador; Common- adverse economic circumstances, wealth, in Metro Manila, the Philippines; thus limitingtheir ability to respond and Angyalfold, in Budapest, Hungary. to new opportunities. Although these four case studies 6. The pressures of economic crisis revealed interesting contrasts, they also can exert opposing forces on social showed important similarities, distilled capital-both strengthening it, as in six key findings: reciprocity networks are increas- 1.With labor the poor's greatest asset, ingly called into play, and eroding 1. Wit laborthe por's geatestasset it, as households' ability to cope a frequent response by poor house- dterioraesoad comuity trust holds to declining real income is to mobilize additional labor-princi- breaks down. pally women's labor, but in the The findings of the study are impor- poorest households even children's tant. They show that a community's abil- labor. ity to cope with the stress of economic v difficulties is largely affected by its mate- structure needs may support house- rial well-being, as expected. But they also holds' efforts better than short-term show that a community's coping ability is transfers. And since many extended influenced by its social capital-the trust, households include "hidden" female reciprocal arrangements, and social net- heads of household, means are booklet This forces works linking people in the community. needed to target these women and tolook analysts Up to a certain point increased pressure their children directly. will increase social capital by bringing 2. Strengthen the asset base of the beneath the into play more of the reciprocal arrange- poor (beyond human capital) and statistics- ments and by strengthening the networks. the return to these assets. Interven- recognize to the real But when the pressure reaches a certain tions should address the priorities torecogmze thereal threshold-one that is unique to each that the communities themselves misery of thepoor community-the networks become over- identify. These priorities often andtoappreciate whelmed and the social systems break include electricity, public safety, down. This societal (and household) legal title to homes, and water and grit,courage, breakdown has disastrous consequences their sanitation. anddeterminationfor the poor and even more disastrous- 3. Remove obstacles to women's par- though still unknown-consequences for ticipation in gainful employment or the next generation. self-employment, to help them Not surprisingly, the study's findings cope better with their multiple bring out the role of women in vivid responsibilities. This means finding relief. Women are the victims and the out their priorities for childcare and heroines of the tragedy of poverty. Even accessible water and health ser- more than men, women suffer the con- vices and designing interventions sequences of failure. And they are far accordingly. more frequently the ones behind the res- 4. Ensure that social capital is not olute defense against-and successful taken for granted. Social capital is reversals of-the downward spiral of the key to communities' ability to misery. Their networks are therefore cope with economic crises and extremely important as a defense against reverse the downward spiral of increased vulnerability and as a basis for misery. It needs to be strengthened action to overcome the conditions of by, for example, improving trust extreme poverty. between communities and the gov- Although the recommendations of ermnent and giving greater value the study may not be revolutionary, they to volunteer community work. are important reminders of what must be 5. Undertake more proactive, partici- done if policies to reduce vulnerability patory social policy research on and poverty are to mobilize the poten- social capital. Key questions for tial of the poor and generate the follow-up research to address community-based actions that make the include these: How is social capi- difference at the grassroots. Among tal strengthened by being used? these recommendations: When does it become over- whelmed and break down? And 1. Recognize the household, especial- howecan break aoided? ly the extended household, as a basic safety net. Long-termsupport An equally noteworthy aspect of this for the community's basic infra- study is that the principal investigator, vi Caroline Moser, involved many other This study provides a rich addition to participants, including some sixty pro- our understanding of the mechanics of fessionals. Given the value of local community renewal in the face of ownership of community-focused challenge and of community breakdown poverty studies, local researchers were under economic stress. It shows how the the most important participants. In each social and the economic interact in every- study This enriches country local women's research organi- day life. They cannot be separated. They oUr understanding zations or research groups undertook are like inhaling and exhaling in the fieldwork in collaboration with a World process of breathing. This deeper under- ofthe mechanics Bank research team that included standing should serve us well in the effort of community renewal sociologists, anthropologists, econo- to design better ways of reaching and ih c mists, and statisticians. Community res- empowering the poor. Real progress lies In thefaceof idents and local teachers helped collect in empowering the poor, the weak, and breakdown under field data, and local staff with comput- the vulnerable to become the producers ing skills performed data entry and of their own welfare rather than the recip- stress economic processing. ients of charity or the beneficiaries of aid. Ismail Serageldin Vice President Entironmentally Sustainable Development vii Acknowledgments This booklet presents the principal find- Angela Vinneza, and Lucia Zavala, all res- ings of an extensive research project, idents of Cisne Dos. Urban Poverty and Social Policy in the Diane Elson, Alison Scott, Amartya Context of Adjustment, undertaken in the Sen, and Richard Webb served as exter- Urban Development Division of the nal advisers to the project, and Hans World Bank under the direction of Louis Binswanger, David de Ferranti, Ravi Pouliquen, Anthony Pellegrini, Michael Kanbur, and Joanne Salop as internal Cohen, and Patricia Annez. The project World Bank reviewers. Review from a was a collaborative effort involving regional perspective was provided by researchers in the four case study coun- World Bank colleagues Christine Allison, tries and many World Bank staff and con- Mark Blackden, Geoffrey Gutman, Jesko sultants, whose contributions have been Hentschel, Erika Jorgensen, Steven both considerable and significant. Jorgensen, Elizabeth Morris-Hughes, World Bank consultants Helen Garcia, Helena Ribe, Maryam Salim,and Eduardo Michael Gatehouse, Alicia Herbert, Somensatto. Jeremy Holland, Roza Makonnen, Cathy Additional comments were provided Mcllwaine, and Cecelia Zanetta provided by Gloria Davis, Alison Evans, Paul valuable inputs at different stages in the Francis, Vijay Jagannathan, Christine project. Kessides, Peter Lanjouw, and Andrew Local teams that undertook the field- Norton of the World Bank. In the Urban work in each case study country Development Division support and contributed invaluable primary data. The comments were provided by Robert Zambian research team consisted of Buckley, Fitz Ford, Christiaan Grootaert, Sophie Kasonde-N'gandu, Robie Kyu Sik Lee, Steve Mayo, and Mary Siamwiza, Anne Sikwibele, and Irene McNeil. Consultations were also held Sinyangwe of the University of Zambia. with groups headed by Lawrence The Philippine research team was made Haddad at the International Food Policy up of Carolyn Medel-Aiionuevo, Research Institute, Myra Buvinic at the Gertrudes Ranjo-Libang, and Roselle International Center for Research on Riviera of the Center for Women's Women, and Judith Tendler at the Resources. On the Hungarian research Massachusetts Institute of Technology. team were Zsuzsa Horvath, Maria Financial support for the project was Nemenyi, and Julia Szalai of the Institute provided by the Netherlands Ministry of of Sociology, Hungarian Academy of Development Cooperation, UNICEF,the Sciences, andJudit Salamin of the Central Swedish International Development Statistics Office. The research team Authority, the United Nations Develop- undertaking the fieldwork in Cisne Dos, ment Programme, the United Nations Ecuador, consisted of Caroline Moser; Centre for Human Settlements (HABI- Bank consultants AliciaHerbert and Peter TAT)/World Bank Urban Management Sollis; and Carmita Narboa, Josefina Program, and the World Bank. Richard Tomala, Emma Torres, Anna Rosa Vera, Jolly and Theo Kolstee played a signifi- viii cant role in ensuring support for the pro- Tania Hollestelle, and Julie Harris in the ject. Finally, very special thanks are due production, and Alison Strong, Alicia to Ismail Serageldin, Michael Cohen, Hetzner, and Virginia Hitchcock in the Louis Pouliquen, and Peter Sollis for sup- editing, of this booklet. Tomoko Hirata porting this project through completion. designed the cover. Thanks also are due to Mary Abuzeid, ix Crisis Confronting A Summary Responses ofHousehold and toPoverty Vulnerability inFour Urban Poor Communities Introduction Three features distinguish the study from other poverty studies: a micro-level How do poor households respond when approach combining households and incomes decline, jobs are increasingly communities as the main units of scarce, and spending on food and ser- analysis, an unusually long period of vices increases? Some households are observation for some communities and more vulnerable than others, and not all households, and a comparative frame- cope equally well. As governments and work offering four cases with very differ- donors grapple with the problems of ent economic development levels and poverty in countries experiencing eco- institutional contexts. Howdopoor nomic difficulties, understanding how The strength of a comparative com- respond households the poor respond to economic crisis has munity study is its capacity to expose become increasingly important. This behavioral responses within households, when decline, incomes understanding can help ensure that inter- between households, and within the areincreasingly jobs ventions aimed at reducing poverty com- community. Such studies complement plement and strengthen people's own research focusing on individuals as dis- andspending scarce, inventive solutions rather than substitute crete decisionmakers in product and labor onfood services and for or block them. markets by highlighting how formal and increases? This booklet summarizes the main informal social institutions foster or limit findings of a comparative study of four the capacity of households to adjust to poor urban communities in countries external constraints in different contexts. experiencing economic difficultiesduring the 1980s: Chawama, in Lusaka, Zambia; asa Buffer Assets Cisne Dos, in Guayaquil, Ecuador; Vulnerability against Commonwealth, in Metro Manila, the Philippines; and Angyalfold,in Budapest, The study used income measures to iden- Hungary. The study explored how poor tify poverty and inequality in the four households respond to changes in eco- urban communities. But it also recognized nomic circumstances and labor market the inadequacy of identifying poverty pri- conditions-or, in the words of a 1995 marily by income or expenditure levels World Bank report, "how the impact has and the importance of recognizing its been felt on the ground." multifaceted nature. The capabilities of The poor always face harsh condi- individuals and households are deeply tions, but economic stress and decline influenced by factors ranging from intensify adversity. The study looked at prospects for earning a living to depriva- how poor households adjust to a deterio- tion and exclusion. These factors indude rating situation, what strategies they adopt people's basic needs, such as employ- to limit the impact of shocks and generate ment at reasonable wages and health and additional resources, and what constraints education facilities. They also indude the impede their actions. The results show socially generated sense of helplessness that the four communities cope in remark- that often accompanies economic crisis- ably similar (and dissimilar) ways. what Amartya Sen in his 1985 discussion For a full description of the study, see Caroline 0. N. Moser, Confronting Crisis: A Comparative Study of Household Responses in Four Poor Urban Communities, Environmentally Sustainable Development Studies and Monographs Series No. 8 (Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 1996). of human capabilities called the 'politics incomes, high consumer prices, and of hope and despair"-with its associat- inadequate or unreliable economic and ed social crime rates. social infrastructure. But to withstand To capture the many aspects of chang- sudden economic shocks or longer-term ing socioeconomic well-being, the study economic crises, households must be incorporated the concept of vulnerability: able to survive such periods without irre- the insecurity of the well-being of indi- versible damage to the productive capac- viduals, households, or communities in ity of their members and to their net asset the face of a changing environment. position. When asset bases become so Themore assets Environmental changes threatening wel- depleted that even an upturn in the econ- have, people theless fare can be ecological, economic, social, omy cannot reverse the damage, house- or political, and they can take the form of holds are extremely vulnerable. they vulnerable are. sudden shocks, long-term trends, or sea- The ability of households to avoid or Andthegreaterthe sonal cycles. With these changes often reduce vulnerability and to increase eco- come increasing risk and uncertainty and nomic productivity depends not only on oftheir erosion assets, dedining self-respect. Because people their initial assets, but also on their abili- thegreater their move into and out of poverty, vulnerabil- ty to transform those assets into income, insecurity ity better captures processes of change than more static measures of poverty. food, or other basic necessities effective- ly. Assets can be transformed in two dis- Analyzingvulnerability involves iden- tinct ways: through the intensification of tifying not only the threat, but also the existing strategies and through the devel- "resilience" in exploiting opportunities opment of new or diversified strategies. and in resisting or recovering from the How-and how effectively-assets are negative effects of the changing environ- used and what strategies are adopted to ment. The means of resistance are the cope with economic stress are determined assets that individuals, households, or by household, intrahousehold, and com- communities can mobilize in the face of munity factors. At the household level hardship. Thus vulnerability is dosely intemal life-cyde events that affect the linked to asset ownership. The more structure and composition of house- assets people have, the less vulnerable holds-birth, death, marriage-can affect they are. And the greater the erosion of their ability to respond to extemal their assets, the greater their insecurity. changes. Within the household asymme- To help in assessing vulnerability, the tries in rights and obligationson the basis study developed a simple classificationof of gender and age translate into differences assets, both tangible and intangible: labor, in ability to cope with economic difficul- human capital, productive assets (an ties. The community's capacity to respond important one for the poor is housing), to changes in the extemal environment household relations, and social capital. may depend on its stock of social capital- Changes in the environment can strength- the trust, norms, and reciprocity networks en these assets or erode them. The study embedded in social organizations. mapped out factors that can affect each of the assets on an asset vulnerability matrix Poor Selecting Communities to identify indicators of increasing and fortheStudy decreasing vulnerability (table 1). The poor have always had strategies The countries chosen for case studies vary for the day-to-day coping with low in geographical location, historicalexperi- 2 Crisis: Confronting Table1. Asset matrix: vulnerability potential indicators ofincreasingand vulnerability decreasing household, fortheindividual, andcommunity ofvulnerability Type ofincreasing Indicator vulnerability ofdecreasing Indicator vulnerability Individual Labor * Loss job of permanent * Increase inhouseholdmembers working,especially insecure * Decline wage employment women inshort-term, * Increase casual, minimum wage employment * Increase inhome-based enterprises * Acquisition disability ofphysical injobs * Increase byindividual held workers capital Human inaccess * Decline ofsocial to orquality oreconomicinfrastructure * Substitution forpublic of private such services, as inschool * Decline orincrease attendance rate inthedropout waterpumps,private care, health and education private inhealth * Decline attendance clinic Household Housing perception * Increased of eviction of threat of tenure * Resolution insecurity * Deteriorationinhousingstock of plotforintergenerational * Use 'nesting' * Highlevel ofovercrowding relations Household * Erosionof householdasasocial unitdue to change extension * Household increases that theratio instructure, breakdown, marital households orsplit tononeamers of eamers * Household thatreduces extension theratio of earners * Sharing ofchildcare. and cooking, space to noneamers-especially theadditionof 'hidden' indomestic * Reduction violence femalehousehold heads of women * Inability tobalance responsibilities multiple and communitV participation * Olderdaughters undertakingchildcare lacking * Elderly caregiver * Increaseindomestic violence community capital Social personal * Increasing insecurity inpublic places solutions * Community-based to crime ininterhousehold * Decline reciprocity reciprocity * Interhousehold of community-level * Erosion organization community-based * Active organizations ence of govemance, resource base, eco- were "marginal" areas, originally settled nomic development path, and per capita through "invasion" or "squatting." They income. The one nondeveloping country underwent a complex process of consol- chosen, Hungary,was included to identify idation during the 1970s and early 1980s strategies in a transition economy, but in which makeshift housing was trans- Angyalfbldwas largely excluded from the formed into permanent structures and res- comparative analysis. The case study idents gradually gained access to services countries have in common a decade of (box 1). At the same tirne considerable economic difficultiesin the 1980swhen all intemal socioeconomic differentiation endured high inflation and lower-than- occurred as some households prospered average or declining per capita income. more than others. Because of the study's urban focus, coun- tries were chosen that have increasing How Households to Adversity Respond rates of urbanization and in which more than 40 percent of the population lives in Changes in prices, wages, and public urban areas. spending during periods of economic In the cities chosen, communities difficulty can increase hardship for poor were selected in "typical" poor areas. In urban households. In Chawama and the late 1970s these areas were character- Cisne Dos, for which trend data exist, real isticallyinhabited by young, aspiring low- per capita income declined between 1978 income populations. All but Angyalfbld and 1992-dramatically in Chawama. ofHousehold A Summary to Poverty Responses andVulnerability in Four Urban Poor Communities 3 ture the complex range of social and eco- ofthefourcommunities Box1. Keyfeatures nomic factors that affect the poor, or the Chawama lies about 8 kilometers from the central business districtof Lusaka, diversity of the responses of the poor to Zambia. Initiallya farming area, it was leased to companies for quarrying in economic difficulty. Individuals, house- the 1940s.Workerswere housed in makeshiftstructuresnear the quarries and holds, and communities are not passive allowed to remain as tenants after quarrying ceased in 1961. The communi- ty was incorporated in the cityin 1970,and in 1974-78squatters were leased plots to build houses or given permits to remain where they were, while Households respond to declining home owners were given thirty-year occupancy permits. The government income by adopting a three-pronged introduced public services in Chawama in the late 1970s, but has failed to "expenditure-minimizing" strategy: cut- maintain them adequately.The formal sector, despite a contraction in recent years, still provided work for almost two-thirds of Chawama's working men tig total spending, changing dietary in 1992.But almost half the workforce earned income from self-employment, habits, and cutting back on purchases of mostly in market trading. nonessential goods. A third to a half of CisneDos was established in the 1970son the periphery of Guayaquil, women in Chawama, Cisne Dos, and Ecuador, by young, upwardly mobile families that moved from city rental r , housing to acquire small plots in the settlement, mostly by invasion. Commonwealth reported a decline in Community-basedorganizations have long been active in the community household consumption of seven staple and, supported by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs),have provided items. In Cisne Dos parents reduced daily services, small enterprise support, and vocational training. In recent years, handouts for school snacks, a strategy that however, the community's social and economic infrastructurehas deterio- rated. In 1992more than half the employed male workers worked in the for- caused a particular stigma because it mal wage sector, largelytransport and industry.Women'semployment, which admitted poverty. In Chawama and grew dramaticallyin 1978-92,is largely in informal sector sales and services. Commonwealth adults walked to work Commonwealthwas established in the early 1960son a garbage dump on rather than taking motorized transport. In the outskirts of Metro Manila in the Philippines. Its first settlers were scav- engers. In 1975, after intense effort, the community gained the status of a Angyalfold women changed menus by barangay, a basic political unit. Yet the local government continued to dis- shifting to poorer-quality or cheaper food. courage settlement, and its eviction threats persisted until 1987.A local NGO Households strive to maintain their was key in averting eviction. Although the community has been gradually upgraded, the insecurity has deterred investmentin housing and communi- living standards not only by reducing ty mobilizationfor improved infrastructure.Access to water was provided in expenditure but also by protecting exist- 1978,but cut off in 1984because of unpaid bills. Government-suppliedelec- ing income and by developing strategies tricityreached the area in 1982.Other public services are poor and irregular, around assets that generate important and the communityrelies largelyon privateschools and health centers.Much of the workforce is employed in the informal sector-where some workers nonmonetary resources. These deliberate earn good incomes-and a third of households earn at least half their income choices can cushion households against from home-based enterprises. external shocks. But in the adjustment Angyalfdld, in Budapest, Hungary, has been formally recognized since the second half of the 1800s, when it was established to accommodate process there are both winers and workers in the rapidly expanding industrial sector. Most of the population losers. Although adjustments by poor today lives in subsidized public housing, relying on a crumbling, century- households can reduce their vulnerabili- old infrastructure. There is little community-based activity. In 1992 almost ty and prevent increased impoverishment two-thirds of workers were employed in the public sector, less than a third worked in the private sector, and about 5 percent were self-employed. during economic crises, not all house- Dependence on state provision has meant that some households have holds are able to adjust to the same become more vulnerable than others during Hungary's transition to a extent, and these strategies can have market-oriented system... market-oriented_________________________system.____________ unanticipated negative effects on equali- ty within households, on family integrity, Households in both communities, on and on social cohesion. average, were worse off in 1992 than a The following sections describe six decade earlier. key findings of the study, revealing what Income trend data provide an impor- happens when the poor can use their tant starting point, but they paint only a assets effectively and what happens partial picture. Income data cannot cap- when their assets are eroded or depleted. 4 Crisis: Confronting asanAsset Labor Figure1. The mostcommon response household todeclining income isforwomen togotowork Finding 1: With labor thepoor's (percentage of womenin the 1978-92) workforce, greatest asset, a frequent response 50 - by poor households to declining _ real income is to mobilize additional labor-principally 40r- women's labor, but in the poorest ^ households even children's labor 30- Achanging labor market has been a major ,, " -;; Cmmonwealth o source of vulnerability in all four research , communities. Restructuring in the formal Chawama -' sector and increased competition in the - ' informal sector have both contributed to ,- dedines in household income. As house- holds become poorer, the most important response has been for women to join the 0 labor force. Between 1978 and 1992 the 1978 1988 1992 share of women working increased most There Note: arenotrend data forAngyalfdld. inthisbooklet Allthefigures are on based dramatically in Chawama, where it rose sample surveysof datafromrandom from 9 percent to 34 percent; in Cisne Dos more difficult to measure because it is about conducted 200households ofthe study ineach aspart communi- ofthefour it went from 32 percent to 46 percent (fig- often "hidden"-intentionally, because that showtrenddata also ties. Figures ure 1). In Commonwealth the proportion of the stigma of keeping children out of drawon a paneldatabaseconstructed using ofsimilar theresults surveys. of women working increased from 22 school, or unintentionally, when chil- percent to 37 percent in just four years dren work in household enterprises. But (1988-92). cumulative evidence shows that the Women's contribution to household poorest households, those in which income varies, depending on their oppor- adult workers are unable to earn enough tunities and on their constraints-their to keep the family afloat, are the most education levels and their need to balance likely to send children out to work. For employment with multiple household these households the goal is not to keep responsibilities. The vast majority of themselves out of poverty, but simply to women in the three developing country reduce their vulnerability. Boys are more communities work in petty trade and ser- likely to earn income directly, while girls vices in the informal sector, as domestic tend to assist indirectly, taking on child- servants, laundresses, street sellers, or care responsibilities to release other scavengers. These women are forced by household members-principally their desperation to enter competitive, dead- mothers-to work. Both boys and girls end occupations with low pay and long help in home-based enterprises. hours. In all three communities in 1992 Children who work do not necessarily women working in the informal sector drop out of school; girls often dovetail earned less than men, and the earnings school with their childcare responsibili- gap was greater than in the formal sector. ties and boys with work (boxes 2 and 3). Children have also joined the labor The entry of women and children into force, although their employment is the labor market in growing numbers has ofHousehold A Summary toPoverty Responses andVulnerability in Four Urban Poor Communities 5 women contributed just under half of Box strategies 2 Boys' forbalancing workand inCisne school Dos household earnings in all income groups. Jorge, aged fourteen and in his last year of primary school, attends the mom- Men's employment has declined 'ome- ing shiftso thathe can help his father sell cooked fish in the afternoon, when what in Chawarna, however, because business is at its peak. His mother works from home as a laundress, and his of formal sector contraction and in sister earns a stipend working in a neighbor's bogar comunitarto (home- Angyalfold because of the dismantling of based nursery). But even with all four members of the family working, the insolvent state-owned enterprises. But the family'sincome remains well below the poverty line. Armando andJuan, aged fifteen and thirteen, are the two older sons in a most important change has been in the household of seven children. Their father, Santiago, a skilled construction contractual nature of work, as secure wage worker,has been reduced by a decline in corntract work to a casual dailylabor- employment has decreased and casual er with an irregularincome.Withfive young children,the boys' mother,Teresa, cannot get out to work. In 1991the boys were forced to leave day school to labor increased. Although these changes help keep their younger siblingsin school. Workingas shoeshine boys in the have created more flexible labor rnarkets, city'sbus terminal,they earn half the family'sincome.Althoughthey registered they have also led to growing insecurity for the night shift at the local school, they are generallytoo tired to go. for many male workers. Differences among the communities not necessarily meant that fewer men are in employment opportunities have led to working. Households increasingly must different household strategies for coping depend on multiple earners. In Chawama, with changing labor demand. In Cisne Cisne Dos, and Commonwealth women Dos workers have migrated to rural areas become Ashouseholds and to a far lesser extent children work to take advantage of new opportunities themost poorer primarily to complement rather than to in shrimp aquaculture, sending remit- substitute for male income in the house- tances to their families in Guayaquil. In importantresponse hold. The poorer the household, the Commonwealth households have been hasbeenforwomen to greater the number of women working able to partially offset vulnerability in the and the more dependent it is on women's formal labor market through remittances jointhelaborforce earnings. In Chawama and Cisne Dos from household members working over- working women contributed more than seas and through expanding opportuni- half of the earnings in poor households, ties in the informal sector. In Chawama, compared with only a third in nonpoor however, the few opportunities in the households. In Commonwealth working informal sector (limited to employment for balancing Box3. Girls'strategies in Cisne workandschool Dos Isabel, aged sixteen, and Maria, aged thirteen, are the only daughters among six children. When their father's income as a carpenter began declining in 1990, their mother retumed to work as a domestic servant so that they could afford to pay for secondary school for their three older children, and Isabel and Mariatook on all the household tasks. To handle this responsibility,they attend differentschool shifts-Isabel the morningshiftand Mariathe after- noon one. Their brotherJuan, aged fifteen, helps his father in the afternoons, if he has work. Isabel and Mariacomplain that their homework is getting short shrift. But the familyis com- mitted to getting all the children through high school. Marlene,Lucy,and Olga, the oldest of five daughters in the Lopezhousehold, are respon- sible for all household tasks, including attending community meetings on Saturday.Their father, a fruitjuice vendor, has virtuallyabandoned the family.Their mother, the household's only income-earner,works six days a week washing clothes in three middle-incomehouse- holds. After many conflicts over dividing the work, the girlsstarted a rota system a year ago in which each stays home from school one week in three. Marlenesays she is alwaysbehind at school, but there is no alternativeif the familyis to eat. 6 Crisis: Confronting for a few male traders) have been insuf- urban poor to overcome poverty and vul- ficient to compensate for retrenchment in nerability. While social services such as formal sector service employment. education ensure that people can gain Mobilizingadditional labor can bring skills and knowledge, economic infra- significant economic payoffs in increased structure such as water, transport, and household income. But the strategy can electricity-together with health care- also have important costs. In Common- ensure that they can use their skills and wealth, for example, nine of ten people knowledge productively. In all four employed overseas as contract workers research communities, but particularly in come from nonpoor households, suggest- those with secure tenure, the provision of ing that relying on foreign remittances is a social and economic infrastructure successful strategy for reducing poverty. steadily improved during the late 1970s But in the long term splitting households and early 1980s. can increase their vulnerability by weak- The circumstances in which services ening family relationships. Local women are provided often determines the effec- voice growing concern about the erosion tiveness of delivery. In Cisne Dos, where of family values, the long-term effects on the community organized to obtain water children of being brought up without and electricity through a "bottom-up" guidance from fathers, and the dedine in process, the level of services has been the reciprocity networks that have long higher, and services have been sustained When women it takes been an important part of the Philippine longer, than in the other two developing tocarry longer out society's complex system of family oblig- country communities. In Chawama, ations and claims. where infrastructure was provided tasks such asfetching Child labor also raises important con- through "top-down" programs, services have they water; less cerns. When the poorest households have been less satisfactory. In Common- timeforincome- depend on their children's labor as an wealth the unresolved legal status of the asset, rather than invest in their children's community hindered the upgrading of activities generating future by educating them, they risk per- services until the mid-1980s,although the petuating poverty from one generation to private sector and nongovernmnental the next. organizations (NGOs) picked up some Or the slack. In Angyalfold the state's histor- andEconomic Social Infrastructure ically large role is clearly reflected in the asanAsset almost universal (and homogenous) pub- lic provision of services. Finding 2: Where the improve- Public investments in education dur- ments in social and economic ing the late 1970s and early 1980s infrastructure of the 1970s have ensured gains in human capital. not been maintained through the Reflecting national trends, the working 1980s and into the 1990s, there population in both Chawama and Cisne have been implications for the abil- Dos was better educated in 1992 than a ity of poor households-less able to decade earlier. Moreover, the education substitute private for public gap between men and women narrowed services-to earn incomes. in Cisne Dos, though not in Chawama. In all four communities the education levels Social and economic infrastructure makes of household heads were clearly linked a crucial difference in the ability of the to income levels: the less education the ofHousehold A Summary toPoverty Responses andVulnerability in Four Urban Poor Communities 7 vate for public sources, purchasing drink- Box accesstowaterinChawama ofpoor 4. Constraints ing water from vendors, and to install Recentlywidowed and at age forty-threethe head of an extended household water pumps to cope with low pressure. in Chawama,Miriamtumed to brewing illegalbeer in her home to eam a liv- Poor households, unable to afford these ing for her family.Brewingbeer requires substantialamountsof water,which solutions, had to put up with poor service. Miriam,like her neighborswho also lack piped water,must obtain by walking In Commonwealth most households have to the nearestworking standpipe and queuing for at least an hour. But because she must wait for customers in her yard, she often asks her fourteen-year-old had to rely on artesian wells since the daughter to fetch water and to help with other household tasks. Miriamdoes public water supply was cut off in 1984. so reluctantly,however,for it means that her daughter regularlymissesschool. In Chawama in 1992 women made at least two trips a day to fetch water, with each household head had, the greater the trip taking more than an hour (box 4). likelihood that the household was As public investment in infrastructure below the poverty line. Among nonpoor has declined, people have increasingly households, male heads of household come to prefer private services, perceived were better educated than female to be of higher quality. In Chawama and household heads. Cisne Dos, for example, half of those who In countries experiencing economic were ill in 1992 opted for private health difficulties, cuts in public spending are care. But what the decline in public often inevitable. As a result of such cuts, spending also means is that the quality of the provision of services declined in services that a household can obtain, and Chawama, Cisne Dos, and Common- the accessibility of those services, have wealth during the late 1980s and early become a function of its ability to pay, 1990s. Particularly problematic were with nonpoor households better able than changes in water supply. In Cisne Dos the poor ones to replace public services with declining quality of piped water prompt- private. In Commonwealth the nonpoor ed nonpoor households to substitute pri- use private health care services, while the poor depend on public health care. In Angyalfold a small share of affluent house- 2. Poor Figure households consistently paymoreoftheirincomeforservices holds opt for private health practitioners. (expenditure asapercentage onservices income, of household 1992) Another result of declining public spend- ing on basic infrastructure services is the Poor 11 rising share of income that households 40 Nonpoor must allocate to such needs as water, . .. ..... .... ~i .... Li'~l transport, and energy. In 1992 the poorer l~UVll, lthe household, the higher the proportion 30 lt5'li ,|,,e,|K_IIt'_I ', . lilli!lilulsil of income paid for such services (figure 2). Poor households' greater vulnerability 20 _! . .. l33 to service deficiencies and cuts in public b IIAli I spending can reduce their income-earning Sp~jll~ll Chawamai I. capacity. Where access to services has iII~IllIJ1~ Ii deteriorated,the poor must often spend ~~~~ I ~~~~~~~~~more time to meet daily needs. Women Cisneos ChawamaCommowealth Angyalf6ldand quality. Because thieir labor is critical to reducing vulnerability, this can have Note: Excludes health expenditures. important implications for household wel- 8 fronting Con Crisis: fare: when it takes women longer to carry the regulatory environment. Where it is out sudh tasks as fetching water, they have flexible, owners are able to sell part of less time for income-generating activities. their property or build new homes on Where services have become prohibitive- their plot-or expand the existing one- ly expensive or have declined in quality, to accommodate their children's newly unaffordable health care and poor sanita- formed families. This finding supports tion can have serious implications for fam- the World Bank's view that priority ilies' health. When declining provision of should be given to establishing appro- social and economic infrastructure means priate institutional and legal frameworks that children are not attending school for effective housing policy. because their parents cannot afford fees, In Cisne Dos, where the land market or that households are depending on child is unregulated, families have used an labor to maintain current consumption, it intergenerational "nesting" strategy- will affect households' income-earning building separate housing structures on capacity not only in the present but also their plot on an informal basis-to long into the future. reduce the vulnerability of newly formed young households or of elderly parents as an Asset Housing (box 5). As a result, there has been little Finding 3: Housing is an important productive asset that strategy Box5. Theintergenerationalhousing ofthe Gonzalez family can cushion households against in CisneDos severe poverty, and land market Carlos and BrigitaGonzalez moved to Cisne Dos in 1978.There they raised regulation can either create oppor- six children and graduallyimproved their 10by 30 meter plot, turning swamp tunities to diversify its use or fore- into land, and upgraded their bamboo house. By 1992the Gonzalez family close them. had grown from a nuclear familyof eight to several households-two extend- ed and one nuclear-containing nineteen people, all on the original plot. Economicfactors played a big part in the Gonzalezfamily'schoice of a nest- Housing insecurity, such as when house- ing strategy, but so did the reciprocity,in employment, childcare, and cook- holds lack formal legal title, increases the ing, that is so common in familiesof Cisne Dos. In 1980the oldest son, Emilio,bought his own plot nearby, and in 1984 vulnerability of the poor. But when the Anna married and moved into her mother-in-law'srented home. But after the poor have secure ownership of their death of her mother-in-lawin 1985,Anna and her husband, unable to afford housing, they often use this asset with the rent, moved back along with their two childrenand graduallybuilt a two- particular resourcefulness when other story home at the back of the family plot. In 1984 a second son, Victor,brought his new wife, Nelly,to live in his sources of income are reduced. Home parents' home. Eventually,Nellybrought two children from a previous rela- owners use their housing as a base for tionship into the household so that they could study in the city. Next to join enterprises or rent it to raise income. the household was Santiago, who married the Gonzalezes' daughter Sylvia in 1986. He went into business with Victor selling crabs. Sylviacontinued They sell part of their plot or, as a last working as a salesclerk after the birth of her first child-the household need- resort, all of their property. They save ed money and Brigitawas willing to look after her grandchild. "imputed rent" that would otherwise be In 1989 Victorand Nelly constructed separate living quarters upstairs, to added to household expenditure. And lessen the conflictsbetween Nellyand her mother-in-law.By 1992this house- hold had expanded to eight, as Nelly and Victor had two children of their they use their housing as a tool for own and two of Nelly'ssisters moved in to take advantage of the city's work extending personal relationships and and education opportunities. generating social capital. Brigita,widowed in 1991,stilllives in the downstairs livingquarters of the The four case studies show that the original house, along with two unmarried children, her son-in-lawSantiago, two grandchildren, and her daughter Sylvia,who says, "Wewill not move. ability of home owners to use their hous- Mother must not be left on her own." ing to reduce vulnerability depends on A Summaryof Household to Povertyand Vulnerability Responses in FourPoorUrbanCommunities 9 development of a rental sector. This den- vulnerability. Legal title is needed to give sification strategy can cause additional households the incentive to invest in environmental or space problems, how- upgrading their homes and the security ever, where it means that more people to use them in productive ways. Legal depend on the same facilities-for exam- title also gives households the incentive ple, sharing latrines. to invest in their communities. These In Chawama, by contrast, the regulat- findings support policy recommenda- ed Zambian land market has pievented tions that emphasize legalizing cxLtiing such densificationstrategies, encouraging dwellings as a way to create a stable envi- the When have poor the growth of an illegal, high-cost rental ronment in which both investments to ownership secure of sector Young residents who cannot assist the poor and investments by the afford to rent are forced to move in with poor can reduce vulnerability. they housing, their home-owning relatives, increasing house- use often thisasset holds' dependency ratios and decreasing Household Relations ... asanAsset withparticular their per capita incomes. Home owner- ship in Chawama has become a mixed Finding 4: Changes in housebold resourcefulness blessing. In Commonwealth, where legal structure to strengthen family sup- title is not secure, households feel vul- port networks are both a result of nerable regardless of their poverty level. vulnerability and a strategy to The opportunities that housing, par- reduce vulnerability. ticularly if owned, provides for home- based enterprises are especially important Household relations are rarely consid- for home-bound women, allowing them ered an asset, but in fact they play an to contribute to household income. The important part in a household's ability to success of such enterprises, however, adjust to changes in the external envi- depends on access to assets that comple- ronment. A household's composition and ment home ownership, such as electrici- structure and the cohesion of family ty, water, skills, and credit. Differences in members can determine its ability to the poverty reduction achieved through mobilize additional labor, for example. home-based enterprises reflect initial dis- The study found that households are parities in households' access to such important adaptive institutions for the assets. In Chawama households have poor, providing mechanisms for pooling been able to cushion themselves against income and other resources and for shar- extreme poverty through home-based ing consumption. In times of economic enterprises, and in Commonwealth difficulty, households act as safety nets. households have been able to raise their Households are not static entities. income levels considerably. In Angyalf6ld They routinely restructure for internal rea- housing is rarely used for home-based sons, such as birth, death, marriage, child- enterprises. care needs, marital conflict, and the need Strategies centered on housing as an to support weaker members, such as the asset can help households move out of elderly. They also restructure in response poverty or can prevent them from slip- to external crises, such as housing and ping so far that they become unable to employment problems. In the short term respond to new opportunities. But the households act as "shock absorbers," study showed that a dwelling or a plot reducing vulnerability for individuals who alone usually is not enough to reduce join them. In the longer term restructur- 10 Crisis: Confronting ing can increase or decrease vulnerability 3. The Figure number households ofextended steadily hasbeen increahing for the household as a whole, depending (percentage households, of extended l978-92) on the financial and labor contributions 40 made by the new members. _ Despite the differences among the 35 - Do Cisne four communities, household restructur- ing has followed similar trends in all of 30 them. Consistent with the global trend, an increasing number of households are 25- , headed by women. Contrary to the com- , mon stereotype, households headed by 20 ,, women are not necessarily poorer than households headed by men. Indeed, often only women with independent 15 means can afford to head a household. ,,' Chawama The poorest households are most often 10 extended households. These households typically are made up of a couple, their 5 children, and other related adults and 1978 198B 1992 children, a structure leading to high There areno trend data for Angyalfold. Note: dependency ratios and low per capita incomes. The one exception to this pat- or safety net for vulnerable individuals or tern is Chawama, where the incidence of in a conscious strategy to more effective- poverty is greater among households ly pool such resources as food, space, headed by women than among those income, and childcare. headed by men. The study's results highlight three A second long-term trend is the kinds of survival strategies related to increasing number of extended house- household restructuring. Households holds (figure 3). In 1992such households often restructure to integrate "hidden" constituted more than a third of house- female heads-young single mothers, holds in Chawama, Cisne Dos, and unwed or separated from their partners Commonwealth. Nuclear households (box 6). This largely unrecognized phe- expand to larger, extended households- nomenon is common in the three devel- with lower per capita income and higher oping country communities. In 1992 half dependency ratios-to provide a refuge of the extended households in Cisne Dos, Box6. Avoiding head asa 'hidden'female poverty in Cisne ofhousehold Dos Mercedesfell in love with Victor as an eighteen-year-oldschool girl. Aftera short courtship, she moved in with him and her parents-in-law, leaving school when she became pregnant. Two years later Victor lost his factory job, and tensions between the two began to grow, compounded by conflict between Mercedes and her mother-in-law. To escape this situation, Mercedes and her son, Renaldo, moved in with her widowed mother. Her mother looks after Renaldo while running her small home-based business selling beer and soft drinks, and Mercedes operates a sewing machine at a local workshop. Neither earns much, and they live well below the poverty line. But Mercedes prefers living in a more peaceful home environ- ment, where she can rely on her mother to care for her child while Mercedes earns a living. of Household A Summary Responses to Poverty andVulnerability in Four Communities PoorUrban 11 a quarter of those in Commonwealth, and Cisne Dos, where nearly half the female a fifth of those in Chawama included heads of households are separated or young, generally poorly educated moth- divorced and another third are widows, ers, most of whom did not even regard older women absorb younger relatives themselves as household heads. Depend- into their households, pooling incomes ing on resource allocations within the and sharing responsibility for caring for ofeconomichousehold and whether the women are Intimes children and the elderly. households difficulty, working, they might be the poorest of the ... butOne Associated Often poor-although for targeting purposes with actassafety nets- they are largely invisible. Inequalities and theyrestructure An important strategy for poor mid- dle-aged women is to avoid heading a Finding 5: Strategies to reduce vul- inresponseto household. In Chawama women view nerability sometimes impose extemalcrises female headship as a high-risk arrange- unequal burdens on household ment-largely on economic grounds. members. Women, because of their Strategies to avoid taking on primary multiple responsibilities, have income-earning responsibility revolve frequently assumed a disproportion- around serial monogamy. When relation- ate share of the burden of adjusting ships break up, women rapidly seek new to adverse economic circumstances, partners. Complex negotiations between thus limiting their ability to respond partners often result in children being to new opportunities. sent into the care of relatives. Women's strategies for coping with Households are an important mechanism the restructuring of households prompt- for providing security and for redistribut- ed by the termination of a marriage, ing income and other resources. But they through divorce, separation, or death, can also be sources of inequality for their vary among communities, depending on members. Depending on how access to the social and institutional context. In and control over resources within the Angyalfold women tend to stay single household are distributed, individual after marriages end, in order to remain household members can face either eligible for single women's benefits- opportunities or constraints in respond- though they often maintain a relationship ing to economic difficulties and can with a nonresident partner (box 7). In experience either positive or negative effects as households adjust to the chang- Box7. Structuring tomaintain households eligibility ing external environment. forstate inAngyalfold benefits In all four communities the study found that the burden of coping with eco- Gina, a divorced woman of thirty-eight, enjoyed a comfortable standard of nornic crises is often unequally distrib- living before she and her husband split up and she lost her job at a can- uted within the household. While women ning factory. Since then she has raised her three children alone, obtaining have increasingly taken on paid work in as much local government assistance as possible. Former colleagues help out by giving her food. To remain eligible for benefits, Gina insists that her addition to their household responsibili- new partner live outside the household. They have discussed marriage, and ties, men have not adjusted by taking on Gina would like her children to grow up with both a mother and a father. significantly more household tasks. Nor But the change in her status would cripple her financially.Althoughdeeply have governments or local communities dissatisfied with her situation, Gina has been able to maintain her standard of living. made compensatory adjustments by pro- viding more childcare facilities. 12 Confronting Crisis: In all the research communities men 4. Women Figure average time more working thanmen and women put in nearly the same num- per week (hours by task,1992) ber of hours in productive work (work 80r for cash or kind, including market and Women subsistence production). But while 70 women average thirteen to sixteen hours a week in reproductive activities (work 60 to maintain and reproduce the labor Men force, including childbearing, child- 50 rearing, and domestic tasks but not childcare), men average five or fewer hours a week on these tasks. Both 40 devote little time to community manag- ing activities (work in the community to 30 ensure the provision and maintenance of collective resources), but in these tasks 20 too women average more time than men. This division of labor shows that 10 women consistently average more time working than men (figure 4). 0 For womnen forced by economic fac- Chawama Commonwealth Dos Cisne Angyalfdld tors into paid employment, the total amount of time on work depends on Community managing - Reproductive tasks tasks Productive household structure. Women in extend- childcare) (excluding ed households can often reallocate reproductive tasks to daughters, mothers, food and clothing, while men make the and sisters-as in Commonwealth, for decisions on purchases of alcohol, ciga- example, where there are strong tradi- rettes, and other luxury items for their tions of intergenerational childcare sup- personal consumption. Since male alco- port. In nuclear households in Cisne Dos hol consumption is frequently the biggest older daughters quickly assume respon- drain on household resources, this divi- sibility for younger siblings. Mothers sion of decisionmaking power has often effectively allocate all reproductive important implications for women's abil- tasks to daughters, devoting themselves ity to budget. Regardless of women's entirely to productive work. Women who financial contribution, their responsibili- lack childcare support and have only ty for food provisioning outruns their very young children have no alternative resources, requiring them to negotiate while away at work but to lock them up with men to gain access to the men's in the house. income. By contrast, in Angyalfold men Within households who controls tend to hand over their pay packet-and income flows often is as important to the control over it-to women. well-being of individuals as increases or As family members adjust their lives decreases in household income. In the to diversify or increase household three developing country communities income-women by taking on paid women have primary or equal decision- work, children by taking on jobs or addi- making responsibility for purchases of tional responsibilities at home, and men Responses A Summary of Household andVulnerability to Poverty Poor in Four Communities Urban 13 by migrating to find employment else- Social asanAsset Capital where-they reduce household vulner- ability. But these adjustments have Finding 6: The pressures of social costs, which, though difficult to economic crisis can exert opposing quantify, show a number of common forces on social capital-both characteristics across the study commu- strengthening it, as reciprocity net- nities. Families have had to change long- works are increasingly called into held norms and patterns of parenting. play, and eroding it, as households' Women in all communities worry about ability to cope deteriorates and Whilewomen have neglecting their children. They are con- community trust breaks down. increasingly takenon from cerned about older daughters suffering less care and ^:idance, and they The norms, trust, and reciprocity networks paid workinaddition worry above all about reduced control that facilitatemutually beneficial coopera- householdover teenage sons, who, with less super- totheir tion in a community-its social capital- resonibiis mn vision, may be more likely to drop out are an important asset, one that reduces men of school, to become involved in street responsibilities, vulnerability and increases opportunities. havenotadjustedby gangs, and in some communities to be When communities become poorer, their taking onsignificantly exposed to drugs. When adverse economic conditions stock of social capital can erode, making it more difficult for them to cope with the household more tasks put additional pressure on human rela- problems of declining public services. tionships, increased conflict and even The settlement consolidation process violence between household members has much to do with a community's stock sometimes result. In all research commu- of social capital. Reciprocal relationships nities women reported that domestic vio- and social networks have their origins in lence was prevalent, and they identified rural-urban family links, in networks a direct link between declining male based on kin and place of origin, and in earnings and increasing domestic vio- more recently formed local networks. lence, often associated with alcohol Regardless of setting, these networks are abuse. In Angyalfold and Cisne Dos mar- important in the consolidation process. ital conflict was the main cause of house- Short-term reciprocity, centered mainly hold restructuring. While separation on money and responding to such crises reduced violence, it meant that house- as death and illness, and longer-term rec- holds had fewer assets on which to call. iprocity in food, water, space, and child- Least recognized is that economic pres- care are a precondition for the trust and sure can exacerbate conflict between cooperation that underlie community- parents and children, often because of based organizations (CBOs). the increased reliance on children's labor. Differences in the way the communi- Children do not always immediately ties achieved consolidation have led to accept the added responsibilities. Other differences in their stocks of social capi- conflicts can arise because of parents' tal, reflected in the type and duration of lack of time to supervise their children, CBOs. Squatter communities such as which children respond to by not study- Cisne Dos and Commonwealth, consoli- ing or not helping in the home, and sons dated through long processes of conflict- by spending too much time in the street, ual negotiation with political parties and often drinking. governments, have developed CBOs 14 Confronting Crisis: capable of negotiating for improved ser- because of increasing problems in repay- vices, supplied by government agencies ing them, and reciprocal links with rural or NGOs, during periods of constrained communities have become strained as resources. In communities such as households are forced to focus on their Chawama, served by top-down govern- own survival. In Cisne Dos the weaken- ment delivery systems and by church and ing of informal borrowing arrangements NGO welfare delivery systems that do not in the community prompted two local necessarily increase the stock of social NGOs to establish emergency fund pro- capital, CBOs are less developed. grams in the late 1980s. The permanence of social capital can- Women's community managing activ- not be taken for granted. When house- ities are often critical in ensuring the pro- holds are coping, they support others. vision and maintenance of such basic But when their assets are depleted, they services as water, nutrition, and health cease to support the community. The care. But the increasing constraints on case studies show a mixed picture of ero- women's time have made it difficult for sion and consolidation of social capital them to continue these efforts. In all under difficult economic conditions. communities in 1992 the only widely Overall, the evidence suggests that attended institution was the church. Few where households have sufficient re- sources, reciprocity in cash and non- monetary rexchange monetar, has been sustaie. exchanges hasb sustained. Box8. Increasing crime and intheresearch violence communities In all communities reciprocal links . In Commonwealthhomicide has become a growingpreoccupation. Six between neighborhood women, for of ten women widowed over a ten-year period had lost their husbands- example, have strengthened. In sophisti- and a quarter of households a husband or a son-as a resultof violentdeath. cated reciprocal arrangements designed These violent deaths usually were associated with drinking episodes that sparked arguments or brought local political disagreementsor long-term to achieve efficient use of time, women feuds to a dangerous head. share food, water, cooking, and child- * In Cisne Dos robberies on public buses has become a conmionoccur- care. Traditional credit arrangements rence in which gangs of young men with knives, machetes, or handguns rob all passengersof their money and valuables.In a six-month periodin 1992one were found In all the research communi- in five women in CisneDos was robbed on a bus, and one in two women had ties, with poorer households borrowing witnessed such an attack.Women experiencingsuch attacks had been robbed on a short-term basis from neighbors and a mean of 3.2 times.The lack of safe transportduring off-peakhours has caused nearby relatives for daily consumption girls, generallyfrom the poorest families,to drop out of night school. - In Chawama poor public safety has restricted public servants' freedom needs such as food and water and to pay to move about the community.A primary school headmaster said that female electricity bills. Reciprocity networks also teachers, threatened by male youths roaming the community,have failed to extend beyond the local community. In report for work. A deputy headmaster reported that his daughter, whilereturn- ing home from school in the evening, had been raped by a gang of boys, and for example, complex Commonwealth, that on another occasion his four-year-oldson had been physicallyassaulted urban-rural reciprocity systems have by a hooligan who had entered the teachers' compound to steal food. remained strong, reducing vulnerability * In Chawamavandalismof public property has increased dramatically.By for both urban and rural households. 1992vandals had struck all state primary schools and community centersin Chawama, causing damage that curtailed community activities. Afterlosing But other evidence suggests that eco- electricalfittings,schoolsdropped eveningclassesfor adultsand extension stu- nomic crisis has pushed some house- dents, and community centers, having lost their recreational equipment, fur- holds beyond the point at which they niture, and teaching aids, stopped offering programs for women and youths. can sustain such reciprocity. Poor The parent-teacherassociationraisedfunds to build fences around the schools, but nine of ten people surveyed neverthelessconsidered the communityapa- women in Chawama said they had thetic about the vandalism and its effects on the community. ceased to borrow from their neighbors of Household A Summary to Poverty Responses andVulnerability in Four Poor Communities Urban 15 women were actively involved in CBOs. Support Householdsin Their Role Women attributed the declining partici- as Safety Nets pation to their increased need to earn income. The most important community- Designing appropriate interventions to based activities are externally managed support households in their role as safe- NGO and government programs that ty nets raises two issues for policymakers. provide direct income or welfare bene- First, to ensure that interventions com- fits to participants. Men recognize the plement and strengthen, rather than sub- contribution to household resources stitute for, people's own initiatives, from women's time in such activities. As priority should be given to longer-term a carpenter in Cisne Dos commented, "I structural interventions-such as to earn the money, and my wife looks after restore eroding infrastructure-rather communities When the children and attends the meetings." than to short-term compensatory mea- their poorer, become Economic crisis also strains the social sures. Second, since many of the poorest fabric in other ways. Escalatingcrime and households are those headed by single stock capital of social violence-attributed to increasing unem- mothers "hidden" within extended can erode-butwhere ployment, particularly among young men, households, it is important to target such householdshaVe and growing drug and alcohol abuse- women or their children directly, through have hiouseholds threaten personal safety and increase iso- health clinics or primary schools. resources, sufficient lation as people become reluctant to leave has reciprocity been their homes at night. The rising number of Alleviate Constraints on Women's Labor burglaries has reduced the trust among Supply sustained neighbors and community members. This, along with rising rates of murder, The case studies clearly showed the crit- crime on the street and on public trans- ical importance of women's labor in port, and vandalism of public property, reducing household vulnerability, and has reduced community participation, fur- how constraints on their ability to carry ther eroding stocks of social capital (box out their multiple responsibilities can 8). In part because of increasing corrup- harm children's development. To foster tion, all communities lack confidence in the well-being of families, interventions the ability or willingness of the police to are needed to reduce these constraints- address such problems. for example, better provision of childcare and more easily accessible water supplies Prioritiesfor Action and health services. To ensure that such interventions are mainstreamed, gender Although changing economic circum- planning should be integrated into pro- stances have presented some new oppor- gram and project design. tunities for the urban poor, the study's findings suggest that the innovative Ensure That Social CapitalIs Not Taken strategies and resourcefulness of individ- for Granted uals, households, and communities are often insufficient to offset the erosion of The erosion of social capital during their asset base. Several actions could economic crisis can break down help improve the ability of the poor to community-based systems for delivery mobilize their assets to prevent increased and maintenance of social and physical poverty or vulnerability. infrastructure. Ways to strengthen stocks 16 Crisis: Confronting of social capital to prevent such break- research is critical to identify marketiza- down could include efforts to break tion and privatization strategies most dependency syndromes, rebuild eroded likely to benefit the poor. The allocation trust between the government and the of resources within households and the community, and introduce realistic valu- effects of this resource allocation on chil- ations of "voluntary" community work. A dren also need more investigation. necessary first step is community-level The issue of social capital too war- institutional analysis, to identify the rants further research. Key questions that stocks of capital that exist. follow-up research should address include these: How is social capital DevelopSocial PolicyThat Integrates strengthened by being used? When does Humanand Social Capital it become overwhelmed and break down? And how can breakdown be One for tool To increase the economic productivity of avoided? the strengthening the poor requires a comprehensive, holis- tic, social policy approach that recognizes ToolsforStrengthening theAssets of thepoor assets is the complex interdependency of social ofthePoor theassetvulnerability and human capital. In the past decade policy has increasingly reflected the role Poverty reduction measures are neither developed matrix by of human capital in economic develop- simple nor straightforward. Designing thestudy, can which be ment. Much more recent recognition of effective locally based approaches to used factors to identify the importance of social capital in eco- reduce poverty and vulnerability in urban nomic development, and the effects of its communities requires tools for accurate- raise that orlowerthe erosion during periods of economic ly defining mechanisms for strengthening vulnerability stress, suggests the need for a social pol- the assets of the poor. Such tools would icy approach that creatively combines help analysts move beyond "ideological" of thepoor individual choice with community partic- statements about reducing poverty to ipation, linking human development with strategies based on the particular assets societal development. and labor supply constraints of the poor in the targeted community. Pursue Further Research One such tool is the asset vulnerabil- ity matrix developed by the study, which Although the study was not designed to can be used to identify factors that raise measure the effect on poor communities or lower the vulnerability of the poor. of macroeconomic interventions, its Applying this framework, the study iden- results raise a number of issues concern- tified outcomes of asset vulnerability in ing links between local communities and the four poor urban communities, as well the broader economy in the context of as potential solutions. These outcomes such forms of restructuring as privatizing and solutions are outlined in table 2, infrastructure, deregulating markets, and included on the following page as a prac- restructuring labor markets. Further tical guide for similar exercises. of Household A Summary to Poverty Responses andVulnerability in Four Poor Communities Urban 17 vulnerability Tablet Asset research inthefour outcomes communities: solutions andpotential ofvulnerability Type Outcome solution Potential Labor of income * Loss NGO * Develop schemes credit forhome-based enterprises adequate * Provide skills nontraditional training tothecommunity appropriate capital Human to maintain * Inability investment levels ineducation adequate, * Provide low-cost accessible health andpreventive care health care to provide * Inability safe, clean water resources * Provide education forprimary textbooks, {teachers, classrooms) credit * Provide expenditures foreducation such asuniforms and * Repair water maintain supply safe, * Provide accessible easily standpipes Housing andinfrastructure * Inability to use housing asset asaproductive * Facilitate plotownership orsubdivision regulatory * Review forland framework electricity * Provide people sothat canoperate enterprises home-based relations Household * Increased domestic violence police * Support stations managed bywomen of adequate * Lack childcare community-based, * Provide community-supported of caregivers * Lack fortheelderly forchildren care andtheelderly households * Split time- * Provide and technology labor-saving capital Social * Declineinattendanceof CBOs, particularly bywomen, social * Through provide funds, opportunities real orinactivityofCBOs forCRO-organized thatrecognize interventions paid * Increaseinyouth gangs aswellasvoluntary work * Increase incrimeandhomicide * Givepriority to communityfacilities, foryouth especially * Lackof physical especially mobility, atnightand * Supportcommunity-based solutions tocrime forwomen * Enhancepolicingcapacity * Declineinnight attendance school * Provideawater supplycloseto residential neighborhoods e safe Provide transport * technologically Provide appropriate lighting * wide, Provide open thoroughfaresforvendors e night Locate schoolscloseto residential neighborhoods 18 Crisis: Confronting Reading ForFurther Agarwal, Bina. 1991. "Social Security and the Family: Coping with Seasonality and Calamity in Rural India." In Ehtisham Ahmad, Jean Dreze, John Hills, and Amartya Sen, eds., Social Security in DevAelopingCountries. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Bardhan, Pranab. Forthcoming. "Research on Poverty and Development Twenty Years after 'Redistribution with Growth'." In Michael Bruno and Boris Pleskovic, eds., Annual World Bank Conference on DevelopmentEconomics 1995. Washington, D.C.: World Bank. Elson, Diane, ed. 1991. Male Bias in the Development Process. Manchester, England: Manchester University Press. Evans, Alison. 1989. "Women: Rural Development and Gender Issues in Rural Household Economics." Discussion Paper 254. Institute of Development Studies, Sussex, England. Lipton, Michael, and Simon Maxwell. 1992. "The New Poverty Agenda: An Overview." Discussion Paper 306. Institute of Development Studies, Sussex, England. Moser, Caroline. 1993. Gender Planning and Development: Theory, Practice and Training. London and New York: Routledge. Noel, Michel. 1992. "Social Policy for Poverty Reduction in Africa." World Bank, Africa Technical Department, Washington, D.C. Putnam, Robert D. 1993. Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy. Princeton, NJ.: Princeton University Press. Sen, Amartya. 1981. Poverty and Famines: An Essay on Entitlement and Deprivation. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1985. Commodities and Capabilities. Amsterdam: North-Holland. 1990. "Gender and Cooperative Conflicts." In Irene Tinker, ed., Persistent Inequalities. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Streeten, Paul, S. Burki, Mahbub ul Haq, Norman Hicks, and Frances Stewart. 1981. First 7Tings First: Meeting Basic Needs in Developing Countries. New York: Oxford University Press. World Bank. 1990. World Development Report 1990: Poverty. New York: Oxford University Press. . 1993. Housing: Enabling Markets to Work. A World Bank Policy Paper. Washington, D.C. . 1995. "Social Impact of Adjustment Operations: An Overview." 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