73438
Toward Gender Equality
in East Asia and the Pacific
A Companion to the
World Development Report
WO RLD BA NK E A S T A SIA A N D PACI FIC REGIO N A L REP O RT S
Well known for their economic success and dynamism, countries in the East Asia and Pacific
region must tackle an increasingly complex set of challenges to continue on a path of sustain-
able development. Learning from others within the region and beyond can help identify what
works, what doesn’t, and why, in the search for practical solutions to these challenges. This
regional report series presents analyses of issues relevant to the region, drawing on the global
knowledge and experience of the World Bank and its partners. The series aims to inform public
discussion, policy formulation, and development practitioners’ actions to turn challenges into
opportunities.
World Bank East Asia and Pacific Regional Report
Toward Gender Equality
in East Asia and the Pacific
A Companion to the
World Development Report
© 2012 International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank
1818 H Street NW, Washington DC 20433
Telephone: 202-473-1000; Internet: www.worldbank.org
Some rights reserved
1 2 3 4 15 14 13 12
This work is a product of the staff of The World Bank with external contributions. Note that The World
Bank does not necessarily own each component of the content included in the work. The World Bank there-
fore does not warrant that the use of the content contained in the work will not infringe on the rights of third
parties. The risk of claims resulting from such infringement rests solely with you.
The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this work do not necessarily reflect the views of
The World Bank, its Board of Executive Directors, or the governments they represent. The World Bank does
not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. The boundaries, colors, denominations, and
other information shown on any map in this work do not imply any judgment on the part of The World Bank
concerning the legal status of any territory or the endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries.
Nothing herein shall constitute or be considered to be a limitation upon or waiver of the privileges and
immunities of The World Bank, all of which are specifically reserved.
Rights and Permissions
This work is available under the Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 Unported license (CC BY 3.0) http://
creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0. Under the Creative Commons Attribution license, you are free to
copy, distribute, transmit, and adapt this work, including for commercial purposes, under the following
conditions:
Attribution—Please cite the work as follows: World Bank. 2012. Toward Gender Equality in East
Asia and the Pacific: A Companion to the World Development Report. Washington, DC: World Bank.
doi: 10.1596/978-0-8213-9623-0 License: Creative Commons Attribution CC BY 3.0
Translations—If you create a translation of this work, please add the following disclaimer along with the
attribution: This translation was not created by The World Bank and should not be considered an official
World Bank translation. The World Bank shall not be liable for any content or error in this translation.
All queries on rights and licenses should be addressed to the Office of the Publisher, The World Bank,
1818 H Street NW, Washington, DC 20433, USA; fax: 202-522-2625; e-mail: pubrights@worldbank.org.
ISBN (paper): 978-0-8213-9623-0
ISBN (electronic): 978-0-8213-9626-1
DOI: 10.1596/978-0-8213-9623-0
Cover photo: © www.istockphoto.com / Bartosz Hadyniak
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Toward gender equality in East Asia and the Pacific.
p. cm. — (World Bank East Asia and Pacific regional report)
“A companion to the World development report.�?
Includes bibliographical references.
ISBN 978-0-8213-9623-0 — ISBN 978-0-8213-9626-1 (electronic)
1. Women’s rights—Asia. 2. Women’s rights—Pacific Area. 3. Women in development—Asia. 4. Women
in development—Pacific Area. 5. Sex discrimination against women—Asia. 6. Sex discrimination against
women—Pacific Area. I. World Bank. II. World development report. III. Series: World Bank East Asia and
Pacific regional report.
HQ1236.5.A78T69 2012
323.3’4095—dc23 2012030808
Contents
Foreword. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xiii
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xv
Acknowledgments
Abbreviations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xvii
Overview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Why does gender equality matter for development?. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Recent progress, pending challenges. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Why do many gender inequalities persist? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Emerging opportunities and risks in an increasingly integrated world. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
Toward gender equality in East Asia and the Pacific: Directions for policy . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
References. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
1. The State of Gender Equality in East Asia and the Pacific. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33
Why does gender equality matter for development?. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
Recent progress, pending challenges. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40
Fostering new opportunities, managing emerging risks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
Gender equality in East Asia and the Pacific: A roadmap to the report . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53
Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55
References. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55
2. Gender and Endowments: Access to Human Capital and Productive Assets . . . . . . . . . . . . 61
Substantial progress toward gender equality in education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62
Improvements and remaining gender issues in health. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71
Gender equality in productive assets: An unfinished agenda . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85
Policies to promote gender equality in endowments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93
Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94
References. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95
v
v i C o n t e n t s
3. Gender and Economic Opportunity. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103
Limited effects of growth on gender gaps in economic opportunity. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105
Gender differences in economic activity. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106
What determines gender inequality in economic opportunities?. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114
Policies to promote gender equality in economic opportunity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130
Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133
References. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135
4. Agency: Voice and Influence within the Home and in Society . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145
Agency—important for gender equality and development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145
The state of women’s agency in East Asia and the Pacific. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147
Explaining progress and pending challenges. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158
Policy approaches to promote gender equality in agency . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169
Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 172
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173
5. Gender and the Region’s Emerging Development Challenges. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179
Globalization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 180
Migration. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185
Urbanization. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191
Aging populations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195
Information and communication technologies. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199
Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203
References. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 206
6. Promoting Gender Equality in East Asia and the Pacific: Directions for Policy. . . . . . . . . 213
Promoting gender equality in human development. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 215
Taking active measures to promote gender equality in economic opportunity . . . . . . . . . . 221
Taking measures to strengthen women’s voice and influence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 234
Fostering new opportunities, managing emerging risks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 238
Filling knowledge gaps. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 240
Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 241
References. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 243
Boxes
1.1 Defining and measuring gender equality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
1.2 Defining and measuring agency: Women’s voice, influence, and participation. . . . . . . . 48
2.1 Various parts of the world experience reverse gender gaps in education . . . . . . . . . . . . 64
2.2 Recent improvement in the sex ratio at birth in the Republic of Korea . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82
3.1 Is higher female labor force participation always a good thing?.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107
3.2 Gender-related beliefs on appropriate employment in Fiji, Papua
New Guinea, Indonesia, and Vietnam. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130
4.1 Gender and land tenure in a plural legal environment: The case of the Solomon
Islands. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166
4.2 Strengthening state mechanisms for gender equality. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 168
6.1 Reducing maternal mortality rates through improved staffing and quality
of service delivery. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 217
6.2 The design of infrastructure projects has important gender dimensions . . . . . . . . . . . 223
6.3 Leveling the playing field in access to resources: Lessons from Papua
New Guinea and Mongolia����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������227
C o n t e n t s v ii
6.4 The impact of active labor market policies on female employment: Evidence
from across the world��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������231
Figures
O.1 The East Asia and Pacific region has experienced rapid economic growth. . . . . . . . . . . 2
O.2 Poverty reduction in the East Asia and Pacific region has been impressive. . . . . . . . . . . 2
O.3 Girls’ secondary school enrollments have converged to those of boys. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
O.4 Maternal mortality rates have declined in most countries in the region. . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
O.5 Female labor force participation is high by global standards but also varies
substantially across the region. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
O.6 Across the region, female-headed households own less land than male-headed
households. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
O.7 Women in East Asia and the Pacific still earn less than men . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
O.8 In urban China and Indonesia, gender wage gaps are largest among low
wage earners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
O.9 Enterprises with female managers tend to be smaller. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
O.10 Who decides how wives’ cash earnings are used varies widely across the region. . . . . 10
O.11 Women’s representation in parliament is low, especially in the Pacific. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
O.12 Violence against women is high in the region . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
O.13 Women are concentrated in certain fields of study, such as education and
medicine, but are underrepresented in law and engineering. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
O.14 In Lao PDR, women—particularly those with young children—must balance
household and market work. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
O.15 In Indonesia, female-led enterprises are clustered in lower-productivity and
less capital-intensive industries. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
O.16 Male- and female-led firms report similar constraints in Indonesia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
O.17 Men and, in some cases, women believe that men make better political leaders
than women. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
O.18 The share of female workers in export-oriented firms is relatively high. . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
O.19 China has seen remarkable growth in Internet use since 2000, but women’s
use trails men’s. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
O.20 The old-age dependency ratio is increasing in most East Asian countries . . . . . . . . . . 19
1.1 The East Asia and Pacific region has experienced rapid economic growth. . . . . . . . . . 34
1.2 Poverty reduction in the East Asia and Pacific region has been impressive. . . . . . . . . . 34
1.3 Girls’ secondary school enrollments have converged to those of boys. . . . . . . . . . . . . 38
1.4 Tertiary school enrollments of females have converged to those of males
in East Asia and the Pacific . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38
1.5 Gender gaps in secondary school enrollment vary substantially across countries . . . . 39
1.6 Gender gaps in education have reversed in several countries, particularly
at the tertiary level. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
1.7 Minority populations in Vietnam often experience lower educational enrollments. . . 40
1.8 In Indonesia, gender gaps in enrollment do not vary substantially
by household wealth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40
1.9 Fertility rates have declined across the world . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
1.10 Under-five mortality rates have declined sharply for both boys and girls. . . . . . . . . . . . 41
1.11 Maternal mortality rates have declined across the world. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42
1.12 Maternal mortality rate has declined in most countries in the region . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42
1.13 East Asia has a highly skewed male-to-female ratio at birth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
1.14 The East Asia and Pacific region has high female labor force participation rates. . . . . . . 44
v i i i C o n t e n t s
1.15 Female labor force participation varies substantially across countries . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
1.16 The fraction of the workforce employed in agriculture has declined
in the East Asia and Pacific region . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
1.17 The evolution of sectoral composition by gender varies across countries. . . . . . . . . . . 46
1.18 Women are more likely than men to be temporary workers. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46
1.19 Enterprises with female management tend to be smaller . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
1.20 In Lao PDR, women—particularly those with young children—must
balance household work commitments with market work. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
1.21 Women in East Asia still earn less than men . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48
1.22 Women in East Asia and the Pacific have more control over earnings
and household decisions across all wealth quintiles than women from
other developing regions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
1.23 Female representation in parliament in East Asian and Pacific countries
has hardly changed since the 1990s. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
1.24 Women’s representation in parliament is low, especially in the Pacific . . . . . . . . . . . . 50
1.25 Men, and in some cases women, believe that men make better political
leaders than women. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50
1.26 More women hold top management positions in East Asia and the Pacific
than in other developing regions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52
1.27 Violence against women is high in East Asia and the Pacific. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52
1.28 The dependency ratio is increasing in most East Asian countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53
2.1 Enrollment for both genders has been converging even among the
poorest populations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63
2.2 Gender gaps in youth literacy are smaller than gender gaps in adult literacy. . . . . . . . . 63
B2.1.1 The biggest enrollment disadvantage for boys in the Phillippines
is among the poor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64
2.3 Girls in some ethnic minority groups in Lao PDR lag even further in enrollment. . . . . 65
2.4 Girls in some ethnic minority groups in Vietnam lag even further in enrollment . . . . . 65
2.5 Even girls in wealthier households in Cambodia and Lao PDR lag behind boys. . . . . . 67
2.6 Women are concentrated in certain fields of study, such as education and health,
but are underrepresented in law and engineering. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
2.7 Girls tend to outperform boys in several subjects. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70
2.8 Maternal mortality is lower in higher-income countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73
2.9 Female infant mortality is lower in higher-income countries. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73
2.10 Most East Asia and Pacific region countries do not have female-skewed
under-five mortality and infant mortality, except China. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74
2.11 Women in wealthier households are more likely to have births assisted by
trained medical staff . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76
2.12 Contraceptive prevalence varies across East Asian and Pacific countries. . . . . . . . . . . . 77
2.13 The percentage of births attended by skilled professionals varies across
East Asian and Pacific countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77
2.14 Women in rural areas are less likely to have births assisted by trained
medical staff. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78
2.15 Sex ratios at higher order births are still of concern, even though the overall
sex ratio at birth has approached the normal range in the Republic of Korea. . . . . . . . 79
2.16 Men are more likely to smoke than women. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83
2.17 Men are more likely to drink than women. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83
2.18 Tobacco use is positively correlated with mortality due to lung cancer. . . . . . . . . . . . . 84
2.19 Alcohol consumption is positively correlated with mortality due to alcohol
use disorders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84
C o n t e n t s i x
2.20 The poor are slightly more likely to engage in smoking. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85
2.21 The probability of owning land is not substantially lower for female-headed
households than for male-headed households . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
2.22 Female-headed households own less land in terms of land size . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
2.23 Vietnamese men owned more agricultural land plots than did women in 2008. . . . . . 88
2.24 Female-headed households are less likely to own livestock . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88
2.25 Female-headed households are slightly less likely to borrow from a financial
institution. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89
2.26 Women are slightly less likely than men to report having an account at a
formal financial institution.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89
3.1 Female labor force participation in the Republic of Korea rose for women of
all ages between 1960 and 2005 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105
3.2 Labor force participation is greater in rural areas than in urban areas for both
males and females . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108
3.3 Female labor force participation rates in Malaysia have risen over time
among 20- to 55-year-olds, but continue to decline during child-bearing years. . . . . 109
3.4 Women in rural Vietnam with children under age 2 are substantially less
likely to participate in the labor market than those without young children. . . . . . . . 110
3.5 Women earn less than men in the majority of East Asian and Pacific countries
and in all sectors of the economy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111
3.6 Male- and female-owned firms in the formal sector do not display substantial
differences in productivity. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111
3.7 In the informal sector, gender-based differences in productivity are more
pronounced than in the formal sector . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112
3.8 Women are more likely than men to work as unpaid family workers. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112
3.9 Women are slightly more likely to be employed in the informal sector than
men. Rural-urban differences in informality are greater than gender differences
within rural or urban areas. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113
3.10 Men and women work in different sectors throughout the East Asia and
Pacific region. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114
3.11 The pattern of female ownership by firm size varies across countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115
3.12 In Indonesia, female-led enterprises are clustered in lower-productivity and
capital-intensive industries. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115
3.13 Female labor force participation is high by global standards but also varies
substantially across the region . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 116
3.14 The fraction of the gender wage gap explained by differences in characteristics
is smaller than the fraction of the wage gap attributable to differences in
returns in Indonesia, 2009. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
3.15 Differences in productivity across informal and formal firms in Vietnam are
larger than differences across male- and female-led enterprises. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123
3.16 Self-reporting shows little difference in access to finance between male- and
female-run firms, with the exception of Timor-Leste and Tonga. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123
3.17 Male- and female-led informal firms report similar constraints in Indonesia . . . . . . 124
3.18 In Cambodia, women—particularly those with young children—balance
household work commitment with market work . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127
3.19 Women in Timor-Leste spend more time on domestic activities than men,
and these differences are found among richer as well as poorer
households. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128
4.1 There is a positive relationship between economic development and
civic activism. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147
x C o n t e n t s
4.2 There is no clear relationship between economic development and women’s
representation in parliament . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147
4.3 Who decides how wives’ cash earnings are used varies across
the region. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149
4.4 A majority of wives control decisions regarding their own health care and
household purchases . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149
4.5 Women in East Asia have greater control over decisions than
in other regions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 150
4.6 Fertility rates in the region have declined over the past three decades. . . . . . . . . . . . . 151
4.7 Adolescent fertility is especially high in the Pacific . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151
4.8 The rate of unwanted and mistimed pregnancies is especially high in the Pacific . . . . 152
4.9 Many firms have female participation in ownership, but fewer have a female
top manager. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153
4.10 Civic activism has grown in the low- and middle-income countries in the region . . . . 153
4.11 Women’s representation in parliament has grown in much of East Asia
but has experienced little change in the Pacific Islands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155
4.12 Women’s representation in parliament is low, especially in the Pacific. . . . . . . . . . . . . 155
4.13 Violence against women is high in the region.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156
4.14 The incidence of sexual intimate-partner violence is significantly
higher in the Pacific. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157
4.15 Gender-based violence can have inter-generational consequences. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157
4.16 Many men and women in the region believe that men make better
political leaders than women. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161
5.1 Women are more likely to work in export-oriented firms than in
non-export-oriented firms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181
5.2 Employment in textile and apparel in Vietnam grew substantially
between 2000 and 2008 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 182
5.3 Women predominate in the garment sector in four East Asian countries. . . . . . . . . . . 182
5.4 The share of international female migrants has increased over time in
Indonesia and Vietnam . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 186
5.5 The urban population now accounts for more than 50 percent of the
world’s population. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191
5.6 Urbanization is expected to be rapid in East Asia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 192
5.7 The rates of urban growth are predicted to vary substantially across
countries in the Pacific. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 192
5.8 In most East Asian and Pacific countries, urban areas have better access to
improved sanitation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193
5.9 Rural areas have lower access to improved water sources than urban areas in
the majority of countries in the region. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193
5.10 The old age dependency ratio is expected to increase for both men and
women in the next two decades; the female ratio will exceed the male
ratio in the future. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195
5.11 The gender gap in life expectancy at birth is lower in the East Asia and Pacific
region than in many other regions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 196
5.12 Life expectancy at birth in the region has improved for both men and women
since 1990, although gender gaps have widened in some countries. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 196
5.13 Women ages 65 and above are far more likely to be widowed than men. . . . . . . . . . . 197
5.14 Women’s time devoted to housework and caregiving activities is not
significantly greater in households with elderly members. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199
C o n t e n t s x i
5.15 Internet use has increased substantially in the East Asia and Pacific region
and around the developing world since 2000. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200
5.16 The number of cell phone subscribers per 100 people in the East Asia and
Pacific region has grown substantially since 2000. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200
5.17 Internet use has grown quickly in many countries in the region but has
grown slowly in others. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201
5.18 The number of cell phone subscribers in the population has grown across
most of East Asia but has remained limited in some Pacific countries. . . . . . . . . . . . . 201
5.19 Women in the region are less likely to be mobile phone subscribers than men. . . . . . . 202
5.20 Internet use has grown for both men and women in China, although a
persistent gender gap in access remains. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 202
Tables
2.1 Labor market returns to studying engineering are high relative to
studying education. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
2.2 School curricula in a number of East Asian countries have gender stereotyping. . . . . . 71
2.3 The East Asia and Pacific region, mainly driven by China, is characterized by its
large number of missing girls at birth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80
2.4 Most East Asian and Pacific countries do not differentiate by gender in
inheritance and property laws. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
3.1 Legal retirement ages in the East Asia and Pacific region. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119
4.1 Legislation against gender-based violence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164
4.2 Political affirmative action in East Asia and the Pacific. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167
5.1 Evidence shows no systematic gender differences in consumption poverty
among the elderly, regardless of family status . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197
6.1 Selected policy approaches to tackle excessive tobacco and alcohol use. . . . . . . . . . . . 221
Foreword
O
ver the past few decades, the East access than men to a range of productive
Asia and Pacific region has been assets and services, including land, finan-
the most economically dynamic cial capital, agricultural extension services,
region in the world. In most countries and new information technologies. Sub-
in the region, incomes have grown dra- stantial employment segregation by gender
matically, and with that growth, absolute remains. Women are less likely than men to
poverty has declined rapidly. Most of the work in formal sector jobs and more likely
region’s economies have also shifted away to work in poorly remunerated occupations
from agriculture and toward manufactur- and enterprises. Despite the closing of educa-
ing and services. Rapid growth, structural tion gaps, women still earn less than men for
transformation, and poverty reduction have similar work all across the region. Women
been accompanied by progress toward gen- in East Asian and Pacific countries still have
der equality in several key areas. Economic a weaker voice and less influence than men,
development has led to the closing of gender whether within the household, in the private
gaps in school enrollments and a decline in sector, in civil society, or in politics. And
maternal mortality rates: girls in the region women across the region remain vulnerable
as a whole now enroll in secondary schools to gender-based violence, often at the hand of
at a higher rate than boys, and maternal an intimate partner.
mortality has fallen by half over the past The main message of this book, Toward
20 years. Access to economic opportuni- Gender Equality in East Asia and the
ties has also increased, particularly among Pacific— a regional companion to the World
younger, better educated women. In many Development Report 2012: Gender Equal-
ways, women in East Asian and Pacific ity and Development—is that policy makers
countries are better positioned than ever in the region need to understand why prog-
before to participate in, contribute to, and ress in closing gender gaps has been mixed
benefit from development. and to implement corrective policies where
Yet, the experience of the region illustrates gaps remain persistent. The reason is that
also how growth and economic development gender equality is both an important devel-
are not enough to attain gender equality opment objective in its own right as well as
in all its dimensions. Women still have less good development policy. A growing body of
xiii
x i v F o r e w o r d
evidence shows that promoting gender equal- public action in the countries of East Asia
ity in access to productive resources, eco- and the Pacific. First, promoting gender
nomic opportunity, and voice can contribute equality in human development remains
to higher economic productivity, improve the important where gender gaps in education
economic prospects and wellbeing of the next and health outcomes remain large. Second,
generation, and lead to more effective devel- policies to close gender gaps in economic
opment policy making. Yet, gender equality opportunity have a critical role. Such mea-
in many areas does not happen automatically. sures are often warranted on both equity
Thus, gender-aware public policy is required and efficiency grounds. Third, initiatives to
if countries are to achieve both gender equal- strengthen women’s voice and influence—
ity and more rapid development. and to protect them from violence—are
As a regional report, Toward Gender also called for across the region. Strength-
Equality in East Asia and the Pacific focuses ening women’s agency will enhance the
on issues that are particularly pertinent to quality of development decision making
the region. Among other things, the report and, thus, development broadly. A nd,
examines the gender dimensions of several finally, public policy can foster the oppor-
emerging trends in the region—increased tunities and manage the risks associated
global economic integration, the rising use with emerging trends in the region; taking
of information and communication tech- a gender-aware approach to policy making
nologies, migration, urbanization, and rapid in this area will lead to better gender—
population aging—all of which are generat- and development—outcomes.
ing new opportunities, but also new risks, for This report shows that in East Asia and
promoting gender equality. The report also the Pacific, as in other parts of the world,
contributes to the development of new data gender equality is both the right development
and evidence on gender and development, objective as well as good development policy.
significantly strengthening the ability of
countries to formulate evidence-based policy Pamela Cox
in this area. Vice President
Drawing on this evidence base, the East Asia and Pacific Region
report identifies four priority areas for The World Bank
Acknowledgments
T
his study has been prepared by a mul- The team is grateful for the ongoing sup-
tisectoral, multidisciplinary team led port and guidance provided by members of
by Andrew Mason under the guid- the East Asia and Pacific Region’s manage-
ance of Bert Hofman and Sudhir Shetty. ment, including James Adams, Pamela Cox,
The report was written by a core team com- Vikram Nehru, John Roome, Emmanuel
prising Reena Badiani, Trang Van Nguyen, Jimenez, Linda Van Gelder, Magda Lovei,
Katherine Patrick, Ximena Del Carpio, and Xiaoqing Yu, Annette Dixon, Victoria
Andrew Mason, with significant contribu- Kwakwa, and Coralie Gevers. The team
tions from Jennifer Golan. Patricia Fer- also appreciates the support of the members
nandes, Anne Kuriakose, Rea Chiongson, of the Region’s Gender Practice Group, past
and Daniel Mont also provided substantive and present, including Nina Bhatt, Helene
inputs. New data analysis for the report was Carlsson Rex, Markus Kostner, Eduardo
carried out by Juan Feng, Reno Dewina, and Velez, and Lester Dally. Furthermore, the
Flora Nankhuni, using the East Asia and team benefitted from the ongoing interac-
Pacific Region’s Poverty Monitoring Data- oordination, and support of the World
tion, c
base. Background papers for the report were Development Report 2012 team, namely
written by Sarah Iqbal, Nayda Almodovar Ana Revenga, Sudhir Shetty, Ana Maria
Reteguis, Yasmin Klaudia bin Humam, Munoz, Carolina Sanchez-Paramo, Luis Ben-
Josefina Posadas, Reena Badiani, John veniste, Markus Goldstein, Jishnu Das, and
Rang, Benedikte Bjerge, Chris Sakellariou, Aline Coudouel.
and Dongxiao Liu. Qualitative studies on During the report’s preparation, the team
women’s economic decision making in Fiji, received helpful comments from four peer
Indonesia, Papua New Guinea, and Vietnam reviewers: Gillian Brown, Jeni K lugman,
were coordinated by Carolyn Turk and Patti Pierella Paci, and Martin Rama. Several
L. Petesch as part of a 22-country research country teams, represented by their Coun-
effort carried out under the auspices of the try Gender Coordinators (including Laura
World Development Report 2012 on gender Bailey, Edith Bowles, Yulia Immajati, Vanna
equality and development. Production sup- Nil, Solvita Klapare, Erdene Ochir Badarch,
port was provided by Lynn Yeargin, Cath- and Pamornrat Tansanguanwong), also pro-
ryn Summers, and Mildred Gonsalvez. vided valuable feedback at various stages.
xv
x v i A c k n o w l e d g m e n t s
In addition, the team received construc- on preliminary findings and messages
tive comments and inputs from Keith Bell, from the participants of the International
Shubham Chaudhury, Qimiao Fan, Mary Association for Feminist Economics, held
H allward Dreimeier, Mathew Verghis,
in June 2011 in Hangzhou, China; from
R obert Jauncey, Gladys Lopez-Acevedo,
country team colleagues in Cambodia, the
David Newhouse, C armen N iethammer, Lao People’s Democratic Republic, and
Bob R ijkers, Sevi Simavi, Monica das Thailand who participated in a video semi-
Gupta, I sabella Micali Drossos, Thuy Thi nar in September 2011; from participants
Thu Nguyen, Tehmina Khan, and Car- in the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation
los Sobrado. Mark Ingebretsen, Patricia (APEC) Women and the Economy Sum-
Katayama, and Andrés Meneses, from the mit held in San Francisco in September
Office of the Publisher, provided excellent 2011; and from colleagues, counterparts,
support in the design and publication of the and other stakeholders who participated
report. Mohamad Al-Arief and Carl Hanlon in events in Australia and New Zealand
provided invaluable guidance on a dissemi- in November 2011; Japan, Indonesia, and
nation and communication strategy. Vietnam in December 2011; and in Papua
The team benefited from early consulta- New Guinea, the Solomon Islands, and Fiji
tions with policy makers, civil society rep- in March 2012.
resentatives, academics, and development Generous financial support for the prepa-
partners in Indonesia, Mongolia, T hailand, ration and dissemination of this report was
and Vietnam. It also gained from feedback provided by AusAID.
Abbreviations
ADAPT An Giang Dong Thap Alliance for the Prevention against Trafficking
ADB Asian Development Bank
AED Academy for Education Development
AGI Adolescent Girls Initiative
ALMPs active labor market policies
ASEAN Association of South East Asian Nationals
AusAID Australian Agency for International Development
BFC Better Factories Cambodia
BMI body mass index
BPS Badan Pusat Statistik
BREAD Bureau for Research and Economic Analysis of Development
CAPWIP Center for Asia-Pacific Women in Politics
CAREM-Asia Coordination of Action Research on AIDS, Mobility-Asia
CCT conditional cash transfers
CDD community-driven development
CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against
Women
CGA Country Gender Assessment
CIDA Canadian International Development Agency
CWCC Cambodian Women’s Crisis Centre
CWDI Corporate Women Directors International
DFID Department for International Development (United Kingdom)
DHS Demographic and Health Surveys
EAP East Asia and Pacific
EC European Commission
ECA Europe and Central Asia
ECPAT End Child Prostitution in Asian Tourism
EFA education for all
EPZ Export Processing Zone
FAO Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations
FCND Food Consumption and Nutrition Division
xvii
x v i i i A b b r e v i a t i o n s
FODE Flexible Open and Distance Education
GBV gender-based violence
GDC Gender and Development for Cambodia
GDP gross domestic product
GEM gender equity model
GNP Grand National Party
G-PSF Government-Private Sector Forum
GRID Global Resource Information Data Base
HEF Health Equity Fund
HNP Health Nutrition and Population
HSI Hang Seng Index
ICT information and communication technology
ICRW International Center for Research on Women
IDEA International Development Evaluation Association
IFC International Finance Corporation
ILO International Labour Office
INSTRAW United Nations International Research and Training Institute for the
Advancement of Women
IOM International Organization for Migration
ISCO International Standard Classification of Occupations
ISD Indices of Social Development
KDP Kecamantan Development Program
KILM Key Indicators of the Labour Market
LAC Latin America and the Caribbean
Lao PDR Lao People’s Democratic Republic
MDGs Millennium Development Goals
MENA Middle East and North Africa
MIC middle income countries
MMR maternal mortality rate
MPDF Mekong Project Development Facility
MSMEs micro, small, and medium enterprises
NCRFW National Commission on the Role of Filipino Women
NGOs nongovernmental organizations
NIPH National Institute of Public Health
NIS National Institute of Statistics
NSD National Statistics Directorate
NSO National Statistics Office
OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
ORC Opinion Research Corporation
PEKKA Indonesia Women Headed Household Program
PISA Programme for International Student Assessment
PPP purchasing power parity
SAR special administrative region
SciCon Science Connections
SEZ Special Economic Zone
SHG self-help group
SIGI Social Institutional and Gender Index
SMEs small and medium enterprises
SPC Secretariat of the Pacific Community
SRB sex ratios at birth
STI sexually-transmitted infections
SUSI Survey of Cottage and Small-Scale Firms (Survei Usaha Terintegrasi)
A b b r e v i a t i o n s x ix
ThaiHealth Thai Health Promotion Foundation
TIMSS Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study
UN United Nations
UNDP United Nation Development Programme
UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization
UNFPA United Nations Fund for Population Activities
UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund
UNIFEM United Nations Development Fund for Women
VCCI Vietnam Chamber of Commerce and Industry
WBL Women, Business, and the Law
WDR World Development Report
WHO World Health Organization
ISO 3166 country name abbreviations
AUS Australia
CHN China
FJI Fiji
FSM Federated States of Micronesia
HKG Hong Kong SAR, China
IDN Indonesia
JPN Japan
KHM Cambodia
KIR Kiribati
KOR Republic of Korea
LAO Lao People’s Democratic Republic
MHL Marshall Islands
MMR Myanmar
MNG Mongolia
MYS Malaysia
NZL New Zealand
PHL Philippines
PLW Palau
PNG Papua New Guinea
PRK Democratic Republic of Korea
PYF French Polynesia
SGP Singapore
SLB Solomon Islands
THA Thailand
TMP Timor-Leste
TON Tonga
TUV Tuvalu
TWN Taiwan, China
VNM Vietnam
VUT Vanuatu
WSM Samoa
Overview
I
n recent decades, women across the decades have been associated with reduced
globe have made positive strides toward gender inequalities in several dimensions.
gender equality. Literacy rates for young The region grew at 7 percent on average
women and girls are higher than ever before, between 2000 and 2008 (figure O.1), the
while gender gaps in primary education structure of the region’s economies has shifted
have closed in almost all countries. In the away from agriculture toward manufacturing
last three decades, over half a billion women and services, and extreme poverty has fallen
have joined the world’s labor force (World dramatically. Indeed, the share of the region’s
Bank 2011c). Progress toward gender equal- population living on less than US$1.25 a
ity in East Asia and the Pacific has been day has declined by more than 50 percent
similarly noteworthy. Most countries in the since 1990—from among the highest rates
region have either reached or surpassed gen- of poverty in the world to among the lowest
der parity in education enrollments. Health (figure O.2). Growth, structural transforma-
outcomes for both women and men have tion, and poverty reduction have been accom-
improved significantly. Female labor force panied by considerable progress toward
participation rates in the region are rela- gender equality in several key areas, particu-
tively high. Yet, despite considerable progress larly education and health. Many countries
in this economically dynamic region, gender in the region have experienced closing gen-
disparities persist in a number of important der gaps in school enrollments and declining
areas—particularly in access to economic maternal and child mortality rates.
opportunity and in voice and influence in
society. For policy makers in East Asian But growth and development have not been
and Pacific countries, closing these gender enough to attain gender equality in all its
gaps represents an important challenge dimensions. Women still have less access
to achieving more inclusive and effective than men to a range of productive assets and
development. services, including land, financial capi-
tal, agricultural extension services, and
The East Asia and Pacific Region’s signifi- new information technologies. Substantial
cant economic growth, structural transfor- employment segregation by gender remains.
mation, and poverty reduction in the last few Women are less likely than men to work in
1
2 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
FIGURE O.1 The East Asia and Pacific region has experienced rapid Pacific countries still have a weaker voice and
economic growth less influence than men, whether in house-
hold decision making, in the private sector, in
average annual GDP growth rate civil society, or in politics. Moreover, women
10
across the region remain vulnerable to
8 gender-based violence, often at the hand of
an intimate partner.
6
4 This report clarifies empirically the rela-
tionship between gender and develop-
percent
2
ment and outlines an agenda for public
0 action to promote gender equalit y in
East Asian and Pacific countries. The
–2
report was written as a companion to the
–4 World Development Report 2012: Gen-
der Equality and Development (World
–6
1980–84 1985–89 1990–94 1995–99 2000–04 2005–09 Bank 2011c) and is intended as a tool to
help policy makers in the region promote
East Asia and Paci c Europe and Central Asia
both gender equality and more effective
Latin America and the Caribbean Middle East and North Africa
South Asia Sub-Saharan Africa
development. Following the World Devel-
opment Report 2012 , this report focuses
on gender outcomes in three domains:
Source: World Development Indicators (WDI) database.
(a) endowments—human and productive
capital; (b) economic opportunity—par-
FIGURE O.2 Poverty reduction in the East Asia and Pacific region ticipation and returns in the economy; and
has been impressive (c) agency—women’s voice and influence
in all facets of society.
poverty trends by region
90 The report makes several distinct contri-
percentage of the population living below
80 butions to policy makers’ understanding of
70 gender, development, and public policy in
60 East Asian and Pacific countries.
$1.25 a day
50
First, the analysis focuses on issues that
•
40
are particularly relevant to the region.
30
Compared with other developing regions,
20
for example, female access to basic edu-
10 cation is no longer a first-order concern
0
1981 1984 1987 1990 1993 1996 1999 2002 2005 2008
in most East Asian and Pacific countries.
Gender stereotyping and gender “stream-
East Asia and Paci c Europe and Central Asia
ing�? in education still represent critical
Latin America and the Caribbean Middle East and North Africa
challenges, however, and thus receive par-
South Asia Sub-Saharan Africa
ticular emphasis in the report.
S econd, the report examines the gender
•
Source: PovcalNet.
dimensions of several emerging trends that
are important to the region’s development:
formal sector jobs and more likely to work in increased global economic integration,
poorly remunerated occupations and enter- rising use of information and commu-
prises. And despite closing of education gaps, nication technologies (ICTs), migration,
women continue to be paid less than men urbanization, and rapid population aging.
for similar work. Women in East Asian and These trends have gender dimensions that
O V E R V I E W 3
are not commonly accounted for by policy Development Report 2012 (World Bank
makers but that will generate a distinct set 2011c, 3), “Gender equality is smart econom-
of challenges for promoting gender equal- ics.�? Indeed, the literature shows that greater
ity going forward. gender equality in endowments, access to
T hird, the East Asia and Pacific region is
• economic opportunities, and agency can (a)
vast and diverse, with important differ- contribute to higher productivity, income
ences in economic and social characteristics growth, and poverty reduction; (b) improve
that affect progress toward gender equality. the opportunities and outcomes of the next
The report accounts for intraregional diver- generation; and (c) enhance development
sity in a way that is not possible in a global decision making. This section explores the
report. Particular emphasis is placed, where evidence on these three pathways, in turn.
possible, on the challenges faced by coun-
tries in the Pacific as distinct from those in
Gender equality can contribute to
East Asia.
higher productivity and income growth
Finally, the report has undertaken exten-
•
sive empirical analysis of gender equality For households and economies to function
using a newly created database of house- at their full potential, resources, skills, and
hold surveys for the region. In doing so, talent should be put to their most produc-
the report has contributed significantly tive use. If societies allocate resources on
to the development of indicators and evi- the basis of one’s gender, as opposed to
dence on gender, development, and public one’s skills and abilities, this allocation
policy that were not available previously. comes at a cost. Indeed, the economic costs
of gender inequalities—whether caused
by the persistence of traditional norms or
Why does gender equality by overt discrimination—can be consider-
matter for development? able. A recent study commissioned for the
Gender equality matters intrinsically. Nobel World Development Report 2012 found
prize–winning economist Amartya Sen trans- that in the East Asia and Pacific region,
formed the discourse on development when output per worker could be 7 to 18 percent
he argued that development not only is about higher across a range of countries if female
raising people’s incomes or reducing poverty entrepreneurs and workers were to work in
but rather involves a process of expanding the same sectors, types of jobs, and activi-
freedoms equally for all people (Sen 1999).1 ties as men and to have the same access to
Viewed from this perspective, gender equal- productive resources (Cuberes and Teignier-
ity is intrinsically valued. The near-universal Baqué 2011).
ratification and adoption of the Convention Evidence suggests that misallocation of
on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimi- female skills and talent commonly begins
nation against Women (CEDAW)2 —and the before women enter the labor force, when
subsequent commitment of the international families and societies underinvest in girls’
community to Millennium Development schooling. A number of cross-country stud-
Goals 3 and 5—underscores a near-global ies have found a robust inverse relationship
consensus that gender equality and women’s between the size of the gender gap in edu-
empowerment are development objectives in cation and gross domestic product (GDP)
their own right. growth, controlling for average education
levels and other factors associated with eco-
Gender equality also matters for develop- nomic growth (see, for example, Klasen 2002;
ment. A growing body of empirical litera- Knowles, Lorgelly, and Owen 2002). 3
ture from around the world demonstrates Moreover, to the extent that young women
that promoting gender equality is also good (or men) choose fields of study on the basis
development policy, or as stated in the World of their gender rather than their abilities,
4 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
this too will exact costs not only on indi- an increasingly competitive world, coun-
viduals’ employment and earnings, but also tries will need to harness their resources
on a country’s economic productivity more efficiently by improving opportunities for
broadly. all and allocating labor on the basis of
Gender inequalities in access to pro- skill instead of gender. Gender inequal-
ductive assets also have costs in terms of ity, whether in endowments, economic
productivity and income. Microeconomic opportunities, or agency, reduces a coun-
studies from a number of countries across try’s ability to compete in this increasingly
developing regions show that female farm- globalized economic environment (World
ers and entrepreneurs are inherently no less Bank 2011c).
productive than male farmers and entrepre-
neurs; rather, they tend to have less access
Promoting gender equality is also an
to productive inputs.4 A recent study by
investment in the next generation
the Food and Agriculture Organization of
the United Nations estimates that equaliz- A large body of cross-country and country-
ing access to productive resources between specific literature shows that healthier, bet-
female and male farmers could increase ter educated mothers have healthier, better
agricultural output in developing countries educated children, which can be expected
by 2.5 to 4.0 percent (FAO/Sida Partnership to positively affect children’s future pro-
Cooperation 2010). ductivity and economic prospects. The
A number of studies show that gender- effects begin even before childbirth. In
based violence also imposes significant Timor-Leste, highly educated mothers
costs on the economies of developing coun- and those in the wealthiest households are
tries through lower worker productivity more likely to have their babies delivered
and incomes, lower human capital invest- by skilled attendants than less educated
ments, and weaker accumulation of social mothers and those from poorer house-
capital (Morrison, Ellsberg, and Bott 2007). holds (NSD, Ministry of Finance, and ICF
In addition to indirect costs, gender-based Macro 2010). Similarly, Demographic and
violence has large direct economic costs on Health Survey data show that Cambodian
society. A study in the United States found women with little education are relatively
that the direct health care costs of intimate less likely to receive prenatal care and assis-
partner violence against adult women were tance from trained health personnel during
more than $4 billion USD in 1995 (USCDC birth deliveries than women with more
2003). Reducing gender-based violence education (Johnson, Sao, and Hor 2000). A
would thus have significant positive effects mother’s health and nutrition status is also
on the region’s economies by reducing found to strongly affect children’s physical
health care costs and increasing investments health as well as cognitive and noncogni-
in women’s human capital, female worker tive abilities, which can have long-lasting
productivity, and women’s accumulation of developmental and societal consequences
social capital. (Naudeau et al. 2011).
As the global economy becomes more Higher labor force participation as well
integrated, the productivity effects associ- as income earned and assets held by women
ated with greater gender equality are likely have also been shown to have positive
to be increasingly important to East Asian effects on the next generation. In Indonesia,
and Pacific countries. Recent studies on the for example, women with a higher share of
relationship between gender and trade sug- household assets before marriage tend to
gest that gender inequalities have become use more prenatal care and are more likely
financially detrimental for countries in a to have their births attended by skilled
world of open trade (Do, Levchenko, and health care providers (Beegle, Frankenberg,
Raddatz 2011). To participate effectively in and Thomas 2001). Similarly, in China,
O V E R V I E W 5
increasing adult female income by 10 per- as good leaders as men, studies suggest that
cent of the average household income raised capturing these gender-based differences
the fraction of surviving girls by 1 percent- in perspective can lead to not only more
age point and increased years of schooling representative but also better decision mak-
for both boys and girls. In contrast, a simi- ing. Evidence from South Asia suggests that
lar increase in male income reduced survival development policy making can benefit from
rates and educational attainment for girls greater gender equality in voice. As an exam-
with no impact on boys (Qian 2008). Stud- ple, a study of women elected to local govern-
ies from across developing and developed ment in India found that female leadership
regions (for example, from places as diverse positively affected the provision of public
as Brazil, Ghana, South Africa, and the goods at the local level in ways that better
United States) show that income in the hands reflected both women’s and men’s preferences
of women positively affects their female chil- (Chattopadhyay and Duflo 2004). Similarly,
dren’s health (Duflo 2003; Thomas 1995); studies from rural India and Nepal found that
commonly, the marginal effects of income when women who were previously excluded
and assets in the hands of mothers are larger from decisions about local natural resource
than effects of similar income and assets in management gained greater voice and influ-
the hands of fathers. ence, local conservation outcomes improved
Reductions in gender-based violence significantly (Agarwal 2010a, 2010b).
through greater female agency can also have Women’s collective agency can also be
important intergenerational benefits. Sev- transformative, both for individuals and
eral studies show that experiencing domes- for society as a whole. For example, for a
tic violence between parents as a child group of ethnic minority women in rural
contributes to a higher risk of both women China, information sharing among them
experiencing domestic violence as adults has helped empower them and raise their
and of men perpetrating violence against social standing in the Han-majority com-
their spouses (Fehringer and Hindin 2009). munities into which they married (Judd
In Timor-Leste, 56.4 percent of women 2010). In a more formal setting, over the last
who were victims of spousal violence had 15 years, migrant domestic workers in Hong
a father who beat their mother (NSD, Min- Kong SAR, China, have been engaged in
istry of Finance, and ICF Macro 2010). In civic action focused on local migrant work-
Cambodia, women who reported that their ers’ rights as well as international human
mothers experienced domestic violence were rights (Constable 2009). These efforts have
more likely to experience physical and psy- contributed to the enactment of laws that
chological domestic violence as well (NIPH, now provide migrant domestic workers in
NIS, and ORC Macro 2006). Efforts that Hong Kong SAR, China, with some of the
increase women’s safety and security and most comprehensive legal protections in the
that reduce domestic violence can thus lead world.
to lower intergenerational transmission of
violence within families.
Recent progress, pending
challenges
Strengthening women’s voice can
Over the last few decades, most East Asian
enhance the quality of development
and Pacific countries made considerable
decision making
progress toward gender equality in several
Several studies show that women and men dimensions. In other dimensions, gender
have different policy preferences (Edlund disparities have been more persistent. This
and Pande 2001; Lott and Kenny 1999). section reviews recent progress and pend-
Despite perceptions in some East Asian and ing challenges in the region, noting where
Pacific countries that women do not make economic growth and development have
6 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
contributed to advances and where they have sharply declined, and under-five mortality
been insufficient. rates have halved since 1990 for both boys
and girls. Noteworthy gains have been made
in birth attendance by health professionals.
Growth and development have been
In addition, the East Asia and Pacific region
accompanied by reduced gender
has seen substantial declines in the mater-
inequalities in several dimensions
nal mortality rate, from approximately 200
Many gender gaps in education have deaths per 100,000 live births in 1990 to
closed. Over the last few decades, boys’ and 100 in 2008 (figure O.4).
girls’ schooling outcomes have c onverged
at levels that are high by international Gender gaps in labor force par ticipa-
standards. East Asia and the Pacific has tion have narrowed. Female labor force
performed better than other developing
p articipation in East Asian and Pacific
regions, in terms of both increasing female
countries is high by international standards
and male educational enrollments and rais- (figure O.5), and among younger cohorts,
ing the female-to-male enrollment ratio. In female labor force participation has tended
2010, the region had the highest primary to rise over time. Moreover, as countries
school ratio of female-to-male enrollments grow and develop, women are increasingly
among all developing regions; at the sec- moving into jobs in the nonagricultural
ondary level, only Latin America and the sector and are migrating to urban areas in
Caribbean had a higher female-to-male search of better employment opportunities.
enrollment ratio (figure O.3). Trends and patterns of labor force partici-
pation look similar to those observed in the
Key health outcomes have improved. Dur- United States and other countries of the
ing the past half century, the region has Organisation for Economic Co-operation
experienced significant advances in sev- and Development (OECD) during their
eral health indicators. Fertility rates have economic transformations.
In many ways, women in East Asia and
the Pacific are better positioned today than
ever before to participate in and contribute
FIGURE O.3 Girls’ secondary school enrollments have converged to their countries’ development.
to those of boys
female-to-male ratio of secondary school gross enrollment
Despite progress, important
1.1 challenges to promoting gender
1.0 equality remain
0.9 Progress has been uneven across the
0.8 region. Substantial variation remains across
ratio
countries, both in overall enrollment rates
0.7
and in female-to-male enrollment ratios.
0.6 Countries such as Cambodia, the Lao
0.5 People’s Democratic Republic (Lao PDR),
0
and Papua New Guinea still have relatively
1991 1993 1995 1997 1999 2001 2003 2005 2007 2009 low enrollment levels and low female-to-
male enrollment ratios, particularly at
East Asia and Paci c Europe and Central Asia
the secondary school level. Furthermore,
Latin America and the Caribbean Middle East and North Africa alt houg h cou nt ries have ex perienced
South Asia Sub-Saharan Africa convergence in enrollment among the young,
substantial gaps still remain in the educa-
Source: WDI database, 2011 data. tional endowments of adult populations.
O V E R V I E W 7
Maternal mortality remains high in FIGURE O.4 Maternal mortality rates have declined in most
lower-income countries and in several Pacific countries in the region
countries (figure O.4). In Lao PDR, for
example, maternal mortality rates were still 1,400
modeled estimates of maternal mortality
more than 500 deaths per 100,000 births in
1,200
deaths per 100,000 live births
2008, among the highest rates in the world.
Indonesia’s maternal mortality rate remains 1,000
high compared to other countries in the 800
region at similar levels of development. 600
Substantial differences in labor force
400
participation occur across countries in the
region, even among countries with similar 200
income levels. Relative to their income levels, 0
1990 1995 2000 2005 2008
countries such as China and Vietnam have
substantially higher rates of female labor Lao PDR Cambodia Timor-Leste Indonesia
force participation than the world average, Papua New Guinea Philippines Vietnam Solomon
whereas participation is near the world aver- Islands
Mongolia China Malaysia
age in countries such as Indonesia and the
Philippines, and below average in countries Thailand Fiji
such as Fiji and Malaysia (figure O.5).
Source: WDI database, Gender Statistics, 2010 data.
Within countries, interactions between gen-
der and other socioeconomic characteristics FIGURE O.5 Female labor force participation is high by global
can often exacerbate disparities. Economi- standards but also varies substantially across the region
cally disadvantaged and minority populations
often experience lower educational enroll- female labor force participation rate (ages 15–64)
90
ments, for example. In Vietnam, school par- Lao PDR
ticipation among 15- to 17-year-olds is sub- 80 Cambodia
stantially higher among the Kinh and Hoa Vietnam
Papua New Guinea China Australia
(Chinese) majorities than among many of 70
the 52 ethnic minority populations. Among Mongolia Thailand Japan
60 Timor Leste Tonga
the more economically disadvantaged and Singapore
percent
Indonesia
less well integrated Hmong, Dao, and Khmer Philippines Korea, Rep.
50
minorities, far fewer girls attend school than
boys (Baulch et al. 2002). 5 Geographic dis- 40 Malaysia
tance, or remoteness, can also serve to com- Fiji
pound gender disadvantage. Women in remote 30
rural areas commonly have limited access to
0
health care, significantly raising the risks asso- 0 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13
ciated with pregnancy and childbirth. While log GDP per capita (2005 PPP dollars)
Vietnam has experienced noteworthy declines
global relationship, 2009
in maternal mortality, on average, over the
last decade, progress has been much slower Sources: World Bank staff estimates using Key Indicators of Labour Market (KILM) labor force data
in remote and ethnic minority regions (World (International Labour Organization) and purchasing power parity adjusted GDP per capita (in logs
and at 2005 prices) from the Penn World Tables.
Bank 2011b). Note: GDP = gross domestic product, PPP = purchasing power parity. The data shown for each
country are from 2009 and the estimated U-shaped relationship uses data from across the world.
Some gender disparities fail to close—
the most concerning issues is that despite
or close very slowly—with development
growth and development, the problem
More than a million girls and women per of missing girls remains significant. The
year are “missing�? in East Asia. Among term “missing women�? was first coined
8 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
FIGURE O.6 Across the region, female-headed households own to what is observed in developed coun-
less land than male-headed households tries. Sen argued that this imbalance in sex
ratios reflected severe forms of gender bias
hectares of land owned, by sex of household head in affected societies. Biological differences
2.5
between males and females imply that
approximately 105 boys are born for every
2.0
100 girls. Nonetheless, China, Vietnam,
and until recently, the Republic of Korea
1.5 have experienced substantial deviations
hectares
from the biological norm, and the trend
1.0 over time, particularly in China, has been
alarming. In China, the number of girls
0.5 who are missing per year at birth increased
from 890,000 in 1990 to 1,092,000 in
0.0 2008. Missing girls as a fraction of the total
number of female births increased from
20 lia,
20 ste,
20 m,
20 dia,
20 DR,
19 sia,
na
go
08
07
06
08
08
99
ne
oP
e
bo
-L
8.6 percent in 1990 to 13.3 percent in 2008
et
on
do
m
La
or
Vi
M
Ca
In
Tim
(World Bank 2011c).
female-headed households male-female gap
Source: World Bank staff estimates using household income and expenditure surveys.
Gender disparities still exist in access to
and control of productive resources. Gender
disparities in access to and control of land
FIGURE O.7 Women in East Asia and the Pacific still earn less
and farm inputs are pervasive in the region
than men
despite growth and development. Women
remain less likely to own land than men.
ratio of female-to-male hourly wages, by sector
And when women, or specifically, female-
Cambodia, headed households, do own land, they
2008 typically have smaller holdings (figure O.6).6
Indonesia, Female-headed households also tend to have
2009
poorer access to other productive inputs and
Lao PDR, 2008 support services, including livestock hold-
Philippines, ings and access to agricultural extension
2006 services.
Thailand,
2009 Despite high labor force participation,
Timor-Leste, important gender inequalities in economic
2007
opportunity remain. Women still earn less
Vietnam,
2006
than men in nearly all sectors in all coun-
0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0 1.2 tries in the region (figure O.7). Gender
ratio wage gaps increase with age, reflecting
in part lower levels of experience among
government industry
women caused by workforce interrup-
services agriculture
tions and reduced working hours during
childbearing years, as well as gender dis-
Source: World Bank staff estimates using household income and expenditure surveys. parities in education among older cohorts.
Gender wage gaps in the region are also
by Amartya Sen (1999) to refer to the phe- st rong ly i n f luenc ed by o c c upat ion a l
nomenon that many low-income countries and sectoral segregation, mirroring pat-
have far fewer women than men relative terns seen in the United States and other
O V E R V I E W 9
OECD countries. Together, differences in FIGURE O.8 In urban China and Indonesia, gender wage gaps are
education endowments, experience, and largest among low wage earners
industrial and occupational segregation
explain up to 30 percent of observed gen- percentage difference between male and female hourly wages
50
der wage disparities in East Asian countries
(Sakellariou 2011). 45
Gender wage gaps in the region are often 40
greatest among men and women with rela- 35
tively low education and skill levels. Several 30
percent
studies from East Asian and Pacific coun- 25
tries point toward “sticky floors,�? that is, 20
wider wage gaps at the bottom than at the
15
top of the earnings distribution (figure O.8).
10
The finding of sticky floors contrasts with
studies from OECD countries, which more 5
commonly find “glass ceilings,�? that is, 0
larger wage gaps among higher-earning men 1st 2nd 3rd 4th 5th 6th 7th 8th 9th
and women. income decile
Women are more likely to work in small China, 2004 Indonesia, 2009
firms, to work in the informal sector, and
to be concentrated in lower-paid occupa- Sources: Chi and Li 2007; Sakellariou 2011.
tions and sectors. Within firms, women
are more likely than men to be temporary
workers. Such employment segregation FIGURE O.9 Enterprises with female managers tend to be smaller
affects a number of economic outcomes
by gender, including earnings, returns to percentage of small, medium, and large rms
education and experience, social security 40
with a female manager
coverage, and exposure to shocks. Sub-
35
stantial gender-based occupational and
sectoral segregation is seen in all countries 30
and does not decline with development.
25
In fact, employment segregation tends to
percent
increase as economies become more diverse 20
with development. Economic growth and, 15
in particular, urbanization appear to make
occupational and sectoral segregation by 10
gender more pronounced, particularly dur- 5
ing the early stages of economic structural
0
change.
m
s
ia
ne
es
na
Similarly, female-led enterprises tend
pi
n
et
do
ilip
Vi
In
Ph
to be smaller and more precarious than small rm medium rm large rm
m ale-led enterprises (figure O.9) . The
micro, small, and medium firm sectors are Source: World Bank staff estimates using Enterprise Surveys database for 2006–11.
important segments of most East Asian and
Pacific economies and contribute a substan-
tial fraction of GDP. Female-led enterprises
across the region, particularly in the infor- have fewer employees and assets, and are
mal sector, have lower profits, are less likely more likely to be home based or to operate
than m ale-led enterprises to be registered, out of nonpermanent premises. Although
1 0 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
female-owned and -managed enterprises Solomon Islands and 69 percent of part-
are not inherently less productive, they tend nered women in Vanuatu report that they
to be smaller, less capitalized, and located have experienced some sort of controlling
in less remunerative sectors. behavior by their partners. This includes
preventing them from seeing family, wanting
Women in the region still have less voice and to know where they are at all times, forbid-
influence than men. Women’s household ding contact with other men, and control-
decision-making power in East Asia and the ling their access to health care (SPC and
Pacific is relatively high, but levels of auton- NSO 2009; VWC 2011).
omy vary across the region. Women’s auton- Women’s voice and inf luence in the
omy in the household can be measured in public domain—as measured by repre-
several ways, including control of assets, sentation in national and local political
freedom of physical mobility, and voice in assemblies—remains low. The share of
decision making. By several of these mea- female parliamentarians in East Asian and
sures, including control over large house- Pacific countries is just below the global
hold purchases and visiting family and average, at approximately 18 percent in
relatives, women in East Asian countries 2011. Despite economic growth and devel-
appear to have relatively high autonomy opment in the region, this figure has barely
compared with women in other develop- changed since 1990. Although the share of
ing regions (World Bank 2011c). Women women in national assemblies varies con-
in the Pacific have relatively less control siderably across the region, it is systemati-
over their own earnings, however. Over 15 cally lower in the Pacific than in East Asia
percent of women in the M arshall Islands, (figure O.11). Indeed, in no country in
15 percent in Samoa, and 13 percent in the Pacific does the share of parliamen-
Tuvalu report that their husbands control tarians who are female exceed 10 per-
their cash earnings (figure O.10). Moreover, cent, and four countries—the Federated
58 percent of partnered women in the States of Micronesia, Nauru, Palau, and
the Solomon Islands — have no female
parliamentarians.
FIGURE O.10 Who decides how wives’ cash earnings are used
The prevalence of gender-based violence
varies widely across the region is high in the region, and particularly so in
the Pacific where the prevalence of domestic
percentage of wives, husbands, and couples deciding how wives’ violence is among the highest in the world.
cash earnings will be used As can be seen in figure O.12, 68 percent
100 of ever-married women 15– 49 years of
90 age in Kiribati, 64 percent in the Solomon
80 Islands, and 60 percent in Vanuatu have
70 experienced physical or sexual violence
60
at the hands of an intimate partner (SPC,
percent
50
Ministry of Internal and Social Affairs,
40
and Statistics Division 2010; SPC and NSO
30
2009; VWC 2011). Although no nationally
20
10
representative data exist for Papua New
0
Guinea, studies conducted at the subna-
tional level suggest that domestic violence
oa
ia
lu
a
s
te
s
nd
ne
di
es
va
es
m
bo
is just as prevalent (Ganster-Breidler 2010;
on
pi
Isa
Tu
-L
Sa
ilip
m
or
d
all
In
Ca
Tim
Lewis, Maruia, and Walker 2008). This
Ph
sh
ar
M
mainly wife jointly mainly husband violence is a linchpin to a bigger story; vio-
lence against women represents the extreme
Sources: Demographic and Health Surveys, various years. deprivation of voice and freedom among
O V E R V I E W 1 1
FIGURE O.11 Women’s representation in parliament is low, especially in the Pacific
percentage of seats held by women in the
lower or single house, 2011
45
40
35
30
25
percent
20
15
10
5
0
. P rea an
G s
rsh an ea
T ar
m b ia
Sin Chi a
ilip re
La nam
P a o mo P r u
a N Isla u
ng a
Sa olia
Tu a
Kir alu
lay i
em Ko Japsia
’s .
on d
ga n a
Vie ines
rd r-L R
co este
wo es
rld
N a ts.
an s
Is u
Th Rep.
ple ep
Ma bat
M y l and
mo
i
Mo ong
pu n ala
No Timo o PD
all uat
Ind ilan
e w nd
od
Ca es
m
P h po
u
tri
S
Ma V uin
v
eo , R
i
d.
p
un
t
a
Fe,
sia
ic
ne
l
cro
So
Mi
,D
rea
Ko
Source: PARLINE database (Inter-Parliamentary Union).
women and, as such, is often associated FIGURE O.12 Violence against women is high in the region
with a lack of agency in other dimensions.
percentage of women who have experienced
Awareness is increasing that men and boys— sexual or physical intimate-partner violence
80
not just women and girls—face gender- 70
specific risks. Some countries in the region 60
have started to experience a reverse gender 50
percent
gap in education; girls’ secondary school 40
enrollment now exceeds that of boys in 30
China, Fiji, Malaysia, Mongolia, the Philip- 20
pines, Samoa, and Thailand. Reverse gender 10
gaps at the tertiary level are sometimes even 0
starker: in Thailand, 122.4 females were
nd
Ph ste
s
Ca an
a
on ati
Va s
u
oa
sh valu
ds
ne
d
di
at
an
an
m
p
rib
a
e
bo
nu
pi
enrolled for every 100 males in 2008. In
ail
Ja
-L
Tu
Sa
Isl
Isl
Ki
ilip
m
or
Th
all
Tim
addition, men across the region experience
m
ar
lo
So
M
higher levels of morbidity and premature
mortality related to substance abuse. The East Asia Paci c
prevalence of smoking and drinking among
males in East Asian and Pacific countries Sources: Demographic and Health Surveys, various years, and government surveys.
Note: Data for Thailand are for Bangkok and Nakhonsawan only, and data for Japan are for
is much higher than the prevalence among Yokohama only.
females.
1 2 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
Why do many gender whereas females are expected to submit
inequalities persist? to their husbands and be caregivers and
homemakers.
Low household incomes, weak service Weak systems of service delivery also
delivery, and traditional norms can constrain progress in education—overall as
impede gender equality in education well as for girls. In Cambodia, Lao PDR,
and health and Papua New Guinea, for example, school
Where gender gaps in education are still enrollments are low overall, and gender gaps
observed, low income coupled with high persist. Low enrollment rates in Papua New
costs of education can limit household Guinea also reflect limited physical access
demand for schooling. Traditional gender to schools and high dropout rates. Poor and
norms and practices also strongly influ- sparse school infrastructure, poor teacher
ence household schooling decisions. Par- attitudes and attendance, lack of teachers
ticipants of focus group discussions in a in remote areas, and negative pupil behav-
qualitative research exercise in Papua New ior all contribute to low overall enrollments.
Guinea report, for example, that parents Long distances to schools have been observed
value boys’ education over girls’ education. to make school attendance costly in both
The reason is that males will carry the C ambodia and Lao PDR, particularly for
family name and become household heads istances raise safety
girls, because long travel d
FIGURE O.13 Women are concentrated in certain fields of study, such as education and medicine, but are
underrepresented in law and engineering
90 percentage of students who are women, by eld of study
80
70
60
50
percent
40
30
20
10
0
n
lth
law
g
n
h
y
nc d
og
tio
in
tio
at
cie an
a
es
er
m
ol
he
a
ra
l s ts,
uc
ne
hn
d
ist
cia ar
an
ed
gi
in
ec
so es,
en
ce
dm
lt
iti
ien
ra
sa
an
tu
sc
es
ul
m
sin
ric
hu
ag
bu
Indonesia, 2009 Thailand, 2006 Vietnam, 2006
Source: Sakellariou 2011.
O V E R V I E W 1 3
concerns among parents. The lack of toilets at deliveries in the forest, including beliefs that
many schools makes attendance more difficult women do not need prenatal care or delivery
for girls than boys. supported by skilled attendants. These factors
Gender streaming in education largely take a heavy toll on women during pregnancy
reflects societal norms and expectations and pose higher risks of mortality related to
and has implications for gender inequali- birth complications.
ties in job placement and earnings. Substan- Strong son preference, intensified by
tial differences remain in the composition declining fertility and the availability of pre-
of education between men and women in natal sex-identification technology, underlies
the region (figure O.13). Economic returns the observed skewed sex ratios at birth in a
or comparative advantage of females and few East Asian countries (China, Vietnam,
males in different fields of study do not and to a lesser extent now, Korea). Parents’
appear to explain education streaming. choices to keep and care for boys over girls
Social norms about appropriate work for can depend on social norms and values, dif-
women and men, role models in the labor ferent economic opportunities by gender,
market, and gender stereotyping in school and the benefits parents expect from a son
curricula play important roles. In East Asia compared to a daughter, including material
and the Pacific, teaching materials more support in old age. Although many societies
frequently portray males than females in have some mild degree of preference for sons,
active and leadership roles. Women are the interplay of culture, state, and political
often depicted as secretaries, assistants, processes can generate extreme patrilineality
nurses, and teachers whereas men are por- and highly skewed child sex ratios. In addi-
trayed as doctors, politicians, or police tion, the manifestation of son preference is
officers. Gender streaming in education ulti- influenced by public policies—for example,
mately affects the type of work that women China’s one-child policy and Vietnam’s two-
and men do and, importantly, affects their child policy—and the spread of prenatal
respective abilities to take advantage of exist- sex-determination technology since the early
ing and emerging economic opportunities. 1980s. For these reasons, economic growth
Poor service delivery and cultural norms and development alone do not necessarily
about birthing practices contribute in large reduce son preference and sex ratios at birth
part to high maternal mortality in sev- in East Asia.
eral East Asian and Pacific countries. Poor Gender norms about masculinity play
access to quality obstetric health services, a strong role in influencing the excessive
particularly in remote rural areas, places tobacco and alcohol consumption observed
women at higher risk for maternal death. among men in many parts of the region.
Rural areas tend to be less well served Smoking and drinking are commonly viewed
by the health system, and rural residents as masculine behaviors. Men and boys feel
have much lower access to birth deliver- substantial pressure to accept gender stereo-
ies attended by trained staff than do urban types that they should be strong and tough.
residents. Evidence shows that poor health In contrast, social disapproval of women
infrastructure and long distances to the who smoke keeps the smoking prevalence
nearest health center are both important among women very low in Vietnam, for
barriers to reducing maternal mortality in example. Survey data indicate that the pri-
Cambodia and Lao PDR. In addition, culture mary reason why most Vietnamese women
and tradition play an important role in the do not use tobacco is the expectation that
choice of health practices, such as the location “women shouldn’t smoke.�? Survey respon-
of childbirth, the use of skilled birth atten- dents consider this factor more influential
dants, and sterilization practices. Preferences in affecting smoking behaviors than health
can vary from birth deliveries at home to concerns.
1 4 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
Norms regarding women’s household women’s greater need for workplace flex-
roles and disparities in productive ibility to facilitate management of their dual
resources constrain economic household and market roles.
opportunity Female-headed households in the region
tend to have less access to land because of
Gender norms related to the allocation of
the interaction of complex legal, social, and
time to household work affect women’s
economic factors. In the majority of coun-
opportunities in the labor market because
tries in East Asia, statutory law does not
they are expected to take primary responsi-
differentiate property inheritance by gender.
bility for home and family in addition to any
However, parallel statutory and customary
market role. Responsibility in the household
legal systems in a number of East Asian and
fundamentally affects all outcomes in the
Pacific Island countries mean that women
market sphere—from where women work
are not treated equally to men in the imple-
and what they do to how much they earn.
mentation of the law. Gender inequalities
Women work longer total hours than men
persist also in access to other productive
and devote significantly more time to domestic
inputs and support services—from livestock
and caregiving activities (figure O.14), par-
holdings to agricultural extension services.
ticularly in households with small children.
Although evidence on access to credit is
Many women temporarily leave the labor
mixed across the region, female entrepre-
force when they must care for small children
neurs in several countries, including Timor-
or the elderly. Trade-offs between household
Leste and Tonga, report greater difficulty
and market work can be particularly stark
than their male counterparts in accessing
in rural areas, where women can spend
credit. Such disparities in access to produc-
long hours on domestic chores because of
tive resources continue to impede gender
poor infrastructure and a lack of alterna-
equality in access to economic opportunity.
tive childcare options. Indeed, differences in
A substantial share of the gaps in pro-
the types of work that women and men do,
ductivity and profits between female- and
along with higher rates of female presence
male-led firms can be accounted for by
in the informal sector, are in part caused by
gender-based segregation of enterprises by
sector, firm size, and firm characteristics.
FIGURE O.14 In Lao PDR, women—particularly those with young This “sorting�? of firms is found among both
children—must balance household and market work formal and informal enterprises and reflects
both gender norms regarding time alloca-
tion to household and market work and
10 hours spent per day on household and market work differential access to productive inputs. In
9 Indonesia, for example, the food, retail, and
8 garment manufacturing sectors—where
7 female entrepreneurs are most likely to
6 locate—are among the least capital-intensive
hours
5 and productive sectors (figure O.15). By con-
4
trast, the transport sector—where male entre-
3
preneurs are most likely to locate—has higher
2
productivity and capital intensity.
1
0
Broader constraints to business devel-
without a child with a child without a child with a child opment, such as cumbersome registration
men women
procedures, affect both female- and male-led
enterprises (figure O.16). The most impor-
tant issues vary by country, but, within any
market work housework and family care
given country, both male and female entre-
preneurs often identify similar challenges—
Source: World Bank staff estimates using Lao Socio-economic Survey, 2008. competition, difficulty in accessing finance,
O V E R V I E W 1 5
and lack of electricity—and in comparable FIGURE O.15 In Indonesia, female-led enterprises are clustered in
magnitudes. Evidence suggests that such con- lower-productivity and less capital-intensive industries
straints may be more onerous among small
and informal firms than among larger firms,
productivity and assets per worker, by sector
however, so to the extent that female-led firms 50
are smaller and more likely to be informal, 45
value added (rupiah, thousands)
they are likely to be more adversely affected. 40
35
Gender inequalities in endowments and 30
economic opportunity limit women’s 25
agency… 20
15
A woman’s agency is affected in fundamen-
10
tal ways by her endowments and access to
5
economic opportunities. Gender inequalities
0
in educational attainment, economic assets,
g
es
rt
od
il
and own earnings can hinder women’s abili-
rin
po
ta
vic
fo
re
tu
ns
er
ac
ties to influence their circumstances in the
tra
rs
uf
he
an
ot
home, to enter and participate effectively in
m
politics, or to leave bad or dangerous house- productivity per worker assets per worker
hold situations. In Indonesia, for example,
women with little or no education are less
Source: World Bank staff estimates using Indonesia Family Life Survey 2007/2008.
likely to participate in decisions involving Note: The graph shows productivity and assets per worker in five industries for firms with fewer than
their own health care, to make household five workers. Productivity is measured by value added.
purchases, or to engage regularly in social
FIGURE O.16 Male- and female-led firms report similar constraints
activities than women with at least a second-
in Indonesia
ary education (BPS and ORC Macro 2003).
In China and Cambodia, women with less
education are less likely to enter politics—for 35 percentage of rms reporting constraints
reasons of norms or statute—than women
30
with higher levels of education (Maffii and
Hong 2010; Wang and Dai 2010). Moreover, 25
worldwide evidence suggests that a woman’s
20
percent
ownership and control of her own assets and
income is associated with a decreased risk of 15
intimate-partner violence (Agarwal and
10
Panda 2007; ICRW 2006; Pronyk et al.
2006; Swaminathan, Walker, and Rugadya 5
2008). Women’s income can also positively
0
affect their accumulation of assets, which in capital marketing raw transport energy paying
turn positively affects their ability to leave materials wages
an abusive partner, to cope with shocks,
male female
and to invest and expand their earnings
and economic opportunities (World Bank
Source: World Bank staff estimates using Survey of Cottage and Small-Scale Firms (SUSI) 2002.
2011c).
society. As previously noted, traditional
… as do traditional norms regarding
norms about women’s roles within the
women’s roles …
home constrain their economic opportuni-
Social norms and practices can limit wom- ties and thus their decision-making power
en’s voice and influence in the home or in within the home. Traditional gender norms
1 6 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
FIGURE O.17 Men and, in some cases, women believe that men region, the legal environment is affected by
make better political leaders than women not only statutory but also customary law.
Plural legal environments, where both
percentage of men and women who think men make better statutory and customary laws are prac-
80 political leaders ticed, can create important challenges
70 to promoting gender equality in voice
and i nfluence. Statutory laws, customary
percentage of men and
60
women over age 30
50 (and sometimes religious) laws and prac-
tices can affect women’s voice and influence
40
in different ways when they bestow differ-
30 ent rights by gender. Moreover, in prac-
20 tice, the interaction between statute and
10 custom can mean that women’s legal status
0 varies substantially across ethnic (and reli-
gious) groups, even within a single country.
a
sia
ia
d
at d
ay
m
in
an
St ite
ys
na
rw
ne
Ch
This interaction can affect women’s rights in
es
ala
ail
Un
et
No
do
Th
Vi
M
In
male female
marriage and divorce, reproductive health,
education, asset ownership, inheritance, and
Source: World Values Survey database, 2005–2009 data.
Note: Data for Indonesia, Malaysia, the United States, and Vietnam are for 2006; data for China and freedom of mobility, among other things,
Thailand are for 2007; data for Norway are for 2008. which in turn can fundamentally affect the
extent of women’s agency.
and social expectations also shape people’s In some countries, inadequate legal protec-
views about women’s roles in the public tion, weak implementation and enforcement,
sphere. Surveys conducted in several East and social tolerance enable gender-based vio-
Asian countries indicate, for example, that lence. Although more than three-quarters
a majority of men—and sometimes a major- of countries in East Asia have strengthened
ity of women—think that men make better legislation on domestic abuse in recent years
political leaders than women (figure O.17). (including, for example, Indonesia, Korea, Lao
Similarly, in parts of rural China, many PDR, Thailand, and Vietnam), in the Pacific,
people still think of women as less capable more than 60 percent of countries still lack suf-
(disuzhi), and local norms dictate that they ficient legislation on domestic violence (UNDP
should confine their activities to the domes- 2010). Even when countries have appropriate
tic settings (Wang and Dai 2010). legislation in place, women remain unpro-
tected by the legal system because the laws
remain largely unenforced. A recent study
… and complex legal environments found, for example, that officers in the Fiji
and, often, weak access to justice Police Force Sexual Offences Unit often have
The legal setting, along with people’s access unwelcoming attitudes when dealing with
to justice, establishes the underlying environ- female victims (UNFPA 2008). The same is
ment in which women (and men) can exercise true in some areas in Cambodia, where many
agency in the home and in society. Whether local officials still believe that a husband can
women and men are equally supported under threaten his wife despite the laws in place
the law, and whether their rights are pro- (UNDP Cambodia and VBNK 2010).
tected in practice thus critically affect their
voice and influence in society. Laws and
access to justice also create the environment
Emerging opportunities
in which women and men can (or cannot)
and risks in an increasingly
access resources and economic opportunity
integrated world
and accumulate assets, which also affects Several emerging trends in the region will
their agency. In several countries in the present both new opportunities and new
O V E R V I E W 1 7
risks to achieving gender equality. East FIGURE O.18 The share of female workers in export-oriented firms
Asia and the Pacific are at the forefront is relatively high
of several global trends: increasing global
economic integration, rising availability percentage of workers who are female in a rm,
and use of ICTs, increased domestic and 70 by export status of rm
cross-border migration, rapid urbanization, 60
and population aging. Because these trends
have gender dimensions, they will affect the 50
evolution of gender equality in the region. 40
percent
In many ways, these trends will bring with
them new opportunities for gender equality. 30
For example, increased economic integra- 20
tion, greater access to ICTs, and increased
migration will likely all contribute to 10
increased income earning opportunities 0
for women. Along with new opportunities, Cambodia China Indonesia Thailand
however, these emerging trends will bring exporter non-exporter
new risks.
Increasing global integration will likely Source: World Bank staff estimates using Enterprise Surveys database for 2002–06.
continue to be an important source of Note: Share of female workers = female workers/total workers.
n onagricultural employment growth for
women, who are already highly represented
in export-oriented sectors (figure O.18). And network and share information about start-
greater employment and earnings in export- ing and running a business. Limited evidence
orientated industries can contribute to greater suggests that women in the region may still
female independence and autonomy in deci- have lower access to information technolo-
sion making. At the same time, increasing gies than men, however. Although data from
global integration can increase economic risk China show rapid growth in access to ICT
and uncertainty, as shocks are quickly trans- services, Chinese women are still less likely
mitted across integrated markets. A number to use the Internet or to subscribe to mobile
of studies find that while shocks do not neces- phone services (figure O.19). Widening gen-
sarily have more adverse impacts on women der gaps in access to ICTs raise the risk of
than men, they do have gender-differentiated rising disparities in economic opportunity
effects on outcomes as diverse as employment, and voice going forward.
earnings, labor force participation, educa- High economic growth and increased
tion, health, and nutrition (see, for exam- economic integration over the past three
ple, Bruni et al. 2011; Rodgers and Menon decades have spurred significant migra-
forthcoming). tion across the region. Women consti-
Advances in ICTs are opening up oppor- tute nearly half of all migrants in East
tunities for both men and women throughout Asia and the Pacific and are increasingly
the region. New and emerging technologies, if migrating in search of better economic
accessible, can help increase women’s w elfare opportunity. Female migrants dominate a
through a number of channels by opening number of occupations and sectors, includ-
new economic opportunities, empowering ing labor-intensive manufacturing and
women by breaking down information barri- export-oriented industries, and domestic
ers, facilitating engagement of women in iso- work. Migration can provide women with
lated communities in distance learning, and increased economic opportunity, give them
enabling them to take collective action. In the chance to improve their knowledge and
Malaysia, for example, female entrepreneurs skills, and increase their agency through
have created self-help cyber communities to raising their contributions to family income.
1 8 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
FIGURE O.19 China has seen remarkable growth in Internet use compensate for the loss of extended family
since 2000, but women’s use trails men’s networks.
Finally, the high-income economies in
90 internet use in China, by gender East Asia are experiencing rapid population
80 aging. Most emerging countries in the region
number of Internet users, millions
have also begun this process; dependency
70
ratios are already increasing in many middle-
60 income countries in East Asia and the Pacific.
50 Old-age dependency is expected to increase
40 even more quickly in the coming decades
30 (figure O.20). Population aging is likely to
have gender-differentiated effects at all age
20
levels. Gender differences in time devoted
10
to caring for the elderly imply that in the
0 absence of institutionalized care services,
2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006
women are likely to bear the brunt of the
male female increased demand for elder care (Dwyer and
Coward 1992; Ofstedal, Knodel, and Chayovan
Source: CNNIC (China Internet Network Information Center) Internet Statistics. 1999). In addition, while women tend to live
longer than men, gender differences in edu-
cation and labor force participation imply
At the same time, migration brings with it that women are less likely to be vested in
important gender-specific risks. For exam- formal pension systems and may have fewer
ple, many female migrants work as domes- assets to ensure a basic level of well-being in
tic workers, an occupation with particularly old age.
weak worker protections in most countries. At present, these emerging trends have
Female migrants are also disproportionately gender dimensions that are not commonly
susceptible to human trafficking. accounted for by policy makers. Nonethe-
Many East Asian and Pacific countries are less, these trends will generate a distinct set
experiencing unprecedented levels of urban- of challenges for promoting gender equality
ization as migrants move to urban areas in going forward. An important role for public
search of economic opportunity. Between policy, therefore, will be to support women
2000 and 2015, Indonesia, China, and (and men) in taking advantage of emerging
Cambodia are predicted to see an increase
opportunities while protecting them against
of the population residing in urban areas by the emerging risks.
17, 13, and 9 percentage points, respectively
(UN 2010). Urbanization affects all aspects
of life, from the nature of employment to Toward gender equality in East
the availability of services to one’s ability Asia and the Pacific: Directions
to rely on extended family and community for policy
networks for support. These changes almost
The collection of evidence points to four
certainly have gender-specific impacts. While
priority areas where public policy can con-
urban areas can open up a wider range of
tribute to greater gender equality and more
economic opportunities for both men and
effective development in East Asian and
women, women’s ability to take advantage of
Pacific countries:
new opportunities is likely to depend more
fundamentally on the nature and availabil- First, promoting gender equality in human
•
ity of urban services—for example, whether development remains a priority where gen-
transportation systems facilitate their safe der gaps in education are large or health
travel to job sites or affordable child care can outcomes are poor; closing gaps in human
O V E R V I E W 1 9
development, where they persist, is likely FIGURE O.20 The old-age dependency ratio is increasing in most
to yield high returns. East Asian countries
S econd, taking active measures to close
•
gender gaps in economic opportunity
0.45 old-age dependency ratio
is often warranted on both equity and
0.40
efficiency grounds. Which policy levers
0.35
will yield the highest returns depends on
0.30
the structure of the country’s economy
and which specific constraints are most 0.25
ratio
binding. 0.20
•
T hird, taking measures to strengthen 0.15
women’s agency—and to protect them 0.10
from violence—is also called for across 0.05
the region; strengthening women’s voice 0.00
1990 2000 2010 2020 2030 2040 2050
and influence will contribute to the qual-
ity of development decision making and China Fiji Indonesia
thus to development more broadly. Malaysia Mongolia Papua New Guinea
Fourth, public policy has a critical role in
• Philippines Thailand Vietnam
fostering new opportunities and managing
emerging risks associated with increas-
ing global economic integration, the rising Sources: Data for 1990–2010: World Bank 2010; data for 2020–50: HNPStats Population Projections
database.
role of ICTs, increasing migration, rapid Note: The old age dependency ratio is defined as the ratio of the elderly (ages 65 and above) to the
urbanization, and population aging. working age population (ages 15–64).
The following sections examine policy vary by country context, but the evidence
approaches to promoting gender equality in makes clear that both demand-side and
East Asia and the Pacific in these four prior- supply-side factors are responsible for these
ity areas, drawing on recent experience from poor human capital outcomes.
the region and beyond. Policies can thus have an impact by improv-
ing service delivery (for example, through
infrastructure, staffing, incentives, and use of
Promoting gender equality in human
ICTs) and implementing demand-side inter-
development
ventions (for instance, through cash transfers
to poor households, information campaigns,
Closing persistent gender gaps in human and improved accountability). For example,
development Indonesia’s school construction program in
In countries with unequal gender out- the 1970s significantly increased education
comes in education and health, the priority attainment and future earnings (Duflo 2000).
remains improving these outcomes. In East In Cambodia, a scholarship program targeted
Asia and the Pacific, gender gaps in human at girls and a related program targeted at boys
development at the national level tend to and girls from low-income households led to
persist where overall outcomes are low. an increase in school enrollment of at least
In such cases, public action to strengthen 20 percentage points (Filmer and Schady 2008,
countries’ education and health systems will 2009). Evidence indicates that to reduce
be called for to improve gender (as well as maternal mortality, interventions that ensure
overall) outcomes. For countries with more basic infrastructure and improve account-
localized gender disparities, for example, ability for service delivery are important.
among specific ethnic groups or in remote, Approaches to providing services that take
rural regions, more targeted interventions into account traditional norms and practices
may be warranted. The exact constraints also show promise. For example, Malaysia
2 0 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
has adopted programs that provide guidance expectant parents to bypass the law, and
that traditional birth attendants on hygiene enforcement of such laws is difficult. Existing
practices, diagnosis of complicated cases, and evidence suggests a more promising approach
information on the importance of prenatal is to adopt policies that aim to enhance fam-
care. ily perceptions of the value of daughters.
While general policies to promote economic
Reducing gender streaming in education development may play a role, Korea’s recent
For East Asian and Pacific countries where experience suggests that introducing inter-
gender equality in access to human capital ventions to influence norms and facilitate
is no longer the dominant concern, address- the spread of new social values may also be
ing education quality—specifically, gender important, rather than relying on efforts to
streaming in education—will have high raise female education and labor force partic-
returns. Although concerted efforts in both ipation alone. Information campaigns, finan-
education and the labor market will be cial incentives, and improved social security
needed to break gender “silos�? in education for the elderly can all contribute to changing
and, consequently, in the economy, signifi- societal preferences and behaviors. China has
cant steps can be taken within the educa- been adopting several of these types of pro-
tion system. One important step involves grams. For example, the National Population
reform of school curricula to address the and Family Planning Commission scaled up
transmission of gender stereotypes through the Chaohu pilot through the national Care
the education system. Cambodia, Lao PDR, for Girls campaign in 24 counties with severe
and Vietnam have reviewed curricula and gender imbalance. This campaign went
revised learning materials or encouraged beyond advocacy and media publicity alone;
better practice without gender stereotyp- direct financial incentives for parents to raise
ing. Other active interventions may be war- daughters have also been introduced. Prelim-
ranted, including information campaigns, inary evidence suggests that these programs
financial or nonfinancial incentives, and have had some impact on reducing imbal-
efforts to create gender-friendly environ- ances in the sex ratio at birth.
ments in higher education. Providing infor-
mation on wages and career paths in these Addressing male-specific gender issues
programs before individuals choose their Paying attention to male- as well as female-
courses may help reduce gender streaming in specific gender issues is appropriate for
training. In the United States, for example, reasons of basic welfare as well as for devel-
the Science Connections program offered opment effectiveness. In this context, initial
monthly science workshops for girls plus signs of reverse gender gaps in education
a summer science weekend for families to in several countries should be monitored
increase girls’ knowledge about and interest closely. While the long-term implications of
in nontraditional careers in science. Schol- male disadvantage in education are still to
arships that support women (and men) in be understood, depending on the underly-
entering nontraditional fields may provide ing causes, it could have both economic and
another avenue for breaking down gender social consequences. Moreover, excessive
silos in education. tobacco and alcohol consumption among
males in many parts of the region deserves
Promoting balanced sex ratios at birth policy attention; the social costs are usu-
In the few countries with “missing girls�? at ally higher than private costs because of the
birth, rooted in the prevalence of son prefer- negative effects of these behaviors on other
ence, active measures are needed to address members of the society. Possible measures to
the issue. Even where laws against sex-selective tackle this challenge include providing infor-
abortion have been enacted, strong incen- mation about the health risks of excessive
tives to select the preferred gender still induce tobacco and alcohol consumption, enacting
O V E R V I E W 2 1
or increasing taxes on tobacco and alcohol, facilitating a more equitable division of child-
imposing regulatory measures on adver- rearing responsibilities and allowing women
tising, and restricting smoking in public to have the same opportunities as men for
sites. The Thai Health Promotion Foun- advancing their careers in the formal sector.
dation, for example, uses alcohol excise tax Within the region, only Cambodia, Indone-
revenues to support the operation of an alco- sia, and the Philippines currently have provi-
hol control center and a research center on sions for paternity leave. While the principles
alcohol consumption, to support advertising behind paternity (and parental) leave are
campaigns to reduce alcohol-related traffic appealing, evidence from the OECD on the
accidents, and to promote abstinence and take-up of paternity leave is mixed, suggest-
increase knowledge about the links between ing that providing paternity leave alone is not
alcohol use and domestic violence. sufficient to change the current gender divi-
sion of child-rearing responsibilities within
households; rather, such leave policies need to
Taking active measures to close gender
be combined with other approaches to break-
gaps in economic opportunity
ing down gender norms regarding household
Mitigating trade-offs between women’s caregiving.
household and market roles
Women often face stark time trade-offs Breaking down gender silos in the labor
between household and market work, par- market
ticularly in rural areas. In such contexts, A key element of breaking down gender
programs targeted at reducing women’s time silos in the labor market involves support-
on household work—for example, through ing young women and men to invest in skills
investment in infrastructure—are likely to on the basis of their productivity rather than
increase women’s ability to engage in mar- on the basis of gender norms and percep-
ket-based income-earning opportunities. In tions regarding “appropriate�? occupations.
Lao PDR, for example, evidence indicates Beyond efforts to reduce gender streaming in
that having access to electricity extends the education, programs that help both women
hours available for both productive and lei- and men understand employment options
sure activities, particularly for women and outside of gender silos will likely improve the
girls (World Bank 2011a). allocation of talent toward jobs in ways that
Policies that support women in balancing improve both equality of economic opportu-
their caregiving and market roles are also nity and productivity. In Kenya, for exam-
important in strengthening their access to ple, a micro and small enterprise voucher
economic opportunity. Access to affordable program, called Jua Kali, provided its female
and accessible child care can be critical in beneficiaries information about wages in a
this regard. Community child care centers, range of occupations. Preliminary evalua-
particularly those targeted at low-income tion of the program suggests that 5 percent
neighborhoods, have been found to increase of women who received the information
maternal employment in a number of Latin switched to more lucrative (often “male�?)
American countries. The importance of jobs as compared to those who did not
affordable child care, particularly as urban receive the information (Hicks et al. 2011).
areas expand, can be seen from recent Breaking down social norms and percep-
experience in the region. In Mongolia and tions about gender roles in the workplace is
China, reductions in subsidized child care in an area where the public sector can lead by
the 1990s and 2000s have significantly and example, particularly with respect to enabling
negatively affected female labor force par- women as leaders and managers. The pub-
ticipation in urban areas. lic sector is in a unique position to establish
Parental and paternity leave can pro- good practice in this regard by encouraging
mote greater parity between the sexes by women’s professional advancement, either
2 2 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
through direct measures such as targets or G ender inequalities in access to informa-
•
quotas or through specialized training pro- tion and training, extension services, and
grams. In this context, the government of other productive inputs constrain the pro-
Malaysia has put in place a system of quotas ductivity of female-led enterprises, both
for female managers in the public sector. In within and outside agriculture. In Papua
Mexico, the government initiated a system New Guinea, where training and exten-
of grants to firms to address gender-related sion services are more likely to reach male
employment issues in the workplace, includ- than female farmers, a recently launched
ing fostering greater female participation in agriculture training program includes
management. several components focused on clos-
ing the gap between rural women’s eco-
Eliminating resource constraints on female- nomic needs and the inputs and services
led farms and enterprises provided. Similarly, in Cambodia, the
Despite progress, women continue to have Cambodia-Australia Agricultural Exten-
less access to a range of productive resources sion Project has addressed two key con-
than do men as a function of their gender straints that have limited female farmers’
rather than because of their innate produc- access to agricultural support: the project
tive capabilities. Public policies thus have an has increased by 80 percent the number
important role to play in promoting gender of female extension workers and under-
equality in the control of productive inputs— takes special initiatives that account for
whether land, agricultural extension, tech- female farmers’ relatively lower levels of
nology, or financial capital. Improving literacy.
women’s access to productive assets can play W hile evidence on access to finance
•
an important role in raising enterprise pro- in East Asian and Pacific countries is
ductivity in both the farm and nonfarm sec- mixed, women do face particular chal-
tors. Following are some examples. lenges in accessing credit, especially given
•
S everal countries in the region have their poorer access to land, an impor-
made headway in recent years in increas- tant source of collateral. Beyond finan-
ing ownership and control of land. In cial constraints, training programs that
response to concerns about persistent improve business skills may be imple-
gender inequalities in land, several coun- mented to address gender differences in
tries—including Indonesia, Lao PDR, entrepreneurial capital. In this context,
and Vietnam—have recently adopted an impact assessment of a women’s entre-
gender-sensitive reforms in land titling. preneurship training program in Aceh,
Since the 2004 Land Law in Vietnam, all Indonesia, found that business planning
new land tenure certificates must include and management training helped promote
the names of both spouses. Qualita- greater confidence among women train-
tive assessment of the reform’s effects in ees, create or strengthen social networks,
three provinces suggests that joint titling and identify ways to improve the business
improves opportunities for women to environment for female entrepreneurs
access loans, empowers women in case of (ILO 2008).
disputes, and leads to more mutual deci- As in the case of education and health,
sion making (World Bank 2008). Because broad systemic weaknesses—whether in the
the reasons for women’s lower access form of cumbersome registration procedures,
to land differ across the region—from weak systems of financial intermediation,
unfavorable legal frameworks to cultural or lack of electricity—affect both female-
norms and practices that deem land to be a and male-led enterprises. Evidence suggests
“male asset�?—effective policies to increase that such constraints may be more onerous
female land holdings need to account for among small and informal firms than among
context-specific constraints. larger firms and, therefore, may constrain
O V E R V I E W 2 3
female-led enterprises disproportionately. As of active labor market policies in East Asia
a result, interventions that focus on improv- and the Pacific is limited, studies from Latin
ing the overall investment climate and partic- America and the Middle East suggest that
ularly on promoting small business develop- well-designed active labor market policies can
ment will be important. Addressing systemic help improve women’s employment outcomes.
as well as gender-specific constraints will Affirmative action policies have also been
thus be critical to promoting gender equality used to overcome gender-specific barriers to
in economic opportunity. employment, whether caused by implicit or
overt discrimination in hiring and promotion.
Creating an enabling environment for The literature reflects some debate regarding
gender equality in employment the benefits and costs of affirmative action,
Public policy can strengthen the enabling but the collection of evidence (largely from
environment for gender equality in formal high-income countries) suggests that carefully
employment. An important element of this designed policies can help break down bar-
is to ensure that women and men face a riers to female employment with little or no
level legal playing field with respect to jobs adverse effects on firm productivity (World
and sectors. Labor regulations that result in Bank 2011c). Affirmative action in hiring
asymmetries in the employability and costs and promotion in the public sector can have
of hiring male and female workers can be important demonstration effects. In 2004, the
found across the region. Ostensibly protec- government of Malaysia introduced a quota
tive legislation, in the form of restrictions for the public sector of 30 percent female rep-
on women working at night, working over- resentation across all decision-making levels,
time, and working in so-called dangerous including positions such as department heads
sectors, serves in practice to inhibit women’s or secretary-general (ASEAN 2008). Whereas
economic participation. Priority should be in 2006, women held 24.6 percent of top posi-
given to reducing labor market restrictions tions in the public sector, by 2010, the fig-
that limit women’s employment options. ure had risen to 32.0 percent. More recently,
Where the original concerns motivating the Malaysian government set a target for
these policies are still valid—for example, 30 percent of corporate board positions to be
health and safety issues—measures should held by women by 2016.
be taken to ensure that these concerns
are addressed more directly through work-
Taking measures to strengthen
place safety codes, provision of safe and reliable
women’s voice and influence
transport infrastructure, and so on.
Active labor market policies are another Measures to increase women’s endowments
means of overcoming gender differences in and economic opportunity, such as those
access for formal employment. For example, described previously, contribute to strength-
wage subsidies may induce employers to hire ening their voice within the household and
female workers whom they may not have in society. Educated women in good health,
otherwise considered, due to lack of infor- with assets and income, are better able to act
mation about their workplace productivity. on their preferences and influence outcomes
This intervention thus provides the opportu- that affect themselves and others in society.
nity to reduce gender stereotypes by enabling In addition, several other policy approaches
employers to observe women’s skills directly, can directly promote women’s agency and
and it can facilitate women gaining valuable reduce gender-based violence.
labor market experience. Skills training pro-
grams may also enable women and men to Supporting initiatives to transform gender
move into professions outside of gender silos, norms and practices
particularly when paired with apprenticeship While gender norms may be persistent, they
opportunities. Although evidence on the effect are far from static. Individual experiences
2 4 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
as well as large-scale political and economic Strengthening the legal and institutional
processes are capable of bringing about environment
dramatic, and often rapid, social change. Nearly all countries in the region have
In East Asia, increasing economic integra- acceded to CEDAW, signaling commit-
tion and rising access to ICTs are not only ment to adhering to internationally agreed-
transforming the economic landscape but upon norms regarding gender equality.7
also increasing flows of information in ways An important pending agenda is to ensure
that may serve to transform gender norms that domestic legislation and the institu-
in the region. Similarly, migration and rapid tions of implementation and enforcement
urbanization across the region are bringing are aligned with countries’ commitments.
with them the possibility of newly defined Where comprehensive legal reform is not
roles for men and women, as women and possible, governments should identify pri-
men alike are exposed to new ideas and pro- orities for action. For example, in contexts
duction modalities. where women’s agency within the home
The education system can be a vital remains weak, a case exists for reforms to
source to change social norms that perpetu- focus on rights in marriage and divorce,
ate gender inequality. The integration of inheritance and maintenance laws, and
gender equality principles into the school protection of women from gender-based
and professional curricula can address violence, which can strengthen the enabling
the value system of children early on and, environment for greater voice and influence
over time, transform social norms (Utomo in the household. As part of the process of
et al. 2009). Evidence of the positive effects monitoring progress toward gender equal-
of changing the curriculum is available for ity, governments should undertake regular
adults in Thailand where gender sensitiv- assessments to ensure that legal gaps are
ity was integrated into the curriculum in being filled and that relevant laws are being
the Chulalangkorn medical school. Evalu- enforced. In countries where multiple sys-
ation of the program showed that respon- tems of law coexist, assessing customary
dents were more aware of gender issues practices to ascertain whether they limit
and tended to apply gender concepts and women’s agency and then developing strate-
concerns in their work and personal lives gies to address these limiting factors will be
(WHO GWH 2007). important.
Provision of information through televi- Strengthening the capacities of institu-
sion programming can also play a critical tions to enforce the law and increasing
role in changing social norms, especially knowledge of the law are also critical. Both
with respect to fertility and gender-based financial and human investments need to
violence. Evidence shows that people can be made to ensure that public sector per-
be prompted to rethink gender roles in soci- sonnel, such as judges and police, have the
ety when they are exposed to new informa- knowledge and capacity to actively enforce
tion and experiences that challenge existing laws intended to protect women and to pro-
norms. In Brazil, despite strong traditional mote gender equality. Concerns have been
norms in favor of having many children, raised that police forces in several countries
increased exposure to the opposite behavior in the region, including Indonesia, Malay-
by popular women in soap operas led to a sia, and Thailand, have been too passive in
measurable decline in fertility (Chong and investigating trafficking and enforcing anti-
La Ferrara 2009; La Ferrara, Chong, and trafficking laws (U.S. Department of State
Duryea 2008). In India, increased expo- 2011). The Cambodian Women’s Crisis
sure to television contributed to decreased Center began a community program that
acceptance of wife beating, lower fertility increases the awareness of violence against
rates, and noticeable shifts away from son women and of the legal rights of women,
preference (Jensen and Oster 2008). including the law on domestic violence
O V E R V I E W 2 5
and protection that was implemented in these measures can be effective in increas-
2005. The program promotes initiatives to ing female representation in elected bodies.
strengthen enforcement of the law by pro- They can also help transform people’s views
viding information and training to local about the efficacy of female political lead-
authorities and developing community sup- ers (Beaman et al. 2009). At the same time,
port networks. electoral quotas do impose constraints on
the democratic process. It is thus important
Increasing women’s access to justice to keep this—as well as the expected ben-
Financial costs and travel distances often efits of increasing female participation in
are de facto barriers to women accessing politics—in mind when determining when
justice, even when the appropriate laws and how to enact such measures.
and institutions are in place. In that context,
developing and implementing innovative Pursuing a multipronged approach to
methods to improve access to the judi- reducing gender-based violence
cial system can help women exercise their Reducing gender-based violence requires
agency in the courts when needed. The use action on a number of fronts: efforts to
of mobile courts, for example, such as those increase women’s voice within the house-
in rural areas of China and Indonesia, pro- hold; enactment and enforcement of appro-
vides a solution to the problem of accessi- priate legislation and strengthening of women’s
bility and security for women who wish to access to justice; provision of adequate sup-
exercise their rights in the legal system but port services for victims of violence; and
who are unable to travel to the court. Tech- use of the media to provide information on
nology, such as telephone hotlines and web- women’s rights, to increase social aware-
sites, can be used to undertake basic legal ness, and to shift social norms with respect
transactions. For women with few economic to violence.
resources, waiving or subsidizing the costs Countries that take a strong stance on
of legal aid can help reduce financial barri- gender-based violence legislation and enforce-
ers to accessing the judicial system. ment can make positive strides against
such violence in short periods of time. Cam-
Enabling women’s participation in politics bodia saw a significant decrease in the inci-
and policy making dence of domestic violence between 2000 and
Active measures to promote women’s par- 2005, largely attributed to strong efforts by
ticipation in policy making can be effective the country’s Ministry of Women’s Affairs,
in increasing female representation in local which introduced draft domestic violence
and national assemblies in many contexts. A legislation in 2001. Four years later, in Octo-
range of affirmative action mechanisms have ber 2005, the National Assembly adopted
been used in developing countries. Quotas the legislation. The new law criminalized
have been used in several countries, some- acts of domestic violence, provided for the
times in the form of constitutional changes protection of victims, and enabled neighbors
to reserve a specified number of posts for or local organizations to intervene if they
women and sometimes through legislative witnessed domestic violence. As a comple-
and political party quotas. Quotas can be ment to the law, women’s organizations and
informal (and voluntary) or mandated for- other nongovernmental organizations car-
mally at the subnational or national level ried out information campaigns to dissemi-
(Dahlerup 2006). The idea is to provide nate information on people’s basic rights and
temporary measures to break down bar- responsibilities under the law.
riers to the entry of women into politics. Governments also need to provide ade-
The suitability and impact of different quate support services for victims when vio-
forms of quotas or targets differ depending lence does occur. This support can include a
on the specific context. Data suggest that range of services, from police and judiciary to
2 6 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
health and social services. In Malaysia, the population aging. Many of the emerging
government established integrated one-stop opportunities can be fostered through the
crisis centers in hospitals that provide easy types of efforts to promote greater gender
access to medical care and social services, and equality in endowments, economic opportu-
facilitate reporting of violence to specially nity, and agency discussed in this report. For
trained police officers (World Bank 2011c). example, where gender gaps in ICT use are
growing, ensuring that women have access
Creating space for women’s collective to these new technologies may require active
agency measures similar to those discussed earlier
While promoting women’s individual agency to ensure equal access to other types of pro-
is important, supporting women’s collective ductive resources. Managing emerging risks,
agency can be an effective way to empower however, may require additional policy
women to advocate for and promote effective approaches, such as the following.
public action toward gender equality. Expe- Greater economic integration will bring
rience from around the region highlights with it increased exposure to employment
the potential of enabling women’s collective shocks that will have gender-differentiated
agency. For example, during the debate in effects. Adequately addressing the risks asso-
Cambodia leading to the 2005 Law on Pre- ciated with economic integration will require
vention of Domestic Violence and Protec- designing social protection programs that
tion of Victims, the Cambodia Committee take into account the different risks faced
of Women, a coalition of 32 nongovernmen- by female and male workers. Building on
tal organizations, persistently lobbied the the lessons from recent economic crises, sev-
government and the Ministry of Women’s eral developing countries, including some
Affairs to secure the legislation’s passage. from East Asia and the Pacific, have begun
Similarly, in Fiji, the Fiji Women’s Crisis to recognize the gender dimensions of risk
Center campaigned successfully for the and shocks in the design of programs. In
implementation of a nationally representa- Indonesia, for example, a conditional cash
tive quantitative survey on violence against transfer program, Keluarga Harapan, targets
women; the results of this survey are sched- households with members who are particu-
uled to be released in 2012. Partnerships larly vulnerable during times of crisis, such as
with the private sector, including women’s pregnant and lactating women.
business associations, can provide an impor- As female migration across the region
tant space for women to interact, learn, and increases economic oppor tunities for
advocate for gender equality. A recent initia- women, it creates new concerns about
tive to increase women’s participation in the female migrants’ welfare. Protecting female
private sector’s dialogue with government in migrants from exploitative situations,
Cambodia, through the Government Private including sex work and human trafficking,
Sector Forum, has induced policy makers will also require a gender-aware approach.
to undertake new initiatives addressing the Greater protection through better laws,
needs of female entrepreneurs. enforcement, and monitoring; improved
information flows; and safety nets will bet-
ter address the vulnerabilities specific to
Fostering new opportunities, managing
women traveling abroad. Specific areas for
emerging risks
action include improving legal protections for
A new and important challenge for policy female migrants, strengthening the monitor-
makers will be to help foster emerging ing and credibility of recruitment agencies,
opportunities and, in particular, to manage and developing and providing welfare and
emerging risks associated with increasing support services to assist female migrants.
economic integration, increasing access to Governments in both sending and receiving
ICTs, migration, rapid urbanization, and countries will need to actively address the
O V E R V I E W 2 7
issue of human trafficking through preven- different policy options. To fill knowledge
tion, protection, and prosecution. Gender- gaps, additional gender-disaggregated data
awareness training for people involved in need to be collected. Moreover, additional
the migration process will improve their empirical analysis, both on long-standing
ability to identify and assist abused female gender issues and the gender implications of
migrants, including those trafficked or at emerging trends in the region, will enable
risk of being trafficked. policy makers to better promote both gender
Growing urbanization in the East Asia equality and more effective development.
and Pacific region has presented women not
only with increased economic opportunities Notes
but also with particular challenges, such as
1. Sen (1999) defines freedoms and “unfree-
limited access to child care and higher secu-
doms�? in five categories: (a) political free-
rity risks in urban areas. Thus, policy mak- doms, (b) economic facilities, (c) social oppor-
ers need to ensure that child care, education, tunities, (d) transparency guarantees, and
infrastructure, transportation, and water and (e) protective security.
sanitation policies take into account women’s 2. Adopted in 1979 by the United Nations
specific social and cultural needs. Rigorous General Assembly, CEDAW is often referred
laws and policies to protect women in urban to as the international bill of rights for women.
areas from the risk of violence and exploita- The convention defines what constitutes dis-
tion are also warranted. crimination against women and provides an
Rapid population aging in the region is agenda for national action to end such dis-
crimination. To date, it has been ratified by
likely to have important gender-differentiated
187 countries worldwide (http://www.un.org/
effects, among other things, because older womenwatch/daw/cedaw/).
women may increasingly find themselves It is important to interpret these studies with
3.
l iving as widows. Along with risks from caution, given the difficulty in establishing
urbanization and the breakdown of extended a causal relationship between gender equal-
family support networks, these women are ity in education and growth in cross-country
likely to find themselves at increased eco- studies.
nomic risk, having accumulated relatively Evidence from Africa and Latin America, for
4.
few assets and mostly lacking access to for- example, suggests that ensuring equal access
mal social security. In this context, designing to productive assets and technologies could
old-age income security programs that can significantly raise agricultural production and
household income (Goldstein and Udry 2008;
protect women from destitution in old age
Quisumbing 1995; Udry 1996).
will have an increasingly important role. In Globally, poverty and gender often interact to
5.
addition, policy makers should consider ways compound gender inequalities (World Bank
to strengthen care for the elderly to ensure 2011c). In East Asia and the Pacific, poverty
that women do not bear an undue burden of does not appear to be as important a contrib-
caregiving as the region’s population ages. utor to gender disadvantage in education as
elsewhere, however. Survey data from several
countries in the region indicate that gender
Filling knowledge gaps gaps in enrollment do not vary substantially
Finally, while much has been learned from or systematically across income quintiles.
recent global and regional evidence on 6. For data on land holdings, by gender, in
China, see de Brauw et al. (2011). Data on
gender equality and development, much
other countries are based on World Bank staff
remains to be understood empirically to calculations, using household survey data.
help inform effective public action. Con- 7. As of the end of 2011, only six countries in
tinuing to close data and analytical gaps the world had not ratified CEDAW. Two of
will thus be important to better understand those countries are in the Pacific: Palau and
policy priorities, the effects of specific Tonga (CEDAW, http://www.un.org/women-
interventions, and the costs and benefits of watch/daw/cedaw/).
2 8 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
References CNNIC (China Internet Network Information
Center) Internet Statistics. Beijing, China. http://
Agarwal, Bina. 2010a. “Does Women’s Propor- www1.cnnic.net.cn/en/index/0O/index.htm.
tional Strength Affect Their Participation? Constable, Nicole. 2009. “Migrant Workers and
Governing Local Forests in South Asia.�? World the Many States of Protest in Hong Kong.�?
Development 38 (1): 98–112. Critical Asian Studies 41 (1): 143–64.
———. 2010b. Gender and Green Governance: Cuberes, David, and Marc Teignier-Baqué. 2011.
The Political Economy of Women’s Presence “Gender Inequality and Economic Growth.�?
Within and Beyond Community Forestry. Background paper for the World Development
New York: Oxford University Press. Report 2012, World Bank, Washington, DC.
Agarwal, Bina, and Pradeep Panda. 2007. Dahlerup, Drude. 2006. “Introduction.�? In
“Toward Freedom from Domestic Violence: Women, Quotas and Politics, edited by Drude
The Neglected Obvious.�? Journal of Human Dahlerup, 3 –31. London and New York:
Development 8 (3): 359–88. Routledge.
ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations). de Brauw, Alan, Jikun Huang, Linxiu Zhang,
20 08. “ASE A N Continues to Empower and Scott Rozelle. 2011. “The Feminization
Women�?. http://www.aseansec.org/Bulletin- of Agriculture with Chinese Characteristics.�?
Feb-08.htm#Article-2. Background paper for the World Development
Baulch, Bob, Truong Thi Kim Chuyen, Dominique Report 2012, World Bank, Washington, DC.
Haughton, and Jonathan Haughton. 2002. Do, Quy-Toan, Andrei Levchenko, and Claudio
“Ethnic Minority Development in Vietnam: Raddatz. 2011. “Engendering Trade.�? Policy
A S o cio e conom ic Persp e c t ive.�? Pol ic y Research Working Paper 5777, World Bank,
Research Working Paper 2836, World Bank, Washington, DC.
Washington DC. Duflo, Esther. 2000. “Child Health and Household
Beaman, Lori, Raghabendra Chattopadhyay, Resources in South Africa: Evidence from
Esther Duf lo, Rohini Pande, and Petia the Old Age Pension Program.�? American
Topalova. 2009. “Powerful Women: Does Economic Review 90 (2): 393–98.
Exposure Reduce Bias?�? Quarterly Journal of — — —. 2003. “Grandmothers and Granddaughters:
Economics 124 (4): 1497–540. Old-Age Pensions a nd I nt ra household
Beegle, Kathleen, Elizabeth Frankenberg, and Allocation in South Africa.�? World Bank
Duncan Thomas. 2001. “Bargaining Power Economic Review 17 (1): 1–25.
within Couples and Use of Prenatal and Dwyer, Jeffrey, and Raymond Coward. 1992.
Delivery Care in Indonesia.�? Studies in Family “Gender and Family Care of the Elderly:
Planning 32 (2): 130–46. Research Gaps and Opportunities.�? In Gender,
BPS (Badan Pusat Statistik–Statistics Indonesia) Families, and Elder Care, edited by Jeffrey W.
a n d O RC M a c r o . 2 0 0 3 . I n d o n e s i a Dwyer and Raymond T. Coward, 151– 62.
Demographic and Health Survey 2002–2003. London: Sage.
Calverton, MD: BPS and ORC Macro. Edlund, Lena, and Rohini Pande. 2001. “Why
Bruni, Lucilla, Andrew D. Mason, Laura Pabon, Have Women Become Left-Wing? The Political
and Carrie Turk. 2011. “Gender Impacts of the Gender Gap and the Decline in Marriage.�?
Global Financial Crisis in Cambodia.�? World Quarterly Journal of Economics 117 (3):
Bank, Washington, DC. 917–61.
Chattopadhyay, Raghabendra, and Esther Duflo. Enterprise Surveys database. World Bank /
2004. “Women as Policy Makers: Evidence International Finance Corporation, Washington,
from a Randomized Policy Experiment in DC. http://www.enterprisesurveys.org/.
India.�? Econometrica 72 (5): 1409–43 FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization)/Sida
Chi, Wei, and Bo Li. 2007. “Glass Ceiling or Partnership Cooperation. 2010. National
Sticky Floor? Examining the Gender Pay Gap Gender Profile of Agricultural Households,
across the Wage Distribution in Urban China, 2010: Report Based on the Lao Expenditure
1987–2004.�? MPRA Paper 3544, University a n d C o n s u m pt i o n S u r ve y s , N a t i o n a l
Library of Munich, Germany. Agricultural Census and Population Census.
Chong, Alberto, and Eliana La Ferrara. 2009. Vientiane, Lao PDR: FAO.
“Television and Divorce: Evidence from Fehringer, Jessica, and Michelle J. Hindin. 2009.
Brazilian Novelas.�? Journal of the European “Like Parent, Like Child: Intergenerational
Economic Association 7 (2–3): 458–68. Transmission of Partner Violence in Cebu, the
O V E R V I E W 2 9
Philippines.�? Journal of Adolescent Health 44 Judd, Ellen R. 2010. “Family Strategies: Fluidities
(4): 363–71. of Gender, Community and Mobility in Rural
Filmer, Deon, and Norbert Schady. 2008. West China.�? China Quarterly 204: 921–38.
“Getting Girls into School: Evidence from a Klasen, Stephan. 2002. “Low Schooling for
Scholarship Program in Cambodia.�? Economic Girls, Slower Growth for All? Cross-Country
Development and Cultural Change 56 (3): Evidence on the Effect of Gender Inequality in
581–617. Education on Economic Development.�? World
———. 2009. “School Enrollment, Selection and Bank Economic Review 16 (3): 345–73.
Test Scores.�? Policy Research Working Paper Knowles, Stephen, A. K. Lorgelly, and Dorian
Series 4998, World Bank, Washington, DC. Owen. 2002. “Are Educational Gender Gaps
Ganster-Breidler, Margit. 2010. “Gender-Based a Brake on Economic Development? Some
Violence and the Impact on Women’s Health Cross-Country Empirical Evidence.�? Oxford
and Well-Being in Papua New Guinea.�? DWU Economic Papers 54 (1): 118–49.
Research Journal 13. L a Ferra ra , E l ia na , A lber to C hong, a nd
Goldstein, Markus, and Christopher Udry. Suzanne Duryea. 2008. “Soap Operas and
2008. “The Profits of Power: Land Rights and Fertility: Evidence from Brazil.�? BREAD
Agricultural Investment in Ghana.�? Journal of Working Paper 172, Bureau for Research and
Political Economy 116 (6): 981–1022. Economic Analysis of Development, Duke
Hicks, Joan, Hamory Hicks, Michael Kremer, University, Durham, NC.
Isaac Mbiti, and Edward Miguel. “Vocational Lewis, Ione, Bessie Maruia, and Sharon Walker.
Education Voucher Delivery and Labor Market 2008. “Violence against Women in Papua
Returns: A Randomized Evaluation Among New Guinea.�? Journal of Family Studies 14:
Kenyan Youth,�? Report for Spanish Impact 183–97.
Evaluation Fund (SIEF) Phase II, World Bank, Lott, John R., and Lawrence W. Kenny. 1999.
Washington, DC. “Did Women’s Suffrage Change the Size and
HNPStats Population Projections database. World Scope of Government?�? Journal of Political
Bank, Washington, DC. http://go.worldbank. Economy 107 (6): 1163–98.
org/H4UN4D5KI0 Maffii, Margherita, and Sineath Hong. 2010.
ICRW (International Center for Research on “Political Participation of Indigenous Women
Women). 2006. Property Ownership and in Cambodia.�? Asien 114–15 (April): 16–32.
Inheritance Rights of Women for Social Morrison, Andrew, Mary Ellsberg, and Sarah
Protection: The South Asia Experience. Bot t. 20 07. “Addressing G ender-Based
Washington, DC: ICRW. Violence: A Critical Review of Interventions.�?
ILO (International Labour Organization). 2008. World Bank Observer 22 (1): 25–51.
Women’s Entrepreneurship Development Naudeau, Sophie, Naoko Kataoka, Alexandria
Aceh: Gender and Entrepreneurship Together Valerio, Michelle Neuman, and Leslie Elder.
(GET Ahead) Training Implementation: 2011. Investing in Young Children: An
Impact Assessment. Jakarta, Indonesia: ILO Early Childhood Development Guide for
Jakarta Office. Policy Dialogue and Project Preparation.
———. Key Indicators of the Labour Market Washington, DC: World Bank.
(KILM) database. International Labour Orga National Center for Injury Prevention and
nization, Geneva, Switzerland. http://kilm.ilo Control. 2003. Costs of Intimate Partner
.org/kilmnet/. Violence against Women in the United States.
Indonesia Family Life Survey. 2007/2008. RAND Atlanta, GA: Centers for Disease Control and
Family Life Surveys, IFLS-4. http://www.rand Prevention.
.org/labor/FLS/IFLS/ifls4.html. NIPH (National Institute of Public Health
Jensen, Robert, and Emily Oster. 2008. “The [Cambodia]), N IS (National Institute of
Power of TV: Cable Television and Women’s Statistics [Cambodia]) and ORC Macro.
Status in India.�? University of Chicago, IL. 2006. Cambodia Demographic and Health
http://home.uchicago.edu/eoster/tvwomen Survey 2005. Phnom Penh, Cambodia, and
.pdf. Calverton, Maryland, USA: NIPH, NIS, and
Johnson, Kiersten, Sovanratnak Sao, and Darith ORC Macro.
Hor. 2000. Cambodia 2000 Demographic NSD (National Statistics Directorate [Timor-
and Health Survey: Key Findings. Calverton, Leste]), Ministry of Finance [Timor-Leste], and
MD: ORC Macro. ICF Macro. 2010. Timor-Leste Demographic
3 0 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
and Health Survey 2009–10. Dili, Timor- Islands]. 2009. Solomon Islands Family
Leste: NSD and ICF Macro. Health and Safety Study: A Study on Violence
Ofstedal, Mary Beth, John E. Knodel, and against Women and Children. Nouméa, New
Napaporn Chayovan. 1999. “Intergenerational Caledonia: SPC.
Support and Gender: A Comparison of Four SUSI (Survei Usaha Terintegrasi). 2002. Integrated
Asian Countries.�? Southeast Asian Journal of Survey of Cottage and Small-Scale Firms,
Social Sciences 27 (2): 21–41. Indonesia. BPS. http://dds.bps.go.id.
PARLINE database on national parliaments. Swaminathan, Hema, Cherryl Walker, and
Inter-Parliamentary Union, Geneva. http:// Margaret A. Rugadya, eds. 2008. Women’s
www.ipu.org/parline-e/parlinesearch.asp and Prope r t y R ights, H I V and A I DS , and
http://www.ipu.org/wmn-e/world.htm. Domestic Violence: Research Findings from
PovcalNet (online pover t y analysis tool). Two Rural Districts in South Africa and
Development Research Group, World Bank, Uganda. Cape Town: HSRC Press.
Washington, DC. http://iresearch.worldbank Thomas, Duncan. 1995. “Like Father, Like Son,
.org/PovcalNet/index.htm. Like Mother, Like Daughter, Parental Resources
Pronyk, Paul M., James R. Hargreaves, Julia and Child Height.�? Papers 95-01, RAND Reprint
C. Kim, Linda A. Morison, Godfrey Phetla, Series, Rand Corporation, Santa Monica, CA.
Charlotte Watts, Joanna Busza, and John Udry, Christopher. 1996. “Gender, Agricultural
D. H. Porter. 2006. “Effect of a Structural Produc tion, and the T heor y of the
Intervention for the Prevention of Intimate- Household.�? Journal of Political Economy
partner Violence and HIV in Rural South 104 (5): 1010–14.
Africa: A Cluster Randomized Trial.�? Lancet UN (United Nations Department of Economic
2368 (9551): 1973–83. and Social Affairs, Population Division). 2010.
Qian, Nancy. 2008. “Missing Women and the World Urbanization Prospects: The 2009
Price of Tea in China: The Effect of Sex-Specific Revision. New York: United Nations. http://
Earnings on Sex Imbalance.�? Quarterly esa.un.org/unpd/wup/index.html.
Journal of Economics 123 (3): 1251–85. UNDP (United Nations Development Programme).
Quisumbing, Agnes. 1995. “Gender Differences 2010. Asia-Pacific Human Development
in Agricultural Productivity: A Survey of Report. Power, Voice and Rights: A Turning
Empirical Evidence.�? FCND Discussion Paper Point for Gender Equality in Asia and the
No. 5, Food Consumption and Nutrition Pacific . Colombo, Sri Lanka: Macmillan
Division, International Food Policy Research Publishers India Ltd. for UNDP.
Institute, Washington, DC. UNDP (United Nations Development Program)
R o d g e r s , Ya n a , a n d N i d h i y a M e n o n . Cambodia and VBNK. 2010. Talking About
Forthcoming. “Impact of the 2008–2009 Domestic Violence: A Handbook for Village
Twin Economic Crises on the Philippine Facilitators. Phnom Penh: UNDP Cambodia
Labor Market.�? World Development. and the Agencia Española de Cooperación
Sakellariou, Chris. 2011. “Determinants of the para el Desarrollo.
Gender Wage Gap and Female Labor Force UNFPA (United Nations Population Fund). 2008.
Participation in EAP.�? Paper commissioned for An Assessment of the State of Violence against
Toward Gender Equality in East Asia and the Women in Fiji. Suva, Fiji.
Pacific: A Companion to the World Development USCDC (United States Centers for Disease Control
Report, Washington, DC: World Bank. and Prevention). 2003. “Costs of Intimate
Sen, Amartya. 1999. Development as Freedom. Partner Violence against Women in the United
Oxford, U.K.: Oxford University Press. States.�? USCDC, National Center for Injury
SPC (Secretariat of the Pacific Community), Prevention and Control, Atlanta, Georgia.
Ministry of Internal and Social Affairs U.S. Department of State 2011. Trafficking in
[Republic of Kiribati], and Statistics Division Persons Report 2011. Washington, DC: U.S.
[Republic of Kiribati]. 2010. Kiribati Family Department of State.
Health and Support Study: A Study on Utomo, Iwu, Peter McDonald, Terence Hull,
Violence against Women and Children. Ida Rosyidah, Tati Hattimah, Nurul Idrus,
Nouméa, New Caledonia: SPC. Saparinah Sadli, and Jamhari Makruj. 2009.
SPC (Secretariat of the Pacific Community) and “Gender Depiction in Indonesian School Text
NSO (National Statistics Office) [Solomon Books: Progress or Deterioration.�? Australian
O V E R V I E W 3 1
Demographic and Social Research Institute, World Bank. 2008. Vietnam: Analysis of the
Australian National University. Impact of Land Tenure Certificates with Both
VWC (Vanuatu Women’s Centre) in partnership Names of Wife and Husband: Final Report.
with the Vanuatu National Statistics Office. Washington, DC: World Bank.
2011. Vanuatu National Survey on Women’s ———. 2010. World Development Indicators
Lives and Family Relationships. Port Vila, 2010. Washington, DC: World Bank.
Vanuatu: VWC. ———. 2011a. “Lao PDR Country Gender
Wang, Zhengxu, and Weina Dai. 2010. “Women’s Assessment.�? World Bank, Washington,
Participation in Rural China’s Self-Governance: DC.
Institutional, Socioeconomic, and Cultural ———. 2011b. “Vietnam Cou ntr y G ender
Factors in a Jiangsu County.�? Discussion Assessment.�? World Bank, Washington,
Paper 69, China Policy Institute, University of DC.
Nottingham, U.K. ———. 2011c. World Development Report
W HO GW H (World Health Organization, 2012: Gender Equality and Development.
Department of Gender, Women and Health). Washington, DC: World Bank.
2007. Integrating Gender into the Curricula World Values Survey database. World Values
for Health Professionals, Meeting Report, 4–6 Survey Association, Stockholm, Sweden. http://
December 2006. Geneva: WHO. www.worldvaluessurvey.org/.
The State of Gender Equality in
East Asia and the Pacific 1
I
n recent decades, women across the globe decades have been associated with reduced
have made advances toward gender equal- gender inequalities in several dimensions. The
ity. Literacy rates for young women and region grew at 7 percent on average between
girls are higher than ever before, and gen- 2000 and 2008 (figure 1.1), the structure
der gaps in primary education have closed in of the region’s economies has shifted away
almost all countries across the world. In the from agriculture toward manufacturing and
past three decades, over half a billion women services, and extreme poverty has fallen dra-
have joined the world’s labor force (World matically. Indeed, the share of the region’s
Bank 2011b). population living on less than US$1.25 a day
Strides toward gender equality in East has declined by more than 50 percent since
Asia and the Pacific have been similarly note- 1990—from the highest poverty head count
worthy. Most countries in the region have rate in the world to among the lowest (fig-
either reached or surpassed gender parity in ure 1.2). Growth, structural transformation,
education enrollments. Health outcomes for and poverty reduction have been accompa-
both women and men have improved signifi- nied by considerable progress toward gender
cantly. Female labor force participation rates equality in several key areas, particularly
in the region are relatively high. Yet despite education and health. Many countries in the
considerable progress in this economically region have experienced closing gender gaps
dynamic region, gender disparities persist in in school enrollments and declining maternal
a number of important areas—particularly in and child mortality rates.
access to economic opportunity and in voice But growth and development have not
and influence in society. For policy makers been enough to attain gender equality in all
in East Asian and Pacific countries, closing its dimensions. Women still have less access
these gender gaps represents an important than men to a range of productive assets
challenge to achieving more inclusive and and services, including land, financial capi-
effective development. tal, agricultural extension services, and new
The East Asia and Pacific region’s signifi- information technologies. Substantial employ-
cant economic growth, structural transfor- ment segregation, or sorting, by gender still
mation, and poverty reduction in the past few remains an issue. Women are less likely than
33
3 4 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
FIGURE 1.1 The East Asia and Pacific region has experienced in East Asian and Pacific countries still have
rapid economic growth a weaker voice and less influence than men,
whether in household decision making, in the
average annual GDP growth rate private sector, in civil society, or in politics.
10
Moreover, women across the region remain
8 vulnerable to gender-based violence, often at
the hand of an intimate partner.
6
The East Asia and Pacific region is vast
4 and diverse, with large differences in eco-
nomic and social progress, including toward
percent
2
gender equality. Achievements in growth and
0 development have not been uniform across
the region. Although average annual gross
–2
domestic product (GDP) growth during the
–4 first decade of the 2000s neared 10 per-
cent in China, it was close to zero in several
–6
1980–84 1985–89 1990–94 1995–99 2000–04 2005–09 small Pacific Island countries. By the end of
the decade, levels of GDP per capita among
East Asia and Paci c Europe and Central Asia
the low- and middle-income countries of the
Latin America and the Caribbean Middle East and North Africa
region also varied widely, from US$623 in
South Asia Sub-Saharan Africa
Timor-Leste to US$8,373 in Malaysia (WDI
database). Nor has progress toward gender
Source: World Bank 2010b.
equality been uniform. Despite widespread
progress toward gender equality in schooling,
FIGURE 1.2 Poverty reduction in the East Asia and Pacific a few (mostly low-income) countries continue
region has been impressive
to face challenges in closing gender gaps in
basic education. In spite of broad improve-
percentage of the population living below
90
$1.25 a day ments in health outcomes, China—and, to
80 a lesser extent, Vietnam—face significant
70 imbalances in the ratio of boys to girls at
60 birth, a function of prenatal sex selection
stemming from the strong preference for sons
percent
50
40
in those societies. As a result, the region has
more than a million “missing�? girls at birth
30
per year.
20
A number of Pacific Island countries
10 face particular challenges with respect to
0 promoting women’s voice, influence, and
1981 1984 1987 1990 1993 1996 1999 2002 2005 2008
e mpowerment—in both the private and
East Asia and Paci c Europe and Central Asia
public spheres. For example, although gen-
Latin America and the Caribbean Middle East and North Africa
South Asia Sub-Saharan Africa
der-based violence remains pervasive in the
region, its prevalence in the Pacific is among
the highest in the world. Data from Solomon
Source: PovcalNet.
Islands, Kiribati, and Vanuatu indicate that
more than 60 percent of adult women have
men to work in formal sector jobs and more experienced physical or sexual violence dur-
likely to work in poorly remunerated occupa- ing their lifetime, often at the hands of an
tions and enterprises. And despite the
closing intimate partner (SPC, Ministry of Internal
of education gaps, women continue to be and Social Affairs, and Statistics Division
paid less than men for similar work. Women 2010; SPC and NSO 2009; VWC 2011).
T H E S T A T E O F G E N D E R E Q U A L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E P A C I F I C 35
Moreover, female representation in politics in in fertility and mortality are dramatically
the Pacific is among the lowest in the world. changing the demographic profile of the
Although female political participation is rel- region, and many countries will face rapid
atively low worldwide—only 19.6 percent of population aging in the coming years. The
the world’s parliamentarians were women in region also experiences rising adoption of
December 2011—four of the eight countries new information and communication tech-
in the world with no female parliamentarians nologies (ICTs), which are breaking down
were located in the Pacific (PARLINE data- information barriers, opening up new eco-
base, 2011 data). nomic opportunities, and enabling collec-
A growing body of literature also suggests tive action in many contexts.
that patterns of growth—not just levels—can These trends are likely to have important
affect gender equality by affecting incentives gender dimensions, generating both new
to invest in and to create opportunities for opportunities and new risks for gender equal-
women and girls. Cross-country evidence ity. For instance, while increased economic
indicates that gender gaps—in education and integration has contributed to higher demand
labor force participation, for example—tend for female labor in several East Asian coun-
to be smaller in countries that export more tries, it has also increased workers’ vulner-
in relatively female labor–intensive sectors ability to external shocks, with different
(Do, Levchenko, and Raddatz 2011). Recent effects on females and males. Similarly, while
studies have found that natural resource increased migration has opened up new eco-
extraction, namely oil, reduces and discour- nomic opportunities in the region, it has also
ages female labor force participation, which been accompanied by new risks—among the
in turn reduces their political influence (Ross most severe is the risk of human trafficking.
2008; World Bank 2012a). Such distinc- This report clarifies empirically the rela-
tions in economic structure are relevant to tionship between gender equality and devel-
the East Asia and Pacific context. East and opment and outlines an agenda for public
Southeast Asian economies rely heavily on action to promote gender equality in East
export- o riented manufacturing growth, Asian and Pacific countries. Written as a com-
whereas economies of the Pacific Islands are panion to the World Development Report
dominated by natural resource extraction, 2012: Gender Equality and Development
tourism, and remittances. These differences (World Bank 2011b), the report makes sev-
in economic incentives generated by distinct eral distinct contributions to policy makers’
patterns of development may help to explain, understanding of gender, development, and
at least in part, differences in progress toward public policy in the region. First, the analysis
gender equality in East Asian and Pacific focuses on those issues and policy challenges
countries, particularly with respect to voice that are particularly relevant to East Asian
and influence in society. and Pacific countries. For example, com-
Several emerging trends in East Asian pared with other developing regions, female
and Pacific countries will present both access to basic education is no longer a first-
new opportunities and new risks to achiev- order issue in many parts of the region. At
ing gender equality. Much of the region is the same time, gender stereotyping and gen-
characterized by high levels of openness der “streaming�? in education still represent
and economic integration with the rest of critical challenges. These factors affect wom-
the world. Much of the region is also char- en’s and men’s aspirations and behaviors and
acterized by migration and rapid urban- contribute to persistent employment segrega-
ization as the center of economic activi- tion. Second, the report examines the gender
ties has moved from rural to urban areas. implications of several key emerging trends
Increasing numbers of the region’s citizens in the region: increased global economic
cross national boundaries in search of bet- integration, migration, urbanization, rapid
ter economic opportunities. Swift declines population aging, and rising use of ICTs.
3 6 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
These trends have important gender dimen- as a dimension of agency, defining violence
sions that are not commonly accounted for against women as the extreme deprivation of
by policy makers but that will generate a dis- agency.
tinct set of challenges for promoting gender
equality going forward. Third, the report
accounts for intraregional diversity in a way
Why does gender equality matter
that is not possible in a global report. Par-
for development?
ticular emphasis is placed, where possible, Gender equality matters intrinsically. Nobel
on the challenges faced by countries in the prize–winning economist Amartya Sen trans-
Pacific as distinct from those in East Asia. formed the discourse on development when
Finally, the report has undertaken extensive he argued that development is not only about
empirical analysis of gender equality using raising people’s incomes or reducing poverty,
a newly created database of household sur- but rather involves a process of expanding
veys for the region. In doing so, the report freedoms equally for all people (Sen 1999).1
has contributed significantly to the develop- Viewed from this perspective, gender equal-
ment of indicators and evidence on gender, ity is intrinsically valued. The near-universal
development, and public policy that were not ratification and adoption of the Convention
available previously. on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimi-
This chapter examines the state of gender nation against Women (CEDAW)2 —and the
equality in the East Asia and Pacific region, subsequent commitment of the international
highlighting both recent progress and pend- community to Millennium Development
ing challenges. Following the World Devel- Goals 3 and 5—underscores a near-global
opment Report 2012, the discussion focuses consensus that gender equality and women’s
on gender equality in three domains: (a) empowerment are development objectives in
endowments, (b) economic opportunity, their own right.
and (c) agency (see box 1.1). Endowments Gender equality also matters for develop-
are defined here as human capital and other ment. A growing body of empirical litera-
productive assets that allow individuals to ture from around the world demonstrates
live healthy and productive lives. To analyze that promoting gender equality is also good
gender equality in endowments, the discus- development policy, or as stated in the World
sion focuses on education and health as well Development Report 2012 (2011b, 3), “Gen-
as other productive assets, such as land. Eco- der equality … is smart economics.�? Indeed,
nomic opportunity pertains to an individu- the literature shows that greater gender
al’s ability to fully and freely participate in equality in endowments, access to economic
and receive returns from their work in the opportunities, and agency can (a) contribute
economy. The report focuses on a range of to higher productivity, income growth, and
economic indicators, including labor force poverty reduction; (b) improve the opportu-
participation, earnings, and employment nities and outcomes of the next generation;
segregation, whether in the labor market or and (c) enhance development decision mak-
in self-employment. Agency is defined as the ing. This section explores the evidence on
ability of women and men to express them- these three pathways, in turn.
selves (exercise voice) in accordance with
their preferences and to take actions on their
Gender equality can contribute to
own behalf to influence their surroundings.
higher productivity and income
Since people exercise agency in all aspects of
growth
life, the report focuses on multiple dimen-
sions: agency within a household and in sev- For households and economies to function
eral aspects of the public domain, including at their full potential, resources, skills, and
civil society, the private sector, and politics. talent should be put to their most produc-
The report also focuses on safety and security tive use. If societies allocate resources on
T H E S T A T E O F G E N D E R E Q U A L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E P A C I F I C 37
BOX 1.1 Defining and measuring gender equality
Gender refers to the social, behavioral, and cultural of outcomes measures equality of results (World
attributes, expectations, and norms that distinguish Bank 2011b). Both concepts can be useful, depend-
men and women. Gender equality refers to the extent ing on the domain.
to which men’s and women’s opportunities and out- In some domains, such as in health and educa-
comes are constrained—or enhanced—solely on the tion, where gender equality in outcomes may be
basis of their gender. This book focuses on gender inherently valued, it is reasonable to focus on equal-
equality in three domains: (a) endowments —human ity of outcomes. In contrast, equality of opportuni-
and productive capital; (b) economic opportunity — ties may be the more relevant conception of gender
participation and returns in the economy; and (c) equality in the economic sphere, where people’s pref-
agency —the voice and influence of women in mul- erences may lead to different outcomes, even if their
tiple dimensions in the private and public domains. opportunities are equal. Despite these distinctions,
Gender equality can be conceptualized in two it is often difficult to distinguish opportunities from
ways: in terms of equality of opportunities and outcomes empirically. As such, though the book will
equality of outcomes. Equality of opportunities rely on both conceptions of gender equality in its
measures inequalities that arise from circum- analysis, data limitations often necessitate that the
stances beyond the control of individuals. Equality evidence focuses on measuring outcomes.
the basis of one’s gender, as opposed to women (or men) choose fields of study on the
one’s skills and abilities, this comes at a basis of their gender rather than their abili-
cost. Indeed, the economic costs of gender ties, this too will exact costs not only on indi-
inequalities—whether caused by the persis- viduals’ employment and earnings, but also
tence of traditional norms or by overt dis- on a country’s economic productivity more
crimination—can be considerable. A recent broadly.
study commissioned for the World Develop- Gender inequalities in access to productive
ment Report 2012 found that in the East assets also have costs in terms of productiv-
Asia and Pacific region, output per worker ity and income. Microeconomic studies from
could be 7 to 18 percent higher across a a number of countries across developing
range of countries if female entrepreneurs regions show that female farmers and entre-
and workers were to work in the same sec- preneurs are inherently no less productive
tors, types of jobs, and activities as men, and than male farmers and entrepreneurs; rather,
have the same access to productive resources they tend to have less access to productive
(Cuberes and Teignier-Baqué 2011). inputs.4 A recent study by the Food and Agri-
Evidence suggests that misallocation of culture Organization of the United Nations
female skills and talent commonly begins estimates that equalizing access to productive
before women enter the labor force, when resources between female and male farmers
families and societies underinvest in girls’ could increase agricultural output in develop-
schooling. A number of cross-country studies ing countries by 2.5 to 4.0 percent (FAO/Sida
have found a robust inverse relationship Partnership Cooperation 2010).
between the size of the gender gap in educa- A number of studies show that gender-
tion and GDP growth, controlling for average based violence also imposes significant costs
education levels and other factors associated on the economies of developing countries
with economic growth (see, for example, through lower worker productivity and
Klasen 2002; Knowles, Lorgelly, and Owen incomes, lower human capital investments,
2002). 3 Moreover, to the extent that young and weaker accumulation of social capital
3 8 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
FIGURE 1.3 Girls’ secondary school enrollments have converged violence against adult women were more
to those of boys than $4 billion USD in 1995 (USCDC 2003).
Reducing gender-based violence would
female-to-male ratio of secondary school gross enrollment thus have significant positive effects on the
region’s economies by reducing health care
1.1
costs and increasing investments in women’s
1.0 human capital, female worker productivity,
0.9 and women’s accumulation of social capital.
0.8 As the global economy becomes more
ratio
integrated, the productivity effects associ-
0.7
ated with greater gender equality are likely to
0.6 be increasingly important to East Asian and
0.5 Pacific countries. A recent study on the rela-
tionship between gender and trade suggest
0
1991 1993 1995 1997 1999 2001 2003 2005 2007 2009 that gender inequalities have become finan-
cially detrimental for countries in a world
East Asia and Paci c Europe and Central Asia
of open trade (Do, Levchenko, and Raddatz
Latin America and the Caribbean Middle East and North Africa 2011). To participate effectively in an increas-
South Asia Sub-Saharan Africa ingly competitive world, countries will need to
harness their resources efficiently by improv-
Source: World Bank 2011c. ing opportunities for all and allocating labor
based on skill rather than by gender. Gender
FIGURE 1.4 Tertiary school enrollments of females have inequality, whether in endowments, economic
converged to those of males in East Asia and the Pacific opportunities, or in agency (voice), reduces a
country’s ability to compete in this increas-
female-to-male ratio of tertiary school gross enrollment ingly globalized economic environment
1.4
(World Bank 2011b).
1.2
1.0 Promoting gender equality is also an
investment in the next generation
0.8
A large body of cross-country and country-
ratio
0.6 specific literature shows that healthier, bet-
0.4
ter educated mothers have healthier, better
educated children, which can be expected
0.2 to positively affect children’s future pro-
ductivity and economic prospects. The
0
1990 2000 2005 2007 2009 effects begin even before childbirth. In
Timor-Leste, highly educated mothers and
East Asia and Pacifica Europe and Central Asiaa
those in the wealthiest households are more
Latin America and the Caribbean Middle East and North Africa likely to have their babies delivered by
South Asia Sub-Saharan Africa skilled birth attendants than less educated
mothers and those from poorer households
Source: UNESCO Institute for Statistics (UIS) Data Centre, 2009, 2011 data. (NSD, Ministry of Finance, and ICF Macro
a. East Asia and Pacific includes developed countries. In this figure, Mongolia is included in Europe
and Central Asia, not in East Asia and the Pacific.
2010). Similarly, Demographic and Health
Survey data show that Cambodian women
(Morrison, Ellsberg, and Bott 2007). In addi- with little education are relatively less likely
tion to indirect costs, gender-based violence to receive prenatal care and assistance from
has large direct economic costs on society. trained health personnel during birth deliv-
A study in the United States found that the eries than women with higher education
direct health care costs of intimate partner (Johnson, Sao, and Hor 2000). A mother’s
T H E S T A T E O F G E N D E R E Q U A L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E P A C I F I C 39
health and nutrition status is also found to FIGURE 1.5 Gender gaps in secondary school enrollment vary
strongly affect children’s physical health as substantially across countries
well as cognitive and noncognitive abilities,
which can have long-lasting developmental female-to-male ratio of secondary school
and societal consequences (Nadeau et al. gross enrollment, most recent year
2011). Thailand, 2009
Higher labor force participation, greater Vanuatu, 2009
income earned, and more assets held by
Philippines, 2009
women have also been shown to have positive
Mongolia, 2009
effects on the next generation. In Indonesia,
Malaysia, 2008
for example, women with a higher share of
China, 2009
household assets before marriage tend to use
more prenatal care and are more likely to Vietnam, 2008
have their births attended by skilled health Indonesia, 2009
care providers (Beegle, Frankenberg, and Timor-Leste, 2009
Thomas 2001). Similarly, in China, increas- Cambodia, 2008
ing adult female income by 10 percent of the Solomon Islands, 2007
average household income raised the fraction Lao PDR, 2008
ercentage point and
of surviving girls by 1 p Papua New Guinea, 1998
increased years of schooling for both boys 0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0 1.2
and girls. In contrast, a similar increase in ratio
male income reduced survival rates and edu-
cational attainment for girls with no impact
Source: World Bank 2011c.
on boys (Qian 2008). Studies from across
developing and developed regions (for exam-
ple, from places as diverse as Brazil, Ghana,
South Africa, and the United States) show
that income in the hands of women posi-
FIGURE 1.6 Gender gaps in education have reversed in several
tively affects their female children’s health countries, particularly at the tertiary level
(Duflo 2003; Thomas 1995); commonly, the
marginal effects of income and assets in the
female-to-male ratio of tertiary school
hands of mothers are larger than the effects gross enrollment, most recent year
of similar income and assets in the hands of
fathers. Tonga, 2004
Reductions in gender-based violence Mongolia, 2009
through greater female agency can also have Malaysia, 2008
important intergenerational benefits. Several Philippines, 2008
studies show that experiencing domestic vio- Thailand, 2009
lence between parents as a child contributes Fiji, 2005
to a higher risk of both women experienc- China, 2009
ing domestic violence as adults and of men Vietnam, 2009
perpetrating violence against their spouses Indonesia, 2009
(Fehringer and Hindin 2009). In Timor- Lao PDR, 2008
Leste, 56.4 percent of women who were vic- Timor-Leste, 2009
tims of spousal violence had a father who Vanuatu, 2004
beat their mother (NSD, Ministry of Finance, Papua New Guinea, 1999
and ICF Macro 2010). In Cambodia, women Cambodia, 2008
who reported that their mothers experienced 0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0 1.2 1.4 1.6
domestic violence were more likely to expe- ratio
rience physical and psychological domes-
tic violence as well (NIPH, NIS, and ORC Source: UIS Data Centre, 2009, 2011 data.
4 0 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
FIGURE 1.7 Minority populations in Vietnam often experience Strengthening women’s voice can
lower educational enrollments enhance the quality of development
decision making
percentage of 15- to 17-year-olds enrolled
90 in secondary school, by ethnicity, 2008 Several studies have shown that women
80 and men have different policy preferences
70 (Edlund and Pande 2001; Lott and Kenny
enrollment rate (%)
60 1999). Capturing these gender-based dif-
50 ferences in perspective can lead to not only
40 more representative but also better decision
30 making. Evidence from India indicates that
20 private firms can benefit from greater gen-
10 der equality among the ranks of senior man-
0 agement. Other evidence from South Asia
Kinh/ Tay Central Hmong/ Khmer
s uggests the same is true with respect to
Chinese ethnic Dao
development policy making. As an example,
majority minority a study of women elected to local government
in India found that female leadership posi-
male female
tively affected the provision of public goods
at the local level in ways that better reflected
Source: World Bank 2011a.
both women’s and men’s preferences (Chat-
topadhyay and Duflo 2004). Similarly, stud-
ies from rural India and Nepal found that
FIGURE 1.8 In Indonesia, gender gaps in enrollment do not when women who were previously excluded
vary substantially by household wealth from decisions about local natural resource
management had greater voice and influ-
percentage of 13- to 15-year-olds enrolled in school, ence, local conservation outcomes improved
100 by sex and expenditure quintile, 2009 significantly (Agarwal 2010a, 2010b).
90 Women’s collective agency can also be
80 transformative, both for individuals and for
society as a whole. For example, for a group
enrollment rate (%)
70
60 of ethnic minority women in rural China,
50 information sharing among them has helped
40
empower them and raise their social standing
30
in the Han-majority communities into which
20
they married (Judd 2010). Migrant domestic
10
workers in Hong Kong SAR, China, have
been engaged in civic action focused on local
0
I II III IV V migrant workers’ rights as well as interna-
expenditure quintile tional human rights over the last 15 years
male female (Constable 2009). These efforts have contrib-
uted to the enactment of laws that now pro-
Source: World Bank estimates using Indonesia National Socioeconomic Survey 2009. vide migrant domestic workers in Hong Kong
SAR, China, with some of the most compre-
hensive legal protections in the world.
Macro 2006). Efforts that increase women’s
safety and security and that reduce domes-
Recent progress, pending
tic violence can thus lead to lower intergen-
challenges
erational transmission of violence within Over the past few decades, many East Asian
families.5 and Pacific countries have experienced
T H E S T A T E O F G E N D E R E Q U A L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E P A C I F I C 41
considerable progress toward gender equal- FIGURE 1.9 Fertility rates have declined across the world
ity, at least in some dimensions. In others,
gender disparities have been more persis-
fertility rate, by region
tent. This section reviews recent progress 7.5
and pending challenges in achieving gender
equality in endowments, economic oppor- 6.5
tunity, and agency in the region. It empha-
births per woman
5.5
sizes where growth and development have
contributed to advances in promoting gen- 4.5
der equality and where this has not been suf-
ficient. The section also highlights the con- 3.5
siderable diversity of experience within the
2.5
region as well as within countries. The basic
gender profile developed here provides the 1.5
1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2008
foundation for the deeper analysis of gender,
development, and public policy presented in East Asia and Paci c Europe and Central Asia
subsequent chapters.
Latin America and the Caribbean Middle East and North Africa
South Asia Sub-Saharan Africa
Endowments: Human and
productive capital Source: World Bank 2010b.
Economic growth and poverty reduction
in the region have been associated with FIGURE 1.10 Under-five mortality rates have declined sharply
rapid increases in female enrollment and for both boys and girls
convergence in the rates of school enroll-
ment, across both genders and at all levels under- ve mortality rate (probability of dying
of e ducation. In 2010, the region had the 240 by age ve per 1,000 live births)
h ighest female-to-male enrollment ratio of
200
all developing regions at the primary level.
under-five mortality rate
At the secondary enrollment level, only Latin 160
America and the Caribbean had a higher
ratio (figure 1.3). Although the female-to- 120
male enrollment ratio in the East Asia and 80
Pacific region is still below 1 at the tertiary
level, it has been rising consistently over the 40
past two decades (figure 1.4).
0
However, both overall enrollment rates M F M F M F M F M F M F
and female-to-male enrollment ratios vary
China Lao PDR Papua Philippines Timor- Vietnam
substantially across countries. Countries New Guinea Leste
such as Cambodia, the Lao People’s Demo-
cratic Republic, and Papua New Guinea still 1990 2008
have relatively low enrollment levels and low
Source: World Health Organization (WHO) Global Health Observatory Data Repository.
female-to-male enrollment ratios, particularly Note: M = male, F = female. The under-five mortality rate is defined as the probability of death
at the secondary school level. Despite conver- derived from a life table and expressed as the rate per 1,000 live births.
gence in enrollment among the young, sub-
stantial gaps still remain in the educational countries such as China, Malaysia, Mongo-
endowments of adult populations. At the lia, the Philippines, Thailand, Vanuatu, and
same time, the gender gap in education has Vietnam (figure 1.5). Reverse gender gaps at
reversed in several countries; girls’ secondary the tertiary level are sometimes even starker
enrollment rates now exceed those of boys in (figure 1.6).
4 2 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
FIGURE 1.11 Maternal mortality rates have declined across the experience lower educational enrollments. In
world Vietnam, school participation among 15- to
17-year-olds is substantially higher among
modeled estimate of maternal mortality the Kinh and Hoa (Chinese) majorities than
1,000
among many of the 52 ethnic minority popu-
lations. Among the more economically dis-
deaths per 100,000 live births
800
advantaged and less well integrated Hmong,
Dao, and Khmer minorities, far fewer girls
600 attend school than boys (figure 1.7, and
Baulch et al. 2002).
400 Globally, poverty and gender often interact
to compound gender inequalities. Data sug-
200 gest that, in East Asia and the Pacific, poverty
is not as important a contributor to gender
0 disadvantage in education as elsewhere in the
1990 1995 2000 2005 2008 world, however. Household survey data from
East Asia and Paci c Europe and Central Asia several countries indicate that gender gaps
in enrollment do not vary substantially or
Latin America and the Caribbean Middle East and North Africa
systematically across income quintiles. Indo-
South Asia Sub-Saharan Africa nesia, for example, actually shows a slight
female advantage in enrollments among 13- to
Source: World Bank 2010b. 15-year-olds from poorer households, but a
slight female disadvantage exists among the
FIGURE 1.12 Maternal mortality rate has declined in most wealthiest households (figure 1.8). Overall,
countries in the region data from the region suggest that gender gaps
in enrollment tend to be smaller than enroll-
modeled estimates of maternal mortality ment gaps across income or wealth groups.
1,400
Although gender disparities in enrollment
1,200
deaths per 100,000 live births
have closed, education streaming persists.
1,000 Males and females differ in the types of edu-
800 cation obtained. Data from Indonesia, Thai-
land, and Vietnam indicate that the fields of
600
engineering and law are dominated by males,
400 whereas the fields of education, health, and
200 business administration are dominated by
0 females.6 This “gender streaming�? in edu-
1990 1995 2000 2005 2008 cation contributes to persistent inequalities
Lao PDR Cambodia Timor-Leste Indonesia
between women and men in access to eco-
nomic opportunities.
Papua New Guinea Philippines Vietnam Solomon
Islands
Growth and development in the region
Mongolia China Malaysia
during the past half century have also been
Thailand Fiji associated with substantial improvements
in key health indicators. Fertility rates have
Source: World Bank 2010b. sharply declined, both in the region as well
as across the world (figure 1.9). Under-
Within countries, interactions between five mortality rates have more than halved
gender and other socioeconomic charac- since 1990 for both boys and girls (figure
teristics tend to exacerbate disparities in 1.10). Noteworthy gains have been made in
education. For example, economically dis- birth attendance by health professionals. In
advantaged and minority populations often 2006, 87 percent of births were attended by
T H E S T A T E O F G E N D E R E Q U A L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E P A C I F I C 43
physicians, compared to 47 percent in 1992. number of missing girls at birth per year in
Gains of this magnitude were not witnessed China, calculated by comparing the sex ratio at
in any other region. In addition, the East Asia birth in China to those in high-income coun-
and Pacific region has also seen declines in tries, increased from 890,000 in 1990 to
the maternal mortality rate, from approxi- 1,092,000 in 2008 (World Bank 2011b).
mately 200 deaths per 100,000 births in Men face gender-specific health risks as
1990 to 100 in 2008 (figure 1.11). The region well. For example, men are more likely to
has experienced consistent increases in both experience higher morbidity and premature
male and female life expectancy at birth since mortality related to substance abuse, war and
1960. Female life expectancy in the region conflict, and violence. Cambodia experienced
has increased from 48 to 74, and male life considerable declines in the male population
expectancy has increased from 45 to 70. during the Khmer Rouge regime of Pol Pot;
As with education, progress in health so did Vietnam during its war era. Moreover,
has been uneven across the region. Mater- differences between men and women in the
nal mortality remains high in lower-income incidence of tobacco use are higher in East
countries and in parts of the Pacific, espe- Asia and the Pacific than in other regions of
cially in Cambodia, Lao PDR, Papua New the world; the gender differential in heavy
Guinea, and Timor-Leste (figure 1.12). In Lao episodic alcohol consumption is also par-
PDR, for example, maternal mortality rates ticularly stark. Male abuse of tobacco and
were approximately 580 deaths per 100,000 alcohol in the region has important effects
births7 in 2008, among the highest in the on men’s health and mortality rates, which
world. Indonesia’s maternal mortality rate in turn can impose significant costs on eco-
remains high compared to other countries in nomic productivity and growth.
the region at similar levels of development. Gender disparities still exist in access to
Women in remote rural areas commonly have and control of productive resources. Gender
limited access to health care, which signifi- disparities in access to and control of land or
cantly raises the risks associated with preg- farm inputs are pervasive around the world
nancy and childbirth. Although Vietnam has, and remain issues in the region, despite sig-
on average, experienced noteworthy declines nificant growth and development. Women
in maternal mortality over the past decade, remain less likely to own land (or hold for-
progress has been much slower in remote and mal land titles) than men. Moreover, data
ethnic minority regions (World Bank 2011a). from Cambodia, China, Indonesia, Lao
Moreover, more than a million girls and PDR, Mongolia, Timor-Leste, and Vietnam
women per year are “missing�? in East Asia. indicate that when women—or, specifically,
Despite growth and development, the prob- female-headed households—do own land,
lem of missing girls remains. The term missing they typically have smaller holdings. 8 A
women was first coined by Sen (1992) to refer recent study of women’s land holdings in post-
to the phenomenon that many low-income
tsunami Aceh similarly found that women’s
countries have far fewer women than men, land holdings were considerably lower than
relative to what is observed in developed coun- men’s (World Bank 2010).9 Female-headed
tries. Sen argued that this imbalance in sex households in the region also tend to have
ratios reflected severe forms of gender bias in poorer access to other productive inputs and
affected societies. At birth, biological differ- support services, including livestock holdings
ences between males and females imply that and access to agricultural extension services.
approximately 105 boys are born for every Despite improvements in women’s access
100 girls. Nonetheless, China, Vietnam, and, to microcredit, important challenges remain
until recently, the Republic of Korea have in accessing enterprise finance. Women also
experienced substantial deviations from the have traditionally had less access to capital
biological norm. Moreover, the trend over time than men. This disparity has been com-
in China has been alarming (figure 1.13). The pounded by their poorer access to land, an
4 4 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
FIGURE 1.13 East Asia has a highly skewed male-to-female important source of collateral. In response
ratio at birth to gender disparities in access to credit, the
microfinance movement has focused on
ratio of the number of male to female live births, 1962–2008 increasing women’s access to capital across
1.25 the world. Of the 106.6 million poorest cli-
China
ents worldwide who have been reached by
1.20 microcredit initiatives by the end of 2007,
83.2 percent were women (Daley-Harris
1.15
2009). Evidence on access to credit among
female and male entrepreneurs tells a more
ratio
nuanced story. Among micro- and small
1.10
firms in Indonesia, both female-and male-
run enterprises cite access to finance as their
1.05 most significant business constraint, with
the share of female-run firms reporting this
1.0 constraint only slightly higher than the share
1962 1967 1972 1977 1982 1987 1992 1997 2002 2007 2008 of male-run firms (30 versus 25 p ercent,
China Europe and Central Asia respectively). Among small and medium
East Asia and Paci c Middle East and North Africa enterprises in nine East Asian and Pacific
countries, only in Timor-Leste and Tonga
Latin America and the Caribbean Sub-Saharan Africa
do a greater share of female-led enterprises
South Asia ignificantly more
report access to credit as a s
important constraint than reported by their
Source: HNP Stats (Health Nutrition Population Statistics) database, 2010 data.
male counterparts.10
Economic opportunity: Participation
and returns in the economy
FIGURE 1.14 The East Asia and Pacific region has high female The East Asia and Pacific region has the
labor force participation rates highest average female labor force participa-
tion rate and highest ratio of female-to-male
labor force participation rate labor force participation in the developing
of women 15–64 years of age, 2008 (%) world. In 2008, 70.1 percent of females
were participating in labor market activi-
East Asia and Paci c
ties (figure 1.14) and the gender gap in labor
Sub-Saharan Africa
force participation was approximately 15
percentage points. In comparison, the aver-
Europe and Central Asia age female labor force participation rate in
Latin America and the Caribbean was 55
Latin America and percent in 2008, and in Europe and Central
the Caribbean
Asia it was 58 percent. Gender gaps in labor
South Asia force participation were 27 and 16 percent-
age points, respectively.
Middle East and Both the levels of female participation
North Africa
and their trends over time vary substantially
0 20 40 60 80 100
in the region. In Cambodia, China, Lao
female labor force participation rate (%)
PDR, Thailand, and Vietnam, for example,
female labor force participation was over
Source: World Bank 2010b.
75 percent in 1980. Between 1980 and 2008,
these countries witnessed declines in female
T H E S T A T E O F G E N D E R E Q U A L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E P A C I F I C 45
participation of 5 to 10 percentage points FIGURE 1.15 Female labor force participation varies
despite strong economic growth. Except for substantially across countries
China, these declines were mirrored in simi-
lar drops in male participation, leaving the Female labor force participation rate of
ratio of female-to-male participation rates 15–64 years of age, 2008 (%)
female labor force participation rate (%)
unchanged. Participation rates in Korea, Indo- 90
nesia, and Malaysia were significantly lower 80
than the regional average: in 1980, only 45 70
percent of working-age females participated 60
in the labor market. Female participation 50
rates have increased over time in Korea and 40
Indonesia, while they have remained stagnant 30
in Malaysia despite strong economic growth. 20
Female labor force participation varies sub- 10
stantially in the Pacific, ranging from over 0
ilip sia
Va odia
Ko one s
Sa Fiji
re sia
Tim To p.
or nga
on e
Gu nd
Vi inea
m
m na
La atu
DR
M moa
a N Th olia
d e
M Lest
75 percent in Vanuatu to 40 percent in Fiji
Re
na
In pin
Ca Chi
ew aila
Ph alay
oP
nu
g
b
et
a,
-
in 2008 (figure 1.15). Although time series
data for these countries are limited, female
pu
Pa
participation rates appear to have risen over
time in countries with lower initial rates. In Source: World Bank 2010b.
Fiji, female participation rates rose from 25
percent in 1980 to 40 percent in 2008, and
FIGURE 1.16 The fraction of the workforce employed in
in Tonga they rose from 45 percent to 57 per-
agriculture has declined in the East Asia and Pacific region
cent over the same period.
Structural transformation in the region’s
share of total employment by sector
economies has changed the type of work 100
conducted. The region has seen a signifi-
90
cant decline in the fraction of the workforce
services
in the agricultural sector over the past half 80
century, from approximately 60 percent in 70
1991 to just over 40 percent in 2008 (figure
60
1.16). Between 1960 and 2000, agriculture’s industry
percent
share of total employment declined from over 50
80 percent to under 50 percent in Thailand, 40
while in Indonesia the share declined from 70
30
percent to approximately 45 percent (Butzer,
Mundlak, and Larson 2003). Nonetheless, 20 agriculture
agriculture remains important: in 2008, it 10
was still the largest sector of employment in
0
the region (figure 1.16).
91
92
93
94
95
96
97
98
99
00
01
02
03
04
05
06
07
08
Women’s labor market responses to struc-
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
tural transformation have, in part, reflected
Source: World Bank 2010b.
country-specific patterns of development.
Thailand, for example, moved from a heavy
concentration of workers in agriculture in seen in the United States during the early
1980 to a rising employment share in the stages of the transition away from agricul-
industrial and service sectors (figure 1.19). ture (Goldin 1995; Mammen and Paxson
The early 1990s saw a substantial move- 2000). In I ndonesia, by contrast, female
ment of females away from agriculture and labor force participation increased by
out of the workforce. Similar patterns were 9 percentage points between 1980 and 2007,
4 6 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
FIGURE 1.17 The evolution of sectoral composition by gender with the bulk of the increase coming from
varies across countries the service sector (figure 1.17). Participation
in industry and agriculture was fairly simi-
lar in 1980 and 2007.
percentage of total employment by sector and gender
Labor market “sorting�?—or employment
100
segregation—along gender lines is pervasive,
by industry, occupation, formality, and flex-
80
ibility of employment. Such sorting affects a
60
number of economic outcomes, by gender,
percent
including earnings, social security coverage,
40 the intensity of work conducted, returns to
education and experience, and exposure to
20 shocks. In many countries in the region,
women are more likely than men to conduct
0 unpaid family labor in agriculture and in
female male female male female male female male the informal sector (Asia Foundation et al.
1980 2007 1980 2007 2006; Asian Development Bank and World
Thailand Indonesia Bank 2005; World Bank 2011a). In addi-
agriculture industry tion, women are more likely to be found in
services not working some occupations—such as teaching and
nursing—and are less likely to be found in
others, such as mining. Within the manufac-
Source: World Bank 2010b.
turing sector, women are more likely to be
found in industries such as textiles and food
processing, and are also found in large and
export-oriented firms. Within firms, women
are more likely than men to be temporary
FIGURE 1.18 Women are more likely than men to be workers (figure 1.18).
temporary workers Female- and male-led enterprises also tend
to have distinct characteristics. Female-led
% of temporary workers among male and female employees
enterprises across the region tend to be smaller
40 than male-led enterprises (figure 1.19). They
are more likely to operate in the informal
sector (less likely to be registered) and to be
30
home based or operate out of nonpermanent
premises. In general, female-led enterprises
percent
20 across the region have fewer employees and
assets and command lower profits. Although
10 female-owned and -managed enterprises
are not inherently less productive, they tend
to be less capitalized and located in less-
0 remunerative sectors. For instance, in Indo-
Nonexp
Nonexp
Nonexp
Nonexp
Exporter
Exporter
Exporter
Non exp
Exporter
Exporter
nesia, female-led enterprises are more likely
to locate in the food and garment manufac-
Cambodia China Indonesia Thailand Vietnam turing sectors. These sectors are among the
least capital intensive and least productive;
female male
male-led enterprises are more likely to locate
in sectors such as transportation and other
Source: World Bank estimates using Enterprise Surveys database, 2002–06 data.
Note: Nonexp = nonexporter. The percentage of temporary workers is calculated as a ratio of female
services, which are among the most capital
temporary workers to female total workers. The analysis includes only manufacturing firms. intensive, most productive sectors.
T H E S T A T E O F G E N D E R E Q U A L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E P A C I F I C 47
Women in East Asian and Pacific coun- FIGURE 1.19 Enterprises with female management tend to be
tries continue to undertake the majority smaller
of household work, in addition to market
work, a function of longstanding gender percentage of small, medium, and large rms
with a female manager
norms regarding the division of labor within 40
households. In many contexts, this tradition 35
constrains women’s economic opportuni-
ties, affecting their labor force participa- 30
tion, choice of sectors and occupations, time 25
worked, and, ultimately, earnings. Global
percent
20
evidence indicates that women tend to work
longer hours than men once both market 15
and nonmarket work are taken into account 10
(Ilahi 2000; World Bank 2001, 2011b). The
composition of work also varies substantially 5
by gender. Men devote relatively more time 0
to market work, while women devote more
m
s
sia
ne
na
ne
pi
et
time to domestic activities. Evidence from
do
ilip
Vi
In
Ph
East Asia is consistent with global patterns. small rm medium rm large rm
Recent data from Lao PDR indicate that both
gender differences in hours worked and in the Source: World Bank estimates using Enterprise Surveys database, 2006–11 data.
division of labor between market and non-
market work are exacerbated once families FIGURE 1.20 In Lao PDR, women—particularly those with
have children (figure 1.20). young children—must balance household work commitments
Cross-country evidence on wages indicates with market work
that in the low- and middle-income countries
of East Asia, women earn between 70 and 80
percent of what men earn for similar work 10 hours spent per day on household and market work
(figure 1.21). These gender wage gaps are 9
partially attributable to differences in educa- 8
7
tion, experience, and industrial choice across
6
men and women. Differences in education
hours
5
endowments, experience, and industrial and 4
occupational segregation explain up to 30 3
percent of the gender wage gap in East Asian 2
countries (Sakellariou 2011). 1
While gender wage gaps have evolved over 0
time, they have not always narrowed with without a child with a child without a child with a child
growth and development. In Vietnam, the men women
process of economic transition from a cen-
trally planned to a market-based economy market work housework and family care
has been associated with a sharp reduction in
the gender pay gap among salaried employ-
Source: World Bank estimates using the Lao Expenditure and Consumption Survey (LECS) (LSB Lao
ees. The average gender pay gap halved PDR 2008).
between 1993 and 2008, with the majority of
the contraction evident by 1998 (Pham and contrast, in the Philippines, the wage gap
Reilly 2007; Sakellariou 2011). Pay gaps still widened between 2000 and 2009, a change
persist between men and women, however, that has been partly attributed to grow-
with women earning on average 75 percent ing differences between men and women in
of the male wage in 2009 (Pierre 2012). By terms of their returns to education and other
4 8 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
characteristics (Sakellariou 2011). In Indo- recent evidence suggests that the gender gap
nesia, the average wage gap and the gap by declined between 1997 and 2009 (Sakellar-
age cohorts widened between 1976 and 1999 iou 2011). This complex relationship between
(Dhanani and Islam 2004), although more growth, development, and the gender wage
gap reflects a number of factors at the coun-
try level, including changes in the structure of
FIGURE 1.21 Women in East Asia still earn less than men
the economy and in labor demand; the gen-
der composition of the labor force; changes
ratio of female to male wages, 2007 in the relative education, skill, and experi-
ence among male and female workers; and
Mongolia 0.81
labor market institutions and policies, each
Thailand 0.79 of which affect how remuneration is evolving
by gender.
Philippines 0.76
Cambodia 0.75 Agency: Women’s voice and influence
East Asian and Pacific countries have expe-
Vietnam 0.71
rienced progress and pending challenges
Indonesia 0.70 in achieving gender equality in agency —
women’s voice and influence —as with
China 0.70 endowments and economic opportunity
discussed above. Agency refers to the abil-
Korea, Rep. 0.52 ity of women and men to take action on
0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0 their own behalf, in accordance with their
ratio preferences, and to influence outcomes
that affect them in both private and public
Source: World Bank 2010b. domains (box 1.2). The ability to influence
BOX 1.2 Defining and measuring agency: Women’s voice, influence, and participation
All individuals in a society have ideas and prefer- within the household (the extent to which her voice
ences on how to use scarce resources and live their is heard) and, potentially, her preferences.
lives. The ability of women and men to express The concept of agency has multiple dimensions
and act on their preferences is affected by—and that have been measured empirically. The form
also affects—their ownership and control over of agency that is most frequently measured is the
endowments and their access to economic oppor- decision-making power of men and women (Mason
tunities (Kabeer 1999). This ability to act on one’s 2005; McElroy 1990). Agency may be more explic-
preferences and influence outcomes is referred to as itly measured by examining women’s mobility in the
agency. Changes in individuals’ characteristics in public domain, their participation in public action,
a household, community, or society will affect the and the incidence of gender-based violence (Kabeer
strength of their voices relative to others, and may 1999). Finally, gender differences in bargaining
also influence their preferences. This influence, in power within a household have been assessed by
turn, will affect choices made at the household, com- examining the extent to which people’s choices
munity, and societal levels. For example, an increase change when factors affecting their bargaining
in the education of a woman will affect investments power, such as education, relative earnings, or asset
in the education and health of her children through holdings, also change (Duflo 2003; Quisumbing and
its effect on both her relative bargaining power Maluccio 2003; Thomas 1990, 1995).
T H E S T A T E O F G E N D E R E Q U A L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E P A C I F I C 49
one’s life by making choices and taking FIGURE 1.22 Women in East Asia and the Pacific have more
action is also a key dimension of well-being control over earnings and household decisions across all wealth
in and of itself (Sen 1999). This report quintiles than women from other developing regions
focuses on agency in three domains: (a)
agency in the household and individual visit to
decisions, examined through household large purchases family/relatives owning earnings
100
decision making, control of resources, and
share of women with some control
reproductive decisions; (b) agency in the 90
public sphere, examined through gender-
over decisions (%)
based participation and representation in 80
the private sector, civil society, politics,
70
and public institutions; and (c) safety and
security as an expression of agency, exam- 60
ined through the prevalence of gender-
based violence. Although the East Asia and 50
Pacific region has made progress in sev- 40
eral domains of agency, progress has been Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q5 Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q5 Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q5
uneven across countries, and many chal- East Asia and Paci c Europe and Central Asia
lenges still remain.
Latin America and the Caribbean Middle East and North Africa
Women in East Asia experience relatively
high levels of agency at the household level South Asia Sub-Saharan Africa
compared with other developing regions.
Cross-country data suggest that women Source: World Development Report 2012 team estimates based on Demographic and Health Surveys
of 40 countries, 2003–09.
across the wealth distribution in East Asia
have a greater say in decisions regarding
large household purchases and also experi-
ence greater freedom to visit family and rela-
tives without husbands’ permission than do
women in other developing regions. Women
in East Asia also have as great as or greater FIGURE 1.23 Female representation in parliament in
control over their own earnings compared East Asian and Pacific countries has hardly changed since
with women in other developing regions the 1990s
(figure 1.22). Reductions in fertility rates and
unwanted fertility, defined as gaps between percentage of parliamentary
actual and desired fertility, observed in most 25 seats held by women
East Asian and Pacific countries suggest that 20
women may have gained greater control over
their reproductive decisions. 15
percent
Women’s voice in the public domain 10
remains weak despite economic development.
5
Women have relatively low levels of represen-
tation in political assemblies, whether at the 0
national or local levels. For example, women
c
sia
a
ia
ca
an
ric
As
ri
ci
be
lA
Af
Af
Pa
make up only one-fifth of national parlia-
h
rib
ra
ut
rth
n
d
nt
ra
Ca
So
an
No
Ce
ha
mentarians worldwide. The share of female
e
ia
th
Sa
nd
nd
As
b-
d
a
ta
parliamentarians in East Asian and Pacific
an
st
Su
pe
Ea
as
ica
ro
eE
countries is just below the global average,
Eu
er
dl
Am
id
at approximately 18 percent in 2011 (figure
M
tin
1997 2002 2007 2011
La
1.23). Female representation in the region
has not increased over time with economic Source: Inter-Parliamentary Union data extracted from World Bank 2011c.
5 0 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
FIGURE 1.24 Women’s representation in parliament is low, especially in the Pacific
percentage of seats held by women in the
lower or single house, 2011
45
40
35
30
25
percent
20
15
10
5
0
. P rea an
G s
rsh an ea
T ar
m b ia
Sin Chi a
ilip re
La nam
P a mo P r u
a N Isla u
ng a
Sa olia
Tu a
Kir alu
lay i
em Ko Japsia
’s .
on d
ga n a
Vie ines
rd r-L R
co este
wo es
rld
N a ts.
an s
Is u
Th Rep.
ple ep
Ma ibat
M y l and
mo
i
Mo ong
pu n ala
No Timo o PD
all uat
Ind ilan
e w nd
od
Ca es
m
P h po
u
tri
S
Ma V uin
v
eo , R
d.
p
un
t
a
Fe,
sia
ic
ne
lo
cro
So
Mi
,D
rea
Ko
Source: PARLINE database, 2011 data.
FIGURE 1.25 Men, and in some cases women, believe that men growth and development; the overall share
make better political leaders than women of female parliamentarians in East Asian and
Pacific countries has barely changed since
percentage of men and women aged over 30 who think men the late 1990s. This trend stands in contrast
80 make better political leaders
to other developing regions, where levels of
70 female political representation have tended to
60 increase, at least since 2000.11
50
The share of women in national parlia-
ments varies tremendously across the region.
percent
40
In December 2011, the highest levels of
30 female representation were found in Timor-
20 Leste (32.3 percent), Lao PDR (25.2 per-
10 cent), Vietnam (24.4 percent), the Philippines
0
(22.9 percent), and China (21.3 percent)
(figure 1.24). Female parliamentary represen-
a
sia
ia
d
m
at d
ay
in
an
St ite
ys
na
rw
ne
Ch
tation in the Pacific is systematically lower.
es
ala
ail
Un
et
No
do
Th
Vi
M
In
male female Four countries in the Pacific—the Federated
States of Micronesia, Nauru, Palau, and
Source: World Values Survey, 2006 and 2007 data. the Solomon Islands—do not have female
representation in parliament (PARLINE
database, 2011 data). Countries that have
enacted temporary special measures to
T H E S T A T E O F G E N D E R E Q U A L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E P A C I F I C 51
promote female participation in political participation in management in the region
leadership have achieved higher levels of and all other regions is lower than participa-
female representation in parliament, with tion in ownership, however, indicating that
an average of 27 percent in 2009, compared women have a more limited voice in running
with 14 percent for those countries without a firm and making decisions, despite being
temporary special measures. represented in the ownership of the firm.
Barriers to political representation in the The incidence of physical, sexual, psy-
region are likely to reflect perceptions held chological, and emotional violence against
by both men and women that female politi- women is high throughout the region, par-
cians make less competent political leaders ticularly in the Pacific, where the prevalence
than their male counterparts (figure 1.25). of domestic violence is among the highest in
Evidence from India suggests that people’s the world (figure 1.27). Human trafficking
perceptions of women as political leaders is also a growing concern throughout the
improve with exposure to elected female offi- region. An increase in female migration in the
cials (Beaman et al. 2009). However, these past decade has brought about increased eco-
perceptions may take time to evolve, reinforc- nomic opportunities as well as increased risk
ing the case for concerted action to support of being trafficked. The ILO estimates that
increased political participation on the part Asia and the Pacific account for over half of
of women. Ensuring that women are repre- all trafficked victims worldwide, with an esti-
sented, whether at the local or national level, mated 1.36 million victims, most of whom
is a first step to ensuring that their views and are women and girls (ILO 2008).
preferences are expressed in public policies. Gender-based violence and human traf-
Women from East Asian and Pacific ficking of women and girls are often enabled
countries have experienced improvements by the lack of and weak enforcement of rel-
in their voice and ability to actively partici- evant legislation. Although the factors that
pate in civil society and grassroots move- enable gender-based violence are multiple
ments. Civil rights groups tackle a variety and complex, the phenomenon is exacerbated
of issues to improve gender equality in their by a lack of adequate legal protections in
community, country, and region. PEKKA, a many countries, most notably in the Pacific
program in Indonesia, was created to address islands. A recent United Nations Develop-
the needs of widows of conflict in Aceh and ment Programme study (UNDP 2010) found
now provides training for village paralegals that although more than three-quarters of
that focuses on domestic violence and family the countries in East Asia have strength-
law. The program also holds district forums ened legislation on domestic abuse in recent
to bring together judges, prosecutors, police, years, more than 60 percent of countries in
nongovernmental organizations, and govern- the Pacific still lacked relevant legislation on
ment officials to raise awareness of gender domestic violence. Police forces in several
issues (PEKKA 2012; World Bank 2011b). countries in the region—including Indonesia,
As another example, the Fiji Women’s Crisis M alaysia, and Thailand—have been criti-
Center lobbied for a nationally representa- cized for limited commitment in investigating
tive quantitative survey on violence against trafficking and enforcing antitrafficking laws
women, to be released in 2012. (U.S. D epartment of State 2011).
Women’s representation in top manage-
ment and participation in ownership is high
relative to other developing regions and the
Fostering new opportunities,
world average. In the East Asia and Pacific
managing emerging risks
region, women are represented among the As the region continues to develop, sev-
owners in over 50 percent of small, medium, eral emerging trends will present both new
and large firms, higher than in any other opportunities and new risks to achieving
developing region (figure 1.26). Female gender equality. As noted earlier, East Asian
5 2 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
FIGURE 1.26 More women hold top management positions in (e) rising availability and use of information
East Asia and the Pacific than in other developing regions and communication technologies (ICTs).
Though not commonly accounted for by
policy makers, these trends are likely to have
East Asia and the Paci c important gender dimensions and, thus, affect
the evolution of gender equality in the region.
Europe and Central Asia They will create new challenges for public
policy, in terms of fostering new opportunities
Latin America and the Caribbean
and managing new risks to gender equality.
world Greater global economic integration brings
with it substantial economic opportunities
Middle East and North Africa for women, but also potentially greater expo-
sure to economic shocks. For example, evi-
Sub-Saharan Africa
dence indicates that greater global economic
South Asia integration can contribute to greater access
to economic opportunities for women and
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
reduce gender wage gaps by raising demand
firms with female top manager (%) for female workers in export-oriented enter-
firms with female participation prises (Boserup 1970; Schultz 2006). At the
in ownership (%)
same time, increasing global integration also
increases risk and uncertainty, as shocks are
Source: Enterprise Surveys database, World Bank.
more quickly transmitted across integrated
markets. A number of studies find that
FIGURE 1.27 Violence against women is high in East Asia and although shocks do not necessarily have more
the Pacific adverse effects on women than men, they do
have gender-differentiated effects on outcomes
percentage of ever-married women ages 15–49 who have as diverse as employment, earnings, labor force
experienced sexual and/or physical intimate-partner violence participation, education investment, health,
80
70
and nutrition (see, for example, Bruni et al.
60 2011; Rodgers and Menon forthcoming).
50 Opportunities gained by migration are bal-
percent
40 anced by new risks. High economic growth
30 and increased economic integration in the
20
region over the past three decades has spurred
10
0 significant migration across the region.
Women make up nearly half of all migrants
Thailand
Cambodia
Philippines
Japan
Kiribati
Marshall Islands
Kenya
Peru
Nepal
Moldova
Samoa
Solomon Islands
in East Asia and the Pacific and in some coun-
tries represent the majority of new migrants.
Migration can provide both women and men
with access to new economic opportunities,
East Asia Paci c other developing which commonly differ by gender because of
countries
employment segregation in receiving areas’
labor markets. At the same time, migration
Source: Demographic and health surveys, various countries and years, and government surveys.
brings with it important gender-specific risks.
For example, many female migrants find
and Pacific countries are at the forefront of employment as domestic workers, a sector
several global trends: (a) increasing global with particularly weak worker protection
economic integration, (b) increasing domes- in most countries. Female migrants are also
tic and cross-border migration , (c) rapid disproportionately susceptible to risks associ-
urbanization , (d) population aging, and ated with human trafficking.
T H E S T A T E O F G E N D E R E Q U A L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E P A C I F I C 53
Unprecedented levels of urbanization are Advances in ICTs are revolutionizing the
affecting all aspects of life: from the nature ways in which both men and women in the
of employment to the availability of services region are exposed to ideas, share knowl-
to individuals’ ability to rely on extended edge, and networks. Existing evidence sug-
family and community networks. Many gests, however, that women in the region still
East Asian and Pacific countries are experi- have lower access to information technologies
encing unprecedented levels of urbanization than men. New and emerging technologies,
as migrants move to urban areas in search of if accessible, can help to empower women
economic opportunity. Between 2000 and by opening new economic opportunities,
2015, Indonesia, China, and Cambodia are breaking down information barriers, help-
predicted to see an increase in the percentage ing women in isolated communities engage in
of the population residing in urban areas by distance learning or commerce, or enabling
17, 13, and 9 percentage points respectively women to take collective action. As in the
(World Bank 2009). These changes almost case of other productive resources, such as
certainly have gender- s pecific impacts. land, machinery, or credit, growing gender
Although urban residence can open up a gaps in access to ICTs could lead to widening
wide range of economic opportunities for gaps in access to economic opportunities as
both men and women, women’s ability to well as in voice and influence in society.
take advantage of new opportunities is likely
to depend fundamentally on the nature and
availability of urban services—for example,
Gender equality in East Asia and
whether transport systems facilitate safe
the Pacific: A roadmap to the
travel of women to job sites or if affordable
report
child care can compensate for the loss of This chapter has provided a basic profile on
extended family networks. the status of gender equality in East Asia
Aging populations will represent another
challenge for women. The high-income
economies in East Asia are experiencing FIGURE 1.28 The dependency ratio is increasing in most East
rapid population aging.12 Most emerging Asian countries
countries in the region have also begun
this process; dependency ratios are already
increasing in many middle-income coun- 0.45 old-age dependency ratio
tries in East Asia and the Pacific. Old-age 0.40
dependency is expected to increase even 0.35
more quickly in the coming decades (fig- 0.30
ure 1.28). Population aging is likely to have 0.25
ratio
gender-differentiated impacts at all age lev- 0.20
els. Gender differences in the time devoted 0.15
to caring for the elderly imply that in the 0.10
absence of institutionalized care services, 0.05
women are likely to bear the brunt of the 0.00
1990 2000 2010 2020 2030 2040 2050
increased demand for elder care (Dwyer
and Coward 1992; Ofstedal, Knodel, and China Fiji Indonesia
Chayovan 1999). Moreover, while women Malaysia Mongolia Papua New Guinea
tend to live longer than men, gender dif- Philippines Thailand Vietnam
ferences in education and labor force par-
ticipation imply that women are less likely
to be vested in formal pension systems and Sources: World Bank 2010b (1990–2010 data); HNP Stats—Population Projection (projections for
2020–50).
may have fewer assets to ensure a basic Note: Old-age dependency ratio is defined as the ratio of the population 65 years of age and older
level of well-being in old age. over working-age population (15–64 years of age).
5 4 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
and Pacific countries, taking into account in Pacific countries experience among the
several important factors that have charac- highest rates of violence against women in
terized development in the region. Specifi- the world; they also have among the low-
cally, the region has experienced significant est levels of female representation in poli-
growth, poverty reduction, and economic tics. Within countries, gender frequently
structural transformation over the past sev- interacts with other socioeconomic char-
eral decades. The chapter has shown that acteristics, such as ethnicity or geographic
rapid growth and development have been remoteness, resulting in specific subgroups
accompanied by reduced gender inequali- of countries’ populations facing a double
ties in several key dimensions, most nota- disadvantage.
bly in education and several key aspects of Because many aspects of gender inequality
health. In East Asian countries, women’s do not disappear automatically with growth
voice and influence, whether in the home and development, and because persistent gen-
or in the economy, are relatively strong. In der inequalities impose high costs on women
many ways, women in the region are better and girls and on societies more broadly, a
positioned than ever before to participate case can be made for public policy to promote
in, contribute to, and benefit from their gender equality. In this context, an impor-
economies and societies. tant contribution of this report will be to (a)
At the same time, the evidence demon- clarify empirically the relationship between
strates clearly that economic growth and gender equality and development, (b) ana-
development alone are not enough to attain lyze the factors that contribute to or impede
gender equality in all its dimensions. While gender equality in its different dimensions,
gender outcomes in education and health and (c) identify effective avenues for public
have been responsive to growth, other areas action to promote gender equality and, thus,
have proved “stickier�?; significant gender more effective development in East Asian and
inequalities persist in a number of important Pacific countries.
areas despite development. Women still have To achieve these objectives, the three chap-
less access than men to a range of productive ters that follow focus on providing a deeper
assets and services. There remains substan- understanding of the factors affecting gender
tial employment segregation, by gender. And equality in endowments, economic oppor-
despite closing of education gaps, women tunity, and agency. Specifically, chapter 2
continue to earn less than men. Moreover, examines in more depth the evidence on gen-
women in the region still have weaker voice der dimensions of human and physical capital
and influence than men, whether in house- accumulation. Chapter 3 analyzes access to
hold decision making, in the private sector, in economic opportunity, including the factors
civil society, or in politics. And women across affecting female labor force participation,
the region remain vulnerable to gender-based employment segregation across o ccupations
violence. and industries, and persistent gender gaps in
Progress toward gender equality has wages and earnings. And chapter 4 focuses
been uneven across and within countries. on factors that enhance or constrain women’s
Despite widespread progress, a few, mostly voice and influence in society, both in the
low-income, countries have yet to close private and public domains. In carrying out
gender gaps in basic education. In China their analyses, each of these chapters seeks to
(and to a lesser extent Vietnam), significant frame an agenda for effective public action
imbalances occur in the sex ratio at birth, moving forward.
r eflecting strong son preference in those The report also analyzes the gender dimen-
societies. At the same time, a number of sions of several important emerging trends
Pacific island countries face particular chal- in the region. Specifically, chapter 5 exam-
lenges with respect to promoting women’s ines globalization and economic integration,
voice and influence. Specifically, women increasing migration, rapid urbanization,
T H E S T A T E O F G E N D E R E Q U A L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E P A C I F I C 55
population aging, and enhanced access to men are more likely to be found among math-
ICTs, while identifying both the emerging ematics and computer science graduates than
opportunities and the emerging risks to gen- women and have also been found to outperform
der equality that these phenomena entail. women in mathematics (Schleicher 2008).
The maternal mortality ratio (MMR) in Lao
7.
Building on the in-depth analyses presented
PDR is a modeled estimate, to make it com-
in chapters 2 through 5, chapter 6 then
parable to MMR estimates in other countries.
outlines directions for public policy to pro- Lao PDR’s national estimate in 2005 was
mote gender equality and, thus, more effec- lower, at 405 deaths per 100,000 births (WDI
tive development in East Asian and Pacific database).
countries. The report concludes by framing For data on land holdings by gender in China,
8.
a forward-looking agenda for analysis and see de Brauw et al. (2011). Data on other
action—to continue to fill knowledge gaps countries are based on World Bank staff cal-
and strengthen public policy responses to culations, using household survey data.
promoting gender equality in the region. Evidence from other parts of Indonesia sug-
9.
gests that land ownership patterns, by gender,
can differ in important ways, depending on
Notes local norms and customs. In the matrilineal
region of West Sumatra, Indonesia, for exam-
1. Sen (1999) defines freedoms and “unfree- ple, at the time of marriage, husbands com-
doms�? in five categories: (a) political freedoms, monly own more forest land than their wives,
(b) economic facilities, (c) social opportunities, and wives commonly own more paddy land
(d) transparency guarantees, and (e) protective (Quisumbing and Maluccio 2003).
security. 10. Self-reported information on credit con-
2. Adopted in 1979 by the United Nations straints, by gender, should be interpreted with
General Assembly, CEDAW is often referred caution. As discussed below, female-led enter-
to as the international bill of rights for prises are smaller, use less capital, and operate
women. The convention defines what con- in difference sectors than male-led enterprises,
stitutes discrimination against women and making direct comparisons of self-reported
provides an agenda for national action to end credit constraints, by gender, difficult.
such discrimination. To date, it has been rati- 11. In the Europe and Central Asia region, female
fied by 187 countries worldwide (http://www representation in national assemblies fell sub-
.un.org/womenwatch/daw/cedaw/). stantially following the dissolution of the
These studies must be interpreted with caution,
3. Soviet Union, although levels increased again
given the difficulty of establishing a causal rela- between 2000 and 2008.
tionship between gender equality in education 12. For example, the share of the elderly (age 65
and growth in cross-country studies. or above) in Hong Kong SAR, China; Japan;
Evidence from Africa and Latin America, for
4. Korea; Singapore; and Taiwan, China, is
example, suggests that ensuring equal access above 10 percent and is expected to increase
to productive assets and technologies could substantially in the next two decades.
significantly raise agricultural production and
household income (Goldstein and Udry 2008;
Quisumbing 1995; Udry 1996).
5.
A number of studies show that gender-based
References
violence itself imposes significant costs on the Agarwal, Bina. 2010a. “Does Women’s Propor
economies of developing countries, for exam- tional Strength Affect Their Participation?
ple, through lower worker productivity and Governing Local Forests in South Asia.�? World
incomes, lower human capital investments, Development 38 (1): 98–112.
and weaker accumulation of social capital ———. 2010b. Gender and Green Governance:
(see Morrison, Ellsberg, and Bott 2007, for a The Political Economy of Women’s Presence
review of key findings). For related evidence Within and Beyond Community Forestry.
from the United States, see National Center New York: Oxford University Press.
for Injury Prevention and Control 2003. Asia Foundation, ADB (Asian Development Bank),
6. Similarly, in Organisation for Economic Co- CIDA (Canadian International Development
operation and Development (OECD) countries, Agency), NDI (National Democratic Institute),
5 6 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
and World Bank. 2006. Indonesia: Country of Agriculture with Chinese Characteristics.�?
Gender Assessment. Manila, Philippines: Asia Background paper for World Development
Foundation, ADB, CIDA, NDI, and World Report 2012, World Bank, Washington, DC.
Bank. Dhanani, Shafiq, and Iyanatul Islam. 2004.
Asian Development Bank and World Bank. 2005. Indonesian Wage Structure and Trends, 1976–
“Mongolia: Country Gender Assessment.�? 2000. International Labour Organization:
Countr y Planning Docu ment, A sian Geneva.
Development Bank, Manila, Philippines. Do, Quy-Toan, Andrei Levchenko, and Claudio
AusAID. 2008. Making Land Work: Vol. 1. Raddatz. 2011. “Engendering Trade.�? Policy
Reconciling Customary Land and Development Research Working Paper 5777, World Bank,
in the Pacific. Canberra: Australian Agency for Washington, DC.
International Development. Duf lo, Esther. 20 03. “Grandmothers and
Baulch, Bob, Truong Thi Kim Chuyen, Dominique Granddaughters: Old-Age Pensions and
Haughton, and Jonathan Haughton. 2002. Intrahousehold Allocation in South Africa.�?
“Ethnic Minority Development in Vietnam: World Bank Economic Review 17 (1): 1–25.
A S o cio econom ic Persp ec t ive.�? Pol ic y Dwyer, Jeffrey, and Raymond Coward. 1992.
Research Working Paper 2836, World Bank, “Gender and Family Care of the Elderly:
Washington, DC. Research Gaps and Opportunities.�? In Gender,
Beaman, Lori, Raghabendra Chattopadhyay, Families, and Elder Care, edited by Jeffrey
Esther Duf lo, Rohini Pande, and Petia W. Dwyer and Raymond T. Coward, 151–62.
Topalova. 2009. “Powerful Women: Does London: Sage.
Exposure Reduce Bias?�? Quarterly Journal of Edlund, Lena, and Rohini Pande. 2001. “Why Have
Economics 124 (4): 1497–540. Women Become Left-Wing? The Political Gender
Beegle, Kathleen, Elizabeth Frankenberg, and Gap and the Decline in Marriage.�? Quarterly
Duncan Thomas. 2001. “Bargaining Power Journal of Economics 117 (3): 917–61.
within Couples and Use of Prenatal and Enterprise Surveys (database). International
Delivery Care in Indonesia.�? Studies in Family Finance Corporation and the World Bank.
Planning 32 (2): 130–46. http://www.enterprisesurveys.org/.
Boserup, Ester. 1970. Woman’s Role in Economic Esteve-Volart, Berta. 2004. “Gender Discrimination
Development. London: Earthscan. and Growth: Theory and Evidence from India.�?
Bruni, Lucilla, Andrew Mason, Laura Pabon, and Development Economics Discussion Paper
Carrie Turk. 2011. “Gender Impacts of the Series 42, Suntory and Toyota International
Global Financial Crisis in Cambodia.�? World Centres for Economics and Related Disciplines,
Bank, Washington, DC. London School of Economics and Political
Butzer, Rita, Yair Mundlak, and Donald Larson. Science, London.
2003. “Intersectoral Migration in Southeast FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization)/Sida
Asia: Evidence from Indonesia, Thailand and Partnership Cooperation. 2010. National
the Philippines.�? Policy Research Working Gender Profile of Agricultural Households,
Paper 2949, World Bank, Washington, DC. 2010: Report Based on the Lao Expenditure
Chattopadhyay, Raghabendra, and Esther Duflo. a n d C o n s u m pt i o n S u r ve y s , N a t i o n a l
2004. “Women as Policy Makers: Evidence Agricultural Census and Population Census.
from a Randomized Policy Experiment in Vientiane, Lao PDR: FAO.
India.�? Econometrica 72 (5): 1409–43. Fehringer, Jessica, and Michelle J. Hindin. 2009.
Constable, Nicole. 2009. “Migrant Workers and “Like Parent, Like Child: Intergenerational
the Many States of Protest in Hong Kong.�? Transmission of Partner Violence in Cebu, the
Critical Asian Studies 41 (1): 143–64. Philippines.�? Journal of Adolescent Health 44
Cuberes, David, and Marc Teignier-Baqué. 2011. (4): 363–71.
“Gender Inequality and Economic Growth.�? G old i n , C laud ia. 1995. “T he U - S h ap ed
Background paper for World Development Female Labor Force Function in Economic
Report 2012, World Bank, Washington, DC. Development and Economic History.�? In
Daley-Harris, Sam. 2009. “State of the Microcredit Investment in Women’s Human Capital,
Summit Campaign Report 2009.�? Microcredit edited by T. Paul Schultz. Chicago: University
Summit Campaign, Washington, DC. of Chicago Press.
de Brauw, Alan, Jikun Huang, Linxiu Zhang, Goldstein, Markus, and Christopher Udry.
and Scott Rozelle. 2011. “The Feminization 2008. “The Profits of Power: Land Rights and
T H E S T A T E O F G E N D E R E Q U A L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E P A C I F I C 57
Agricultural Investment in Ghana.�? Journal of Scope of Government?�? Journal of Political
Political Economy 116 (6): 981–1022. Economy 107 (6): 1163–98.
General Statistics Office of Vietnam. 2009. Mammen, Kristin, and Christina Paxson. 2000.
R e s u l t o f t he S u r v e y o n H o u s e ho l d “Women’s Work and Economic Development.�?
Living Standards 2008. Hanoi: Statistical Journal of Economic Perspectives 14 (4):
Publishing House. http://www.gso.gov.vn 141–64.
/default_en.aspx?tabid=515&idmid=5&Item Mason, Karen Oppenheim. 2005. “Measuring
ID=9647. Women’s Empowerment: Learning from
H N P Stats (Health Nutrition Population Cross-National Research.�? In Measuring
Statistics) database. World Bank, Washington, Empowerment: Cross-Disciplinar y
DC. http://data.worldbank.org/data-catalog/ Perspectives, edited by D. Narayan, 89–102.
health-nutrition-population-statistics. Washington, DC: World Bank.
Ilahi, Nadeem. 2000. “The Intra-household McElroy, Marjorie. 1990. “The Empirical
Allocation of Time and Tasks: What Have We Content of Nash-Bargained Household
Learnt from the Empirical Literature?�? Working Behavior.�? Journal of Human Resources 25
Paper 13, World Bank Development Research (4): 559–83.
Group, World Bank, Washington, DC. Morrison, Andrew, Mary Ellsberg, and Sarah
ILO (International Labour Organization). 2008. Bot t. 20 07. “Addressing G ender-Based
Women’s Entrepreneurship Development Violence: A Critical Review of Interventions.�?
Aceh: Gender and Entrepreneurship Together World Bank Observer 22 (1): 25–51.
(GET Ahead) Training Implementation. Naudeau, Sophie, Naoko Kataoka, Alexandria
Impact Assessment. Jakarta, Indonesia: ILO Valerio, Michelle Neuman, and Leslie Elder.
Jakarta Office. 2011. Investing in Young Children: An Early
Indonesia National Socioeconomic Survey Childhood Development Guide for Policy
(SUSENAS). 2009. Badan Pusat Statistik, Dialogue and Project Preparation. Washington,
Jakarta, Indonesia. http://dds.bps.go.id/eng/ DC: World Bank.
aboutus.php?id_subyek=29&tabel=1&fl=3. National Center for Injury Prevention and
Johnson, Kiersten, Sovanratnak Sao, and Darith Control. 2003. Costs of Intimate Partner
Hor. 2000. Cambodia 2000 Demographic Violence against Women in the United States.
and Health Survey: Key Findings. Calverton, Atlanta, GA: Centers for Disease Control and
MD: ORC Macro. Prevention.
Judd, Ellen R. 2010. “Family Strategies: Fluidities NIPH (National Institute of Public Health
of Gender, Community and Mobility in Rural [Cambodia]), N IS (National Institute of
West China.�? China Quarterly 204: 921–38. Statistics [Cambodia]), and ORC Macro. 2006.
Kabeer, Naila. 1999. “Resources, Agency, Cambodia Demographic and Health Survey
Achievements: Reflections on the Measurement 2005. Phnom Penh, Cambodia, and Calverton,
of Women’s Empowerment.�? Development Maryland, U.S.: National Institute of Public
and Change 30 (3): 435–64. Health, National Institute of Statistics, and
Klasen, Stephan. 2002. “Low Schooling for ORC Macro.
Girls, Slower Growth for All? Cross-Country NSD (National Statistics Directorate [Timor-
Evidence on the Effect of Gender Inequality in Leste]), Ministry of Finance [Timor-Leste], and
Education on Economic Development.�? World ICF Macro. 2010. Timor-Leste Demographic
Bank Economic Review 16 (3): 345–73. and Health Survey 2009–10. Dili, Timor-
Knowles, Stephen, A. K. Lorgelly, and Dorian Leste: NSD and ICF Macro.
Owen. 2002. “Are Educational Gender Gaps Ofstedal, Mary Beth, John E. Knodel, and
a Brake on Economic Development? Some Napaporn Chayovan. 1999. “Intergenerational
Cross-Country Empirical Evidence.�? Oxford Support and Gender: A Comparison of Four
Economic Papers 54 (1): 118–49. Asian Countries.�? Southeast Asian Journal of
Lao Statistics Bureau. 2008. Lao Expenditure Social Sciences 27 (2): 21–41.
and Consumption Survey. Vientane, Lao PDR. PARLINE database on national parliaments.
http://www.nsc.gov.la/index.php?option=com_ Inter-Parliamentary Union, Geneva. http://
content&view=article&id=50&Itemid=73& www.ipu.org/parline-e/parlinesearch.asp and
lang=. http://www.ipu.org/wmn-e/world.htm.
Lott, John R., and Lawrence W. Kenny. 1999. PEKKA (Perempuan Kepala Keluarga [Women
“Did Women’s Suffrage Change the Size and Headed Household Empowerment Program]).
5 8 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
Accessed 2012. http://www.pekka.or.id/8/ Development Report. Washington, DC: World
index.php. Bank.
Pham, Hung T., and Barry Reilly. 2007. “The Schleicher, Andreas. 2008. “Student Learning
Gender Pay Gap in Vietnam, 1993–2002: A Outcomes in Mathematics from a Gender
Quantile Regression Approach.�? Journal of Perspective: What Does the International PISA
Asian Economics 18 (5): 775–808. Assessment Tell Us?�? In Girls’ Education in
Pierre, Gaelle. 2012. “Recent Labor Market the 21st Century, edited by M. Tembon and L.
Performance in Vietnam through a Gender Fort. Washington, DC: World Bank.
Lens.�? Policy Research Working Paper 6056, Schultz, Paul. 2006. “Does the Liberalization of
World Bank, Washington, DC. Trade Advance Gender Equality in Schooling
PovcalNet: An Online Poverty Analysis Tool. and Health?�? Discussion Paper 935, Economic
World Bank, Washington, DC. http://iresearch Growth Center, Yale University, New Haven,
.worldbank.org/PovcalNet/index.htm. CT.
Qian, Nancy. 2008. “Missing Women and the Sen, Amartya. 1992. “Missing Women.�? British
Price of Tea in China: The Effect of Sex-Specific Medical Journal 304: 587–88.
Earnings on Sex Imbalance.�? Quarterly ———. 1999. Development as Freedom. Oxford,
Journal of Economics 123 (3): 1251–85. U.K.: Oxford University Press.
Quisumbing, Agnes. 1995. “Gender Differences SPC (Secretariat of the Pacific Community),
in Agricultural Productivity: A Survey of Ministry of Internal and Social Affairs
Empirical Evidence.�? FCND Discussion Paper [Republic of Kiribati], and Statistics Division
No. 5, International Food Policy Research [Republic of Kiribati]. 2010. Kiribati Family
Institute, Washington, DC. Health and Support Study: A Study on
Quisumbing, Agnes R., and John A. Maluccio. Violence against Women and Children.
2003. “Resources at Marriage and Intra- Nouméa, New Caledonia: SPC.
hou s ehold A l lo c at ion : Ev idenc e f rom SPC (Secretariat of the Pacific Community) and
Bangladesh, Ethiopia, Indonesia, and South NSO (National Statistics Office) [Solomon
Africa.�? Oxford Bulletin of Economics and Islands]. 2009. Solomon Islands Family
Statistics 65: 283–327. Health and Safety Study: A Study on Violence
Quota Project: Global Database of Quotas for against Women and Children. Nouméa, New
Women. Institute for Democracy and Electoral Caledonia: SPC.
Assistance and Stockholm University. “About Thomas, Duncan. 1990. “Intra-household
Quotas.�? ht tp: //w w w.quotaproject.org / Resource Allocation: An Inferential Approach.�?
aboutQuotas.cfm. Journal of Human Resources 25 (4): 635–64.
Rand, John, and Finn Tarp. 2011. “Does Gender ———. 1995. “Like Father, Like Son, Like
Influence the Provision of Fringe Benefits? Mother, Like Daughter, Parental Resources
Evidence from Vietnamese SMEs.�? Feminist and Child Height.�? Papers 95-01, RAND
Economics 17 (1): 59–87. Reprint Series. Santa Monica, CA: RAND
Rodgers, Yana, and Nidhiya Menon. Forthcoming. Corporation.
“Impact of the 2008–2009 Twin Economic Udry, Christopher. 1996. “Gender, Agricultural
Crises on the Philippine Labor Market.�? World Production, and the Theory of the Household.�?
Development. Journ al of Politic al Economy 104 (5):
Ross, Michael. 2008. “Oil, Islam and Women.�? 1010–14.
American Political Science Review 102 (1): UIS (UNESCO Institute for Statistics) Data
107–23. Centre. Montreal, Canada. http://www.uis
Rozelle, Scott, Xiao-yuan Dong, Linxiu Zhang, .unesco.org/Pages/default.aspx.
and Amelia Hughart. 2002. “Opportunities UNDP (United Nations Development Programme).
and Barriers in Reform China: Gender, Work, 2010. Asia-Pacific Human Development
and Wages in the Rural Economy.�? Pacific Report. Power, Voice and Rights: A Turning
Economic Review 7 (1). Point for Gender Equality in Asia and the
Sakellariou, Chris. 2011. “Determinants of the Pacific . Colombo, Sri Lanka: Macmillan
Gender Wage Gap and Female Labor Force Publishers India Ltd. for UNDP.
Participation in EAP.�? Paper commissioned UNESCAP (United Nations Economic and Social
for Toward Gender Equality in East Asia Commission for Asia and the Pacific), Statistics
and the Pacific: A Companion to the World Division. 2003. Integrating Unpaid Work into
T H E S T A T E O F G E N D E R E Q U A L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E P A C I F I C 59
National Economics. Bangkok, Thailand: World Bank. 2001. Engendering Development:
UNESCAP. through Gender Equality in Rights, Resources,
UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Voice. Washington, DC: World Bank.
and Cultural Organization) Institute for ———. 2009. “Gender Equality in East Asia:
Statistics (UIS). 2009. Global Education Progress and the Challenges of Economic
Digest. Montreal, Quebec: UIS. Growth and Political Change, East Asia
———. 2011. Global Education Digest. Montreal, Update.�? World Bank, Washington, DC.
Quebec: UIS. ———. 2010a. “Indonesia—Reconstruction of
USCDC (United States Centers for Disease Aceh Land Administration System Project.�?
Control and Prevention). 2003. “Costs of World Bank, Washington, DC.
Intimate Partner Violence against Women in ———. 2010b. World Development Indicators
the United States.�? USCDC, National Center 2010. Washington, DC: World Bank.
for Injury Prevention and Control, Atlanta, ———. 2011a. “Vietnam Country Gender
Georgia. Assessment.�? World Bank, Washington, DC.
U.S. Department of State. 2011. Trafficking in http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/
Persons Report 2011. Washington, DC: U.S. 2011/11/15470188/vietnam-country-gender-
Department of State. assessment.
VWC (Vanuatu Women’s Centre) in partnership ———. 2011b. World Development Report
with the Vanuatu National Statistics Office. 2012: Gender Equality and Development.
2011. Vanuatu National Survey on Women’s Washington, DC: World Bank.
Lives and Family Relationships. Port Vila, ———. 2011c. World Development Indicators
Vanuatu: VWC. 2011. Washington, DC: World Bank.
WDI (World Development Indicators) database. ———. 2012a. Capabilities, Opportunities
World Ban k, Wash ing ton, DC . ht t p: // and Participation: Gender Equality and
data.worldbank.org /data-catalog /world- Development in the Middle East and North
development-indicators. Africa Region. Washington, DC: World Bank.
WHO (World Health Organization) Global Health World Values Survey. World Values Survey
Observatory Data Repository. WHO, Geneva, Association, Stockholm, Sweden. http://www
Switzerland. http://apps.who.int/ghodata/. .worldvaluessurvey.org/.
Gender and Endowments:
Access to Human Capital and 2
Productive Assets
A
ccess to human capital and produc- endowments—specifically, education, health,
tive assets allows individuals to live and assets—and their ties with economic
healthy and productive lives. Imbal- opportunities and agency.
ances between such opportunities for men Education and health are areas in which
and women are costly to individual welfare, gender equality has generally been the most
to society, and to development. The East responsive to growth and development in the
Asia and Pacific region has experienced region.
remarkable economic growth and poverty
Girls’ enrollment has recently caught up
•
reduction, combined with the spread of edu-
with that of boys, except in several coun-
cation and progress in health, from the latter
tries and subpopulations experiencing
half of the 20th century to the first decade of
slower progress in education overall.
the 21st century. Therefore, East Asian and
H ealth indicators such as infant and
•
Pacific countries are well placed to promote
maternal mortality have also had impres-
strong improvements in access to human
sive gains, except in several places with
capital and productive assets for many men
slower economic progress.
and women in those countries.
However, the region has a large number
•
This chapter analyzes gender differ-
of “missing girls,�? a persistent issue that
ences in endowments—defined here as the
appears not to be mitigated by growth
human and productive capital that enables
and development.
opportunities to improve welfare—in the
G ender equality in assets has been less
•
region and lays the foundations for discuss-
responsive to development than that in
ing countries’ policy priorities in chapter 6.
education and health and is constrained
It examines factors underlying those gender
by complex legal, social, and economic
differences and identifies what drives prog-
factors.
ress toward gender equality or impedes it.
The analysis relies on the framework of the These messages, stemming from the analy-
interactions among households, markets, and sis in this chapter, help shape thinking about
institutions to understand gender outcomes policies to promote gender equality in endow-
in endowments. The chapter also acknowl- ments. The end of the chapter sets the stage
edges the links among the different types of for that purpose, and a policy discussion
61
6 2 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
placing priorities in the endowment domain Recognizing the importance of educating
in the broader development context will fol- girls, many East Asian and Pacific countries
low in chapter 6. have made great strides toward equal enroll-
ment between girls and boys, as highlighted
in chapter 1. The discussion on education in
Substantial progress toward this chapter will analyze these patterns in
gender equality in education more depth to understand their dynamics and
Closing gender gaps in education is benefi- their determinants. These gains in enroll-
cial.1 Several cross-country analyses find a ment have responded to changes in both
positive relationship between female educa- supply-side and demand-side factors that
tion and growth in gross domestic product enable better education outcomes. Where
(GDP) (Klasen and Lamanna 2009; Knowles, the education system as a whole is lagging,
Lorgelly, and Owen 2002). Looking at house- progress on the gender front has also been
holds within countries, an extensive litera- l imited. However, even with equal enroll-
ture has found clear evidence of correlation ment, quality of education and choice of
between mothers’ education and children’s education streams still affect girls and boys
education and health, particularly children’s differently and have strong implications for
health and nutrition status (Schultz 1993; school-to-work transition.
young people’s
Thomas and Strauss 1992).2 Women are usu-
ally the primary child rearers, and a mother
Closing gender gaps in enrollment
with more education is likely to provide bet-
ter child care. In East Asian and Pacific coun- Most countries in the East Asia and Pacific
tries, analyses of national demographic and region have seen narrowing gender gaps in
health surveys (DHS) show that Cambodian school enrollment and completion over the
women with little education are less likely past two decades. Girls’ and boys’ enrollment
than educated women to receive antenatal rates are now roughly on par at all levels,
care and assistance from trained health per- including tertiary education. The female-to-
sonnel during birth deliveries (Johnson, Sao, male enrollment ratio in secondary school
and Hor 2000). Similarly, in Timor-Leste, has approached parity in most countries.
highly educated mothers are most likely to Tertiary enrollment ratios between females
have their births delivered by skilled atten- and males are more dispersed, but mostly on
dants (88 percent), as are mothers in the an upward trend. The East Asia and Pacific
wealthiest households (69 percent) (NSD, region has performed better than any other
Ministry of Finance, and ICF Macro 2010). region at increasing both enrollment levels
Gender equality in endowments can feed and the female-to-male enrollment ratio. In
into development indirectly through links to 2010, the region had the highest primary
gender equality in economic opportunities school female-to-male ratio of enrollment
and agency. Promoting equal access to educa- among the developing regions and the second
tion through investing in girls’ education can highest secondary school ratio.3
broaden girls’ economic opportunities and The narrowing of the gender gap in edu-
raise their income. Better economic oppor- cation since the 1990s is observed not only
tunities and higher income, in turn, have at the aggregate level, but also for the poor
positive intergenerational effects: income in and nonpoor alike. Figure 2.1 shows the ratio
women’s hands is likely to improve children’s of female-to-male enrollment rates in upper
health (Duflo 2003; Fiszbein and Schady secondary schools for children in the poor-
2009; Thomas 1995). More education and est quintile. In most of the countries depicted,
more income also empower women and female and male enrollment rates have been
provide them with more bargaining power, converging among the poor. Similar patterns
voice, and representation, as discussed in are also observed for primary and lower sec-
chapter 4. ondary education.
G E N D E R A N D E N D O W M E N T S : A C C E S S T O H U M A N C A P I T A L A N D P R O D U C T I V E A S S E T S 63
Another way to see the significant prog- FIGURE 2.1 Enrollment for both genders has been converging
ress in education is through the smaller gen- even among the poorest populations
der gaps in youth literacy compared to gaps
in adult literacy. Figure 2.2 shows Indonesia female-to-male gross upper-secondary enrollment ratios
and Cambodia as illustrative examples, but in the poorest expenditure quintile
the observations are similar in many East
Asian and Pacific countries. Younger genera- Mongolia, 2008
tions are more likely to be literate. Although Mongolia, 2002
the gender gaps in adult literacy can be stark, Thailand, 2009
such as in the case of Cambodia, youth liter- Thailand, 2000
acy tends to be more equal across genders in Vietnam, 2006
both urban and rural areas, as well as across Vietnam, 1993
gender parity
income quintiles. The gender gaps in literacy Indonesia, 2009
continue to close over time. Indonesia, 1999
Given this trend, some countries are even Lao PDR, 2008
starting to experience a reverse gender gap in Lao PDR, 2002
education: girls’ secondary enrollment exceeds
Cambodia, 2008
that of boys in China, Fiji, Malaysia, Mongo-
Cambodia, 2004
hailand. The
lia, the Philippines, Samoa, and T
Timor-Leste, 2007
reverse gender gaps at the tertiary level are
Timor-Leste, 2001
often even starker: in Thailand, 122 females
were enrolled for every 100 males in 2008. In 0 0.5 1.0 1.5 2.0
Samoa, for example, boys underperform rela- ratio
tive to girls in both enrollment and academic
achievement. Secondary education enrollment Sources: World Bank estimates using country household income and expenditure surveys:
Cambodia Socio-Economic Survey (CSES) (NIS Cambodia), 2004, 2008 data; Indonesia National
rates have consistently been higher for girls, Socioeconomic Survey (SUSENAS) (BPS Indonesia), 1999, 2009 data; Lao Expenditure and Consump-
by a large margin that is widening over time. tion Survey (LECS) (LSB Lao PDR), 2002, 2008 data; Living Standards Measurement Survey (LSMS)
(NSO Mongolia), 2002, 2007–08 data; Thailand Socio-Economic Survey (SES) (NSO Thailand), 2000,
In tests taken in year 4 and year 6 (the first 2009 data; Timor-Leste Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) (NSD Timor-Leste), 2001, 2007 data;
year of education starts at age 5), girls sig- Vietnam Household Living Standards Surveys (VHLSS) (GSO Vietnam), 1993, 2006 data.
nificantly outperform boys in all three tested
subjects: English, Samoan, and numeracy. A FIGURE 2.2 Gender gaps in youth literacy are smaller than
significantly higher proportion of boys than gender gaps in adult literacy
girls have been at risk of not achieving mini-
mum competencies in these years. In year 8, youth (ages 15–24) versus adult (ages 25+) literacy rates,
girls still outshine their male counterparts in by gender
all subjects, including science and mathemat- male-female adult literacy gap
ics, but the gender gap is smaller than it was
100
in the earlier years (Jha and Kelleher 2006).
Box 2.1 discusses the reverse gender gap in 80
literacy rate, %
education in further detail. 60
40
Persistent gender gaps in some 20
countries and subpopulations 0
youth adult youth adult
Despite progress in narrowing the enrollment
gaps between genders, several countries and Indonesia, 2009 Cambodia, 2008
disadvantaged populations within countries female male-female gap
still experience more visible gender disparities
than elsewhere in the region.4 Girls’ enroll- Source: World Bank estimates using CSES (NIS Cambodia), 2008 data; SUSENAS (BPS Indonesia),
ment has not caught up with that of boys in 2009 data.
6 4 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
BOX 2.1 Various parts of the world experience reverse gender gaps in education
Although the phenomenon of reverse gender gaps in stereotyping and how masculinity values within
education is relatively new in the East Asia and Pacific society are reflected in the classroom have been
region, it has long been documented in parts of Europe argued to contribute to high dropout rates among
and Central Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean, boys in the Caribbean (Bailey and Bernard 2003;
and Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Davis 2002; Figueroa 2000). Marks (2001) shows
Development (OECD) countries. The range of possible that, by age 14, girls in the United Kingdom start
reasons varies, including returns in the labor market, to substantially outperform boys in English. Boys’
norms and gender identity, and the school environ- lower performance in the United Kingdom has been
ment itself. Interactions between households, mar- attributed to the use of more “female-oriented�?
kets, and institutions influence households’ decisions reading materials, with suggestions that the inclu-
about education investments; therefore, explanations sion of more factual, male-oriented works could
for gender gaps in education are also context-specific. increase male performance. Other authors argue
Given the differential payoffs in the labor market, by that teachers have low expectations of boys’ behav-
which men tend to earn more (discussed further in ior and academic effectiveness, which contributes
chapter 3), men have an incentive to drop out earlier to the levels of boys’ underachievement in Latin
to join the labor force. Social norms perceiving men America and the Caribbean (Davis 2002; Figueroa
as the breadwinner and stressing masculinity values 2000; Martino and Berrill 2003). The experimental
may reinforce this incentive. In many cases, such as literature on test grading suggests that there can be
Mongolia or the Philippines, male underachievement gender bias, but it is context-specific. For example,
in education is most stark among the poor. The fig- Lavy (2008) finds that male high school students
ure below shows the biggest enrollment disadvantage in Israel face discrimination in teachers’ test grad-
for boys in the poorest quintile. A U.K. Department ing, but Hanna and Linden (2009) do not find such
for International Development study in Botswana bias in their study in India. The United Nations
and Ghana also shows a similar relationship between Children’s Fund (UNICEF 2004) outlines the role
economic disadvantages and boys’ underperformance that poverty has to play in boys’ underachieve-
(Dunne and Leach 2005). The study identifies reasons ment in the Caribbean and Latin America, where
for boys dropping out in the studied areas of Ghana governments have become increasingly aware that
as related to employment opportunities. boys and young men are more likely to be alienated
The school environment itself may perpetuate from school if they come from poor socioeconomic
this set of norms and gendered identity. Gender backgrounds.
BOX FIGURE 2.1.1 The biggest enrollment disadvantage for boys in
the Phillippines is among the poor
Gross enrollment rates in secondary schools, by expenditure quintile,
gender, and region, Philippines, 2006
120
100
80
percent
60
40
20
0
–20 poorest richest poorest richest poorest richest
20% 20% 20% 20% 20% 20%
national rural urban
female male-female gap
Source: World Bank estimates using Family Income and Expenditures Survey 2006
(NSCB Philippines 2006).
G E N D E R A N D E N D O W M E N T S : A C C E S S T O H U M A N C A P I T A L A N D P R O D U C T I V E A S S E T S 65
those places where the overall education level, school as Lao-Tai (ethnic majority) boys and
regardless of gender, is also low. (figure 2.3). Even in Vietnam, where
girls
Gender gaps in enrollment are still high girls do not lag boys at the aggregate level,
in Papua New Guinea and low-income coun- the Hmong and Dao populations have stark
tries such as Cambodia and the Lao People’s gender gaps in secondary school enrollment:
Democratic Republic. Papua New Guinea’s about one girl to two boys is enrolled in sec-
education enrollment rates are among the ondary school (figure 2.4).
lowest in the region, although they have been
rising moderately in recent years. In 2007,
FIGURE 2.3 Girls in some ethnic minority groups in Lao PDR lag
primary education (elementary prepara-
even further in enrollment
tion through grade 8) gross enrollment rates
were 73 percent for males and 66 percent for
gross enrollment rates in lower-secondary school, by ethnicity and
females (Papua New Guinea Department of gender, Lao PDR, 2002 and 2008
Education 2009). Cambodia and Lao PDR 100
have notable gender gaps in enrollment at
the secondary level, and more extreme gaps 80
at the tertiary level. The secondary educa- 60
tion enrollment ratio is about 8 females to 10
percent
males in Cambodia and Lao PDR. House- 40
hold survey data from 2008 indicate that
20
although the ratio in enrollment between
girls and boys is about equal up to around 0
age 14 in Cambodia, it diverges significantly
above that age. In 2008, at the tertiary level, –20
40 percent of urban males in Cambodia were 2002 2008 2002 2008 2002 2008 2002 2008
Lao-Tai/Tai-Kadai Mon-Khmer Chinese-Tibet Hmong
enrolled, whereas only about 20 percent
of urban females were. Enrollment rates in female male-female gap
these countries are relatively low regardless
of gender. Cambodia’s adult literacy rates are Source: World Bank estimates using LECS (LSB Lao PDR), 2002, 2008 data.
also among the lowest in the region, with the
biggest gender gaps. About 60 percent of Lao FIGURE 2.4 Girls in some ethnic minority groups in Vietnam lag
women are literate, as opposed to 80 percent even further in enrollment
of Lao men and more than 90 percent of peo-
ple in most other countries in the region. gross enrollment rates in lower-secondary school, by ethnicity and
In some cases, girls in disadvantaged pop- 120 gender, Vietnam, 1993 and 2006
ulations have the lowest education outcomes 100
when gender interacts with other forms of
vulnerability, such as poverty and ethnicity. 80
Household survey data indicate that girls in 60
percent
the poorest quintile in rural areas in Cambo- 40
dia and Lao PDR have the lowest secondary
school enrollment rates in these countries. 5 20
In Lao PDR, gender gaps in school enroll- 0
ment can be particularly stark among the –20
Hmong population. Girls in the Hmong and 1993 2006 1993 2006 1993 2006 1993 2006 1993 2006
Mon-Khmer groups have a lower chance of Kinh/ Tay/Thai/ Central Hmong/ Khmer
being in school than boys of the same ethnic- Chinese Muong/Nung ethnic Dao
ity, a disparity that has been slow to change female male-female gap
over the past decade. They are only half as
likely to be enrolled in lower-secondary Source: World Bank estimates using VHLSS (GSO Vietnam), 1993, 2006 data.
6 6 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
Explaining progress and pending terms of passing grades per year of schooling.
challenges in education Cash transfers that alleviate households’ bud-
get constraints have also been shown in many
The observed gains in enrollment in East
developing countries to increase children’s
Asian and Pacific countries have been a result
school enrollment. In the East Asia and Pacific
of changes in supply-side and demand-side
region, a program providing scholarships to
factors that enable better education out-
poor girls in lower secondary schools in Cam-
comes. Explanations for progress (or lack of
bodia had large effects on girls’ enrollment,
progress) in reducing gender gaps in educa-
an increase of 20 percentage points. A related
tion are context-specific because interactions
program for both boys and girls had similar
between households, markets, and institu-
positive impacts on enrollment and attendance
tions influence households’ d ecisions regard-
for boys and girls (Filmer and Schady 2008,
ing education investments. Responding to
2009). Economic development in the region,
market returns, or payoff, to investment
which brings more stable income to house-
choices, household d ecisions reflect individ-
holds, also helps protect girls’ education. In
ual preferences, constraints, and the relative
times of income shocks, families with girls are
bargaining power of members. The returns
more likely to reduce education expenditure,
to education, as determined in the labor mar-
as shown, for example, in the case of Indone-
ket, play a role. Costs or prices in the form
sia (Cameron and Worswick 2001).
of direct costs (fees and uniforms), indirect
In addition, norms and preferences also
costs (distance to schools), and opportunity
affect households’ demand for schooling by
costs (wages earned outside of school) also
gender. Changing norms in some contexts
matter and can be shaped by markets and
have led to changing girls’ status relative to
institutions. Households have preferences,
boys. Qualitative research through focus
which may be influenced by cultural norms.
group discussions in six communities in Fiji
They face budget and possible credit con-
suggests that parents value girls’ education
straints. With this framework in mind, the
more now than in previous generations (Chat-
following discusses how changing demand-
tier 2011). In Indonesia today, compared to a
side constraints for households (for example,
few decades ago, women exhibit a stronger
household income), institutional factors that
preference for fewer children and stronger
affect the supply side (for example, reducing
emphasis on children’s health and educa-
the cost/prices of education), and returns to
tion. Evidence suggests that this preference
educating girls each and together have led to
change is associated with decreased prefer-
more gender equality in school enrollment in
ence for sons over daughters compared to the
most East Asian and Pacific countries.
past (Niehof 2003). Indonesian parents now
First, factors affecting households’ demand
appear to intrinsically value daughters no less
for education matter. Household survey data
than sons (Kevane and Levine 2003).
in East Asian and Pacific countries indicate
Second, changes in formal institutions,
that enrollment is always higher for children
such as better service delivery and easier
in richer families. Poor households in devel-
access to schools, have improved the supply
oping countries tend to face borrowing con-
of education services and lowered the cost
straints, and, under limited budgets, they
of education. Economic development in East
tend to invest more in sons than in daughters.
Asian and Pacific countries has been associ-
Income gains are thus likely to raise school
ated with better infrastructure and service
participation relatively more for girls than
delivery, either through the public or private
for boys, as empirically documented in vari-
sector. The massive school construction pro-
ous countries (World Bank 2001). Behrman
gram in Indonesia in the 1970s led to signifi-
and Knowles (1999) showed that, in Vietnam,
cant increases in education attainment and
the income elasticity of demand for education
earnings, presumably through reducing costs
was 6 percent lower for boys than for girls in
in terms of distance to schools (Duflo 2000).
G E N D E R A N D E N D O W M E N T S : A C C E S S T O H U M A N C A P I T A L A N D P R O D U C T I V E A S S E T S 67
Although expanded service delivery might FIGURE 2.5 Even girls in wealthier households in Cambodia and
not specifically target girls, the benefits to Lao PDR lag behind boys
them may be disproportionately high because
distance and safety tend to be larger barriers gross enrollment rates in upper-secondary schools of the poorest 20% and
for girls than for boys. richest 20% of population, by gender, 2008
Third, in some cases, better employment 100
opportunities and returns to education for
females could have encouraged parents to 80
educate girls. Cross-country evidence shows
that trade liberalization, which has led to the 60
percent
expansion of nonagricultural jobs for women,
is positively linked to greater human capital 40
and more gender equality in human capital
20
investment (Schultz 2006). The literature also
shows that education investments do respond
0
to expected returns as long as information on
poorest 20% richest 20% poorest 20% richest 20%
these returns is available (Jensen 2010; Oster
and Millet 2010). Longer expected durations Cambodia, 2008 Lao PDR, 2008
of receiving payoff from daughters, as a result female male-female gap
of declining maternal mortality, can also
Source: World Bank estimates using CSES (NIS Cambodia), 2008 data; LECS (LSB Lao PDR), 2008 data.
induce parents to invest more in girls’ educa-
tion (Jayachandran and Lleras-Muney 2009).
However, this component might have played and become household heads. Females are
a relatively small role in the East Asia and expected to submit to their husbands and be
Pacific region, because the gender wage gaps caregivers and homemakers; therefore, par-
and gender gaps in expected returns to educa- ents value boys’ education over girls’ (Tara-
tion are still large, as discussed in chapter 3.6 ria 2011). In Lao PDR, social norms about
What constrains progress? Where the gender roles within the family may mean that
education system as a whole is lagging, prog- girls face higher opportunity costs of school-
ress on the gender front has also been lim- ing as a result of their socially defined value
ited. Although the explanations can be very in home production. Poor rural girls spend
context-specific, factors related to both the
the fewest hours in school but spend almost
supply and demand sides of education in cer- three hours a day fetching water, collecting
tain places constrain progress in education out- firewood, and caring for other household
comes in general as well as outcomes for girls. members (King and van der Walle 2007).
Low household income coupled with high Families’ perception of lower benefits from
costs of education can limit the demand educating girls is also expected to impede
for schooling, but income is usually not the girls’ enrollment in Cambodia, particularly
whole story. Families in Cambodia have after puberty (Velasco 2001).
raised concerns about bearing the high direct The supply side of service delivery also
cost of education (Velasco 2001). However, matters for the overall school enrollment as
in both Cambodia and Lao PDR, gender gaps well as for girls’ enrollment. Low enrollment
in secondary school enrollment exist even in rates in Papua New Guinea are the result of
the top quintile, as shown in figure 2.5, even limited access and high dropout rates. Apart
though gaps across quintiles are still much from demand-side factors such as affordabil-
larger. Aside from income, norms also have a ity of school fees and low perceived value of
strong influence on household decisions. Par- education, elementary schools have not been
ticipants of focus group discussions in a quali- established in many communities. Even urban
tative research exercise in Papua New Guinea areas may have inadequate capacity to admit
report that males will carry the family name all children wanting to enroll. Poor learning
6 8 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
environments (often due to lack of educa- Asia and Pacific region, despite the closing
tion materials), poor school infrastructure, of gaps in enrollment and attainment, male
poor teacher attitude and attendance, lack of and female students still differ in their choice
teachers in remote areas, and negative pupil of education streams. Factors that influence
behavior all contribute to poor enrollment gender streaming in education are important
overall (Papua New Guinea Department because such streaming affects the occupa-
of Education 2009). In Cambodia and Lao tions and sectors that men and women engage
PDR, distance to schools is an important bar- in and the income that they subsequently
rier. The unequal provision of schools in Lao earn. The persistence of these patterns
PDR makes schooling more costly for girls implies a gender-differentiated school-to-
than for boys (King and van der Walle 2007). work behavior and ultimately sustains gender
In Cambodia, given the long distance to inequalities in job placement and earnings.
schools, boys can live in wats (temples) while Earning gaps across genders largely reflect
attending secondary school, but girls have no differences across occupations and sectors of
comparable system of accommodation. Anec- employment. Chapter 3 discusses further the
dotal evidence suggests that the lack of toilets importance of education and labor market
at school also makes it more difficult for girls streaming to labor market outcomes.
than boys to attend (Velasco 2001). Evidence from the East Asia and Pacific
Limitations of the education system in region shows clear patterns of specialization
catering to the rural poor and ethnic minori- by field among men and women, implying
ties mean that the gender disadvantage can differences in skill profiles when they enter
interact with these forms of vulnerability. In the labor market. Figure 2.6 shows the frac-
East Asian and Pacific countries, gender gaps tion of females in each field of study in Indo-
within a subpopulation are usually smaller nesia, Thailand, and Vietnam. The fields of
than the enrollment gaps across income engineering and law are heavily dominated
quintiles or between major and minor eth- by males, whereas the fields of education,
nicities. In Vietnam, though the ethnic- health, and business administration are dom-
ity gap in primary enrollment had almost inated by females. These gender differences in
closed between 1993 and 2006, enrollment the choice of field are larger than the gender
at the secondary level among the Kinh/Chi- differences in enrollment or completion rate
nese majorities is still substantially higher in secondary or tertiary education in these
than that among ethnic minority popula- countries. The positive relationship between
tions. With the exception of the Hmong and being male and choosing science, engineer-
Dao, the gender gaps within an ethnicity in ing, or law is statistically significant in mul-
V ietnam are smaller than the gaps across tinomial logit analysis that also accounts for
ethnicities (figure 2.4). In Cambodia, the characteristics such as parental education
gap in secondary school enrollment across and area of residence (Sakellariou 2011).
quintiles also exceeds gender gaps within Education streaming can be slow to change
any given quintile. Similar patterns occur over time and is less responsive to economic
in many other East Asian and Pacific coun- growth than enrollments, at least as evidence
tries. These large enrollment gaps across indicates for Indonesia from 1997 to 2009.
subpopulations suggest that making general Such gender streaming in education is not
improvements in the education system to unique to East Asian and Pacific countries,
reach v ulnerable subpopulations could con- but is evident in many Organisation for
tribute to closing the gender gap as well. Economic Co-operation and Development
(OECD) countries as well. Flabbi (2011)
documents that in many OECD countries,
Gender streaming in education
relatively more women enter the social sci-
Education investment does not end at enroll- ences and business, whereas more men enter
ment. In middle-income countries in the East the fields of engineering and architecture.
G E N D E R A N D E N D O W M E N T S : A C C E S S T O H U M A N C A P I T A L A N D P R O D U C T I V E A S S E T S 69
There could be multiple reasons for men FIGURE 2.6 Women are concentrated in certain fields of study,
and women’s choice of education streams. such as education and health, but are underrepresented in law
The relative payoff of the different streams— and engineering
the expected returns from labor markets—is
percentage of students who are women, by eld of study
likely to influence this decision. However, evi- 90
dence shows that women do not necessarily 80
take up fields with the highest premiums in 70
60
the labor market wage. Table 2.1 shows the
percent
50
estimated returns to selected fields of study in 40
Indonesia. The returns to studying engineer- 30
ing are high for females and are much higher 20
than the returns to studying education. For 10
example, among the female adults surveyed 0
n
h
law
g
n
h
y
s a ienc ial
in 2009, the premium for having studied
og
io
alt
in
tio
at
c
at
er
dm es
m
o
ol
he
ra
s
uc
ne
hn
nd
ist
engineering (rather than religion) was 72 per-
nd
ed
gi
in
ec
a
,a
c
en
ce
lt
s
rts
cent higher earnings, whereas the premium
ien
ra
,a
tu
sc
es
es
ul
for having studied education was 17 per-
iti
sin
ric
an
ag
bu
m
cent. This phenomenon has been the case
hu
for over a decade, since the late 1990s. Still, Indonesia, 2009 Thailand, 2006 Vietnam, 2006
females prefer education to engineering. As
Source: Sakellariou 2011.
a note of caution, the data available here do
not account for differences in unobservable
characteristics, such as ability, among those TABLE 2.1 Labor market returns to studying engineering are high
relative to studying education
choosing the different fields. They capture
Indonesia: Estimated return to field of study within tertiary education, % change
only monetary returns, whereas nonmon- in wage
etary aspects—such as values, attitudes, and
social expectations about women as mothers Field of study 1997 2006 2009
(compare to
and homemakers or caregivers—also play an
field: Religion) Males Females Males Females Males Females
important role in influencing the decisions.
Nonetheless, the statistics indicate what Law 19.7 20.9 32.3 28.4 47.7 23.4
Health 39.1 10.5 32.3 20.9 56.8 39.1
appear to be persistent patterns that also
Engineering 58.4 78.6 44.8 68.2 60.0 71.6
translate into patterns in the labor market, as
Education 13.9 10.5 13.9 15.0 23.4 17.4
discussed in chapter 3.
Source: Sakellariou 2011.
An alternative explanation for the gen- Note: The estimates were based on a log wage regression, accounting for characteristics such as
der pattern of subject choice might be that experience and experience squared, marital status, and urban/rural residence.
All coefficients were significant at the 5 percent level.
females and males have different compara-
tive advantages in a particular field based
on their academic performance. The avail- women in math and computer science (Schle-
able evidence from the East Asia and Pacific icher 2008). Moreover, female students out-
region does not support this hypothesis. perform their male counterparts in reading
Female students do not systematically per- assessments, according to the Programme
form worse than males in key subjects for International Student Assessment (PISA)
related to male-dominant fields of study. As test scores.
shown in figure 2.7, results of the Trends In addition, norms and expectations
in International Mathematics and Science may influence preferences and, therefore,
Study (TIMSS) indicate no evident female the choice of education streams. They can
disadvantage in math and science scores in do so, for example, through shaping paren-
Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and tal expectations, shaping role models in the
Thailand, unlike the findings for OECD labor market, or shaping how gender roles are
countries that men tend to outperform portrayed in school curricula. Social norms
7 0 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
FIGURE 2.7 Girls tend to outperform boys in several subjects in school. Gender stereotyping also appears
to affect school performance of boys and
female-to-male ratio of test scores, by subject
1.10 girls in key subjects (science, mathematics,
1.08 and computer science), ultimately contribut-
ing to varying occupational choices (Blum-
1.06
berg 2007; Eccles and Blumenfeld 1985;
1.04
Shel 2007). This literature also explores the
ratio
1.02 importance of the gender roles conveyed
1.00 through teaching materials in shaping boys’
0.98 and girls’ aspirations. School, in particular
primary school, is believed to be a key ele-
0.96
ment of socialization for children and a site
0.94 where key social values are transmitted.
Indonesia Thailand Malaysia Philippines
Teaching materials and teachers’ feedback
math science reading are the key instruments through which ideas
about what are appropriate areas of study
Source: World Bank staff calculations based on TIMSS and PISA data. and acceptable professions for men and
Note: Mathematics and science scales for eighth graders are from Trends in International Mathemat-
ics and Science Study (TIMSS). The most recent year of data is 2003 for the Philippines and 2007 women are conveyed to children (Blumberg
for all other countries. The reading scale is from the Programme for International Student 2007; Nielsen and Davies 2010).
Assessment (PISA).
In East Asia and the Pacific, the results of
a 2008 review of the Education for All (EFA)
about the role of females as “homemakers�? initiative indicated that teaching materials
translate into expectations about appropriate in the region included stereotypical portray-
jobs for men and women. In fact, women in als of boys and girls (UNICEF 2009). The
the region work more hours and devote more findings, in line with those of other regions,
time to caregiving and housework activi- stress that boys appear more than girls in the
ties than do men. Given these expectations, learning materials, that they are portrayed as
female students may be inclined to choose a more active (and girls as more passive), and
field of study that will lead to a job with suffi- that they are shown more frequently in lead-
cient time flexibility, such as teaching, to bal- ership roles.7 The report also found a lack
ance their home and labor market work. The of female role models in teaching materials.
absence of female role models in the labor Women in the school textbooks reviewed
market has also been identified as a contrib- were portrayed as secretaries, assistants,
uting factor in influencing aspiration and nurses, and teachers more frequently than
career choice and in limiting women’s access men, who often appeared as doctors, politi-
to nontraditional careers. These topics will cians, or police officers.
be explored further in chapter 3. The rest of Qualitative research involving both the
this section focuses on how gender roles are review of teaching materials and classroom
portrayed in school curricula, which pertains observation, which allows for an analysis of
directly to the education system. teacher-student interaction, has highlighted
School curricula are important in shap- how gender stereotyping frequently exists in
ing choices of what to study, because the curricula in a number of East Asian countries.
way in which gender roles are portrayed in Table 2.2 provides selected examples of the
school curricula is believed to affect chil- types of issues typically encountered in cur-
dren’s performance and aspirations. Cur- riculum analysis. Male characters tend to be
riculum analysis in developed and developing portrayed as dominant in the public sphere.
countries alike indicates that gender stereo- Similar stereotyping is also observed in other
typing in curricula as well as differences in countries throughout the region. The depic-
teacher interactions with male and female tion of women in China’s history and social
students affect the probability of girls staying sciences manuals illustrates this point. Guo
G E N D E R A N D E N D O W M E N T S : A C C E S S T O H U M A N C A P I T A L A N D P R O D U C T I V E A S S E T S 71
TABLE 2.2 School curricula in a number of East Asian countries have gender stereotyping
China Vietnam Korea, Rep.
Overall The proportion of male characters In grade 4 and grade 5 texts analyzed,
visibility rises from 48 percent in books for most authors mentioned and quoted
of male four-year-olds to 61 percent in books were men (74 of 85 and 77 of 84,
and female for six-year-olds. Female characters respectively).
characters appear most commonly in reading In mathematics textbooks analyzed,
or authors materials for very young children. female characters were found to
in teaching appear in illustrations more often than
materials men (some grade levels); however,
they were associated with less
challenging activities.
Stereotypical Portrayal of male and female Stereotypical depictions of men/ Curricular materials presented traditional
portrayals characters follows gender role boys and women/girls are present gender roles with women depicted
of men and stereotypes in both mathematics and in a range of textbook illustrations doing housework versus office work for
women in social sciences manuals. An analysis of and exercises. A detailed analysis men, male characters leading activities
textbooks mathematics texts indicated that male of materials used in grades 1 to 5 and female characters assisting.
characters were 74 percent of those highlights the following depictions of
in stimulating activities, and female men and boys: (a) heroes/courageous;
characters represented 70 percent (b) strong/able to do complicated
of those in passive roles. Men and and physically challenging jobs; (c)
boys are therefore typically portrayed knowledgeable/smart; (d) naughty; (e)
as courageous, independent, and creative; and (f) leaders.
ambitious, in contrast to “passive, In contrast, women and girls are
obedient, neat, cooperative girls.�? typical portrayed as (a) “nice and
lovely�?; (b) caring (as teachers, nurses);
(c) clean and ordered; and (d) weak/
emotional.
Interestingly, men and boys were
also more frequently associated with
“forbidden�? or dangerous activities.
Student- Teacher-pupil and peer interaction Explanations and examples reflecting
teacher were observed to follow the same gender role stereotypes were used
interaction stereotypes, to girls’ disadvantage. frequently, as was gender-discriminative
language. Male students had
more teacher-student interaction
opportunities as well as more social
contact with teachers. Teachers were
found to discipline male students more
severely than female students.
Sources: Jung and Chung 2005 (Korea); Ross and Shi 2003; Shi and Ross 2002 (China); UNESCO/Vietnam Ministry of Education and Training 2011 (Vietnam).
and Zhao’s (2002) analysis of elementary lan- Improvements and remaining
guage textbooks highlights that only about gender issues in health
a fifth of the historical characters portrayed
are female. When they are depicted, they also Promoting better health is important for
tend to be portrayed in stereotypical roles. For enhancing welfare. Most societies recog-
example, an influential female leader of the nize that girls and boys should have equal
Chinese Communist Party is depicted twice: access to the elements of a healthy life and
once mending Premier Zhou Enlai’s clothes, that maternal health is important. Mothers’
and another time bringing an umbrella to a health and nutrition affect their children’s
guard on a rainy day. physical health as well as cognitive abilities.
7 2 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
Research shows that delays in cognitive and men (Eskes and Haanen 2006). Male mortal-
overall development from the time a child is ity is naturally higher than female mortality
conceived up to age six, a sensitive period for the first six months of life (Waldron 1998).
for brain formation, have long-lasting con- Men and women are also susceptible to dif-
sequences that are difficult to compensate ferent diseases, such as different types of can-
for later on in life (Naudeau et al. 2011). In cer. Aside from biological differences, health
addition, improved maternal health has been outcomes are also affected by differences in
shown to enable women to reconcile work behaviors and health investments that could
and motherhood, playing a role in raising disadvantage one particular gender. Thus,
married women’s labor force participation many unobservable factors affect morbidity
in the United States (Albanesi and Olivetti and mortality for men and women.
2009). Research has also shown that with This chapter focuses on mortality risks
declining maternal mortality—that is, lon- throughout the life cycle. For early child-
ger life expectancy for women—parents hood and childbearing periods, most East
can expect a longer duration of payoff from Asian and Pacific countries have experienced
daughters. In Sri Lanka, for example, par- impressive progress in narrowing the gender
ents respond with more investment in girls’ gaps in the infant mortality rate and reducing
education (Jayachandran and Lleras-Muney maternal mortality. However, as discussed
2009). later, the period before birth is a concern,
To explain progress or the lack thereof with male-skewed sex ratios at birth in sev-
in gender equality in health in East Asian eral parts of the region.
and Pacific countries, this section focuses Many East Asian and Pacific countries
on several key indicators, such as fertility, have significantly improved several health
child and maternal mortality, and sex ratios outcomes during the past two decades. Fertil-
at birth. The chapter argues that many, ity rates went down sharply. Infant and child
but not all, health outcomes for males and mortality rates for both boys and girls have
females in the East Asia and Pacific region declined substantially since 1990, closing
have improved with development. Fertil- the gender gaps in the infant mortality rate.
ity and child and maternal mortality have The maternal mortality rate (MMR) has also
had impressive gains, except in a few places been declining, and, along with the female
with slower economic progress, such as infant mortality rate in most of East Asia and
Cambodia, Lao PDR, and Timor-Leste. the Pacific, is now low relative to the region’s
However, the region still has a large num- income level. Figures 2.8 and 2.9 illustrate
ber of missing girls, a persistent issue not this point: in the cross-country graphs of
easily mitigated by growth and develop- these health indicators and income measured
ment. The chapter also sheds light on two in terms of purchasing power parity, most
behavioral health issues associated with East Asian and Pacific countries lie below the
high adult mortality risks for men in all downward-sloping curve representing this
East Asian and Pacific countries: excessive relationship.
smoking and drinking. As in the case of education, progress
has not been uniform across the region.
First, China differs from other East Asian
Declines in fertility and child and
and Pacific countries in having a high rate
maternal mortality rates
of female child mortality relative to that of
Gender differences in health outcomes reflect males. Figure 2.10 graphs the ratio of female-
biological differences as well as gender- to-male child mortality as well as the ratio
differential behaviors, which are difficult to
for infant mortality against GDP per capita.
separate in what we observe. As a result of Although in most countries, male infant
biological factors determining life expectancy, and child mortality rates are slightly higher
for example, women tend to live longer than than female rates, consistent with biological
G E N D E R A N D E N D O W M E N T S : A C C E S S T O H U M A N C A P I T A L A N D P R O D U C T I V E A S S E T S 73
FIGURE 2.8 Maternal mortality is lower in higher-income countries
maternal mortality rate (modeled estimate, per 100,000 live births) against income levels, 2008
1,500
maternal deaths per 100,000 live births
1,000
Lao PDR
500
Timor-Leste
Cambodia Indonesia
Papua New Guinea
Solomon Islands Philippines Thailand New Zealand
Fiji Korea, Rep. Singapore
0 Vietnam Mongolia China Malaysia Japan Australia
6 8 10 12
log GDP per capita (constant 2005 internaltional $)
rest of world East Asia and Paci c
Source: World Bank estimates using World Development Indicators (WDI) database, 2011 data.
FIGURE 2.9 Female infant mortality is lower in higher-income countries
female infant mortality rate (number of deaths between birth and
age one, per 1,000 live births) against income levels, 2009
150
number of deaths per 1,000 live births
100
KHM
PNG
50 TMP
LAO FSM
KIR IDN CHN
PHL
SLB
TON
VNM MNG KOR AUS
FJI
0 WSM THA NZL JPN
MYS SGP
6 7 8 9 10 11
log GDP per capita (constant 2005 international $)
rest of world East Asia and Paci c
Source: World Bank estimates using WDI database, 2011 data.
7 4 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
factors, China experiences the opposite pat- Second, the maternal mortality rate is
terns. Females face higher mortality risks still a serious concern in a number of places
during infancy than males, and even more so in the region. As shown in figure 2.8, Lao
before birth, which is related to the “missing PDR experienced more than 500 maternal
girls at birth�? topic, discussed later. deaths per 100,000 births in 2008, a rate
FIGURE 2.10 Most East Asia and Pacific region countries do not have female-skewed under-five mortality
and infant mortality, except China
a. female-to-male ratio of under- ve mortality, 2009
1.5
CHN
SLB VUT
KOR
1.0 KIR FSM
PNG TON
VNM PHL NZL AUS
IDN
ratio
KHM LAO
TMP FJI THA JPN
MNG MYS SGP
0.5
WSM
0
6 7 8 9 10 11
log GDP per capita (constant 2005 international $)
b. female-to-male ratio of infant mortality, 2009
1.5 CHN
VNM VUT
1.0 PNG SLB
FSM
KOR
ratio
KIR FJI NZL AUS
KHM PHL
TMP LAO IDN
THA MYS SGP
MNG JPN
0.5
WSM
0
6 7 8 9 10 11
log GDP per capita (constant 2005 international $)
rest of world East Asia and Paci c
Source: World Bank estimates using WDI database, 2011 data.
G E N D E R A N D E N D O W M E N T S : A C C E S S T O H U M A N C A P I T A L A N D P R O D U C T I V E A S S E T S 75
much higher than other countries of similar T hailand before 1980 has been
fertility in
income level. The maternal mortality rate attributed to government subsidies to public
remains high—above 240 maternal deaths and private family planning systems and to
per 100,000 births—in several other coun- the rapid increase in female education (Schultz
tries, such as Cambodia, Papua New Guinea, 1997). Breierova and Duflo (2004) showed
and Timor-Leste, despite progress over the that higher education among females in Indo-
past two decades. Indonesia’s maternal mor- nesia led them to have fewer children early
tality rate remains high compared to other on, and the increased education of mothers
countries in the region at similar levels of and fathers led to lower child mortality. As
development. Even for Vietnam, a country mentioned earlier, in Indonesia today, com-
that has successfully reduced this rate at the pared to a few decades ago, women exhibit a
national level, maternal health outcomes still stronger preference for fewer children and for
lag in rural areas and among ethnic minor- more per-child investment in health and edu-
ity groups (World Bank 2011b). cation. This preference change is attributed to
decreased preference for sons over daughters
and to other social changes (Niehof 2003).
Growth, development, and
Growth and development in the East Asia
improvements in health outcomes
and Pacific region have contributed to the
Maternal health and child health outcomes region’s progress in improving maternal and
are a result of many factors, including ser- reducing child mortality through a combina-
vice delivery related to the public and private tion of demand-side and supply-side factors.
health systems, prices and the availability of In fact, living in a high-income country is
insurance mechanisms, and the demand side generally associated with lower risk of mater-
of households’ fertility and health-seeking nal death and of female infant death (as well
behavior. Social norms regarding childbirth as male infant death, not shown). Figures 2.8
practices also have an important influence in and 2.9 show a negative relationship between
many contexts. a country’s maternal mortality rate or female
The East Asia and Pacific region has expe- infant mortality rate with its GDP per capita
rienced a substantial reduction in total fertil- level.
ity, and this decline has reduced the risk of For the household, rising income in the
maternal health complications and death. region appears to have positive impacts on
The share of women using modern contra- health outcomes. A rise in income may loosen
ception, and thus are presumably more able the incentives to differentiate health invest-
to control fertility, has been on the rise in ments across boys and girls. Evidence from a
many East Asian and Pacific countries. Gov- large data set of developing countries shows
ernment policies such as family planning that, on average, a one-unit increase in log
programs and China’s one-child policy were GDP per capita is associated with a decrease
expected to control fertility. Schultz and Yi in mortality of between 18 and 44 infants per
(1997) argued that institutional reforms, 1,000 births. This negative relationship holds
such as the replacement of the collective pro- true even when various factors—such as the
duction team with the household responsi- mother’s characteristics, weather shocks,
bility system starting in 1979 in China, may conflicts, and the quality of institutions—
have contributed to the decline in fertility in are accounted for. Female infant mortality is
the long term for a variety of reasons. For more sensitive to changes in economic condi-
example, the intensified market competition tions than male mortality (Baird, Friedman,
encouraged parents to educate children and and Schady 2007).8 In addition, households
focus on the “quality�? rather than quantity with higher income can afford more health
of children. Increased mobility and migration services, such as the use of prenatal care and
for better economic opportunities were also hospitals during births. Figure 2.11 shows
linked to delayed childbearing. The declining that in every East Asian and Pacific country
7 6 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
FIGURE 2.11 Women in wealthier households are more likely to height of children in Mexico (Atkin 2010).
have births assisted by trained medical staff In Indonesia, women with a higher share of
household assets tend to use more prenatal
percentage of women having birth deliveries assisted by trained and delivery care (Beegle, Frankenberg, and
medical sta ; comparison of the poorest and richest 20%
120 Thomas 2001).
richest 20% Improvements in health technologies as
100
95.6
99.7 well as improvements in the institutions sup-
92.3
82.0
plying health care have led to lower costs of
80
health services and better health outcomes.
percent
60 60.5 58.1
Medical progress with the medicalization
56.0
and hospitalization of childbirth contributed
40 42.8
national average to the substantial decline in maternal mortal-
25.1
21.3
ity in the United States in the first half of the
20 poorest 20%
20th century (Albanesi and Olivetti 2009).
0 These technologies, when adopted in devel-
Timor-Leste, Philippines, Cambodia, Indonesia, Vietnam, oping countries in the region, were likely to
2007 2003 2008 2009 2002
have similar effects. In addition, the share of
Sources: World Bank staff estimates using household income and expenditure surveys of various women using modern contraception has been
countries and years; World Bank Health, Nutrition, and Population Statistics (HNPStats) database.
on the rise in many East Asian and Pacific
countries. Contraception use allows families
examined, women living in richer house- to control fertility and avoid extremely short
holds are more likely to have birth deliver- periods between pregnancies, which tend to
ies assisted by trained health professionals. pose higher health risks. Countries shown in
In some cases, such as Cambodia, Indone- figure 2.12 with a high rate of contraceptive
sia, and the Philippines, the gap between the use (for example, the high and increasing rate
richest quintile and the bottom one can be in Vietnam) are also those with a low mater-
fourfold. Over time, as the economy grows, nal mortality rate.
the rate of professional birth attendance The functioning of the health system,
increases. Lastly, the availability of insurance including infrastructure, medical facilities,
mechanisms has also made health care more and equipment and staffing, is also key to
affordable. The expansion of health insur- improving health outcomes. Experience in
ance coverage in Vietnam, from 25 percent the United States illustrates the importance
of the population in 2004 to 40 percent in of public health investments: two-thirds of
2006, and serious efforts by the government the decline in overall infant mortality and the
to extend health insurance to the poor and entire decline in excess female infant mortal-
ethnic minorities in recent years have had ity in the early 20th century were attribut-
positive impacts on access to health services able to clean water and sanitation (Cutler and
(World Bank 2011b). Miller 2005). Vietnam’s remarkable achieve-
Rising women’s income, in particular, is ments in bringing down child and maternal
likely to have contributed to this progress mortality have been attributed to a general
in health outcomes. Many countries in the strengthening of the health system (World
East Asia and Pacific region have experienced Bank 2011b). The gains in the share of births
recent increases in female labor force par- attended by professionals from 2000 to 2008
ticipation. Evidence shows that income in the were very impressive in the East Asia and
hands of women positively affects children’s Pacific region, larger than any other develop-
health, particularly girls’ (Thomas 1995 for ing region. Bringing better services closer to
Brazil, Ghana, and the United States; Duflo women can change their patterns of use, and
2003 for South Africa). Higher female labor positively affects health outcomes. Franken-
force participation has been shown to improve berg and Thomas (2001) analyzed the Indo-
their bargaining power and to increase the nesia Family Life Survey panel data using
G E N D E R A N D E N D O W M E N T S : A C C E S S T O H U M A N C A P I T A L A N D P R O D U C T I V E A S S E T S 77
community-level fixed effects to measure FIGURE 2.12 Contraceptive prevalence varies across East Asian
the impacts of a major expansion in mid- and Pacific countries
wifery services between 1990 and 1998 on
health and pregnancy outcomes for women contraceptive prevalence (share of women ages 15–49)
of reproductive age. The authors showed China, 2006
Thailand, 2006
that the addition of a village midwife to Vietnam, 2006
communities between 1993 and 1997 was Mongolia, 2006
associated with a significant increase in body Indonesia, 2007
mass index (BMI) for women of reproductive Philippines, 2008
Marshall Islands, 2007
age, as well as an increase in birthweight of Fiji, 2007
newborns. Frankenberg et al. (2009) further Cambodia, 2005
investigated the reasons behind this impact Vanuatu, 2007
Lao PDR, 2005
on outcomes. The presence of village mid- Papua New Guinea, 2006
wives appears to have increased women’s Solomon Islands, 2007
receipt of iron tablets and influenced their Tonga, 2006
Micronesia, Fed. Sts., 2004
choice of childbirth practice away from reli- Kiribati, 2004
ance on traditional birth attendants toward Timor-Leste, 2007
delivery attended by skilled professionals. 0 20 40 60 80 100
percent
Ongoing challenges: Poor service Source: WDI database, Gender Statistics.
delivery and social norms
East Asian and Pacific countries with high FIGURE 2.13 The percentage of births attended by skilled
maternal mortality rates—Cambodia, Indo- professionals varies across East Asian and Pacific countries
nesia, Lao PDR, Papua New Guinea, and
Timor-Leste—are precisely those with low births attended by skilled health sta (share of total)
rates of contraceptive use and low rates of Mongolia, 2008
births delivered by professionals (figure 2.12 China, 2007
and figure 2.13). As shown in figure 2.12, Malaysia, 2005
Pacific Island countries tend to have low Thailand, 2006
contraceptive prevalence compared to East Vietnam, 2006
Asia. In Timor-Leste, for example, only 20 Indonesia, 2007
percent of women ages 15–49 use contracep- Philippines, 2008
tion, leading to high fertility rates and very Papua New Guinea, 2006
short periods between pregnancies. Less than Cambodia, 2005
20 percent of the births in Timor-Leste are Lao PDR, 2006
assisted by professionals. Delivery at home Timor-Leste, 2003
without professional help and without easy 0 20 40 60 80 100
access to a functioning referral center poses percent
high risks, particularly in case of compli- Source: WDI database, Gender Statistics.
cations. The absence of the factors that
explain progress elsewhere is at play in these
countries. Demand-side constraints from rural and remote areas, places women at
households, including social norms about a high risk for maternal death. Rural areas
pregnancy and birthing practices, and poor tend to be less well served by the health sys-
supply-side provision of care explain the poor tem; figure 2.14 shows that rural residents
health outcomes in these countries. The exact have substantially less access to birth deliver-
reasons can vary from context to context. ies attended by trained staff than urban resi-
On the supply side, poor access to quality dents. Delivery in the home is of particular
obstetric health services, particularly among concern for poor, rural women because they
7 8 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
FIGURE 2.14 Women in rural areas are less likely to have births in Lao PDR for whom both distance and
assisted by trained medical staff infrastructure are of concern (GRID 2005).
Chine-Tibet women appear to be most at risk
percentage of women that had births assisted by trained
medical sta , by location
during childbirth since they are very likely to
120 give birth outside of a hospital, and a large
urban majority of Chine-Tibet villages (76 percent)
share of women having birth, %
100 99.0 lack safe water, let alone access to other
88.9
80
85.9 82.2 sanitary measures (GRID 2005). In Cambo-
79.0 dia, low quality health care, the poor state
64.7 64.6 63.7
60 of rural roads, lack of transport, and poor
40.8 access to a clean water supply have all been
40 national average shown to impede progress in bringing down
31.0 rural
20 maternal mortality (UNIFEM, World Bank,
ADB, UNDP, and DFID/UK 2004).
0 On the demand side, tight household bud-
Timor-Leste, Philippines, Cambodia, Indonesia, Vietnam, gets can constrain the use of health care ser-
2007 2003 2008 2009 2002
vices. Women from poor families may not
be able to afford health costs, which are the
Source: World Bank estimates using household income and expenditure surveys of various countries
and years, and the HNPStats database (see figure 2.1 country sources).
major barrier to seeking health care in many
developing countries. As shown earlier in fig-
ure 2.12, in every country examined, women
lack the basic sanitary conditions needed for a living in poor households are less likely
safe delivery. In Lao PDR, almost 90 percent to have birth deliveries assisted by trained
of rural women deliver at home, compared to health professionals. In Indonesia, the com-
approximately a quarter of urban women. As munity health insurance scheme, Jamkesmas,
a result, a large disparity in maternal mor- has had little effect on facility-based deliver-
tality rates exists between urban and rural ies because some delivery costs such as trans-
areas in Lao PDR: 170 versus 580 mater- port and costs for family members were not
nal deaths per 100,000 births, respectively covered (World Bank 2010). Even in a coun-
(GRID 2005). In Timor-Leste, 59 percent of try with health insurance subsidies for the
urban births are assisted by skilled providers, poor, only 60 percent of Vietnamese women
compared with 21 percent of births in rural in the poorest quintile had births attended by
areas. This rate is 69 percent in the capital trained medical staff in 2002 (figure 2.11).
city, Dili, but less than 10 percent in the Women’s access to reproductive health
Oecussi region (NSD, Ministry of Finance, care could be constrained by norms. Culture
and ICF Macro 2010). Moreover, the qual- and tradition play an important role in the
ity of prenatal care in Timor-Leste, is limited: choice of health practices, such as the location
in 2001–02, only 41 percent of those giving of childbirth, the use of birth attendants, and
birth were protected against neonatal tetanus, sterilization practices. For instance, follow-
a major cause of neonatal death (ADB 2005). ing a traditional practice, a number of Mon-
Substantial disparities also exist across prov- Khmer women in Lao PDR deliver neither in
inces in Indonesia: Jakarta has 97 percent of the home nor in a medical center, but rather
births attended by a skilled provider, whereas in the forest (GRID 2005). In Cambodia, cul-
Maluku has only 33 percent (World Bank tural beliefs that pregnancy and childbirth
2010). are part of the natural process lead families
Long distance to the nearest health cen- to perceive that women do not need prenatal
ter and the poor infrastructure available can care or delivery supported by skilled atten-
both impose high costs of access. Although dants. Thus, many women continue heavy
high in all rural areas, the rate of deliveries physical labor and long work hours during
at home is highest among highland women pregnancy and immediately after childbirth
G E N D E R A N D E N D O W M E N T S : A C C E S S T O H U M A N C A P I T A L A N D P R O D U C T I V E A S S E T S 79
(UNIFEM, World Bank, ADB, UNDP, and 106.4 in 2008, now close to the biological
DFID/UK 2004). ratio (figure 2.15).9
The evidence suggests that improving Sex ratios at higher order births (that is,
service delivery is key to reducing gender second children or above) are usually worse
disparities and improving health outcomes. than the average ratios. In China, although
Given the central influence of social norms in the sex ratio at birth in the 1980s was within
birthing practice, service delivery could and the normal range for the first birth, it became
should be strengthened by providing services unbalanced at higher orders—1.3 for the
in a culturally acceptable way. Policy implica- fourth or later child in 1989. The sex ratios
tions and recommendations are discussed at for higher order births, conditional on earlier
the end of this chapter and in chapter 6. female births, were even more starkly skewed
toward males (Zeng et al. 1993). Chung and
Das Gupta (2007) used data from Korea’s
Missing girls at birth
2003 fertility survey to show that the sex
One concerning issue that persists in the East ratio at birth after the first birth was 129 if all
Asia and Pacific region despite tremendous the previous births were girls, and it is 112 if
growth and development is the phenomenon at least one previous birth was a boy. This dif-
of missing girls, particularly at birth. The ference was even starker among those women
term “missing women�? was first coined by who stated that having a son was imperative.
Sen (1992) to refer to the phenomenon that More recently in Korea, even though the aver-
many low-income countries have far fewer age sex ratio at birth is close to the normal
women than men, relative to what is observed range, the ratios for the third birth and for
in developed countries. At birth, the biologi- the fourth or higher births were still 116 and
cal norm is approximately 105 boys born for 124, respectively, in 2008 (figure 2.15). In
every 100 girls. Yet, the male-female ratio at Vietnam, the pattern is unusual in that the
birth in East Asian and Pacific countries far sex ratio for the first birth is already higher
exceeds that of other regions, mainly driven than that for the second birth and similar to
by China’s ratio. that for the third or later births. However,
The United Nations Department of according to Vietnam’s 2006 population
E conomic and Social Affairs, Population survey, the sex ratio at birth for third-order
Division, database provides estimates of
cross-country sex ratios at birth over time. FIGURE 2.15 Sex ratios at higher order births are still of concern,
These estimates are based on projections from even though the overall sex ratio at birth has approached the
national census data and a fertility modeling normal range in the Republic of Korea
exercise. Estimates from national statistical
offices can sometimes stem from more recent Korea: sex ratio at birth, by birth order
data and, as a result, differ from the United 170
number of male live births
per 100 female live births
Nations (UN) projections. According to the 160
UN projections, over the 2005–10 period, 150
120 boys in China were born for every 100 140
girls. Outside of China, new concerns are 130
emerging regarding Vietnam’s rising sex ratio 120
at birth. According to the Vietnam General 110
Statistical Office’s Annual Population Change 100
Surveys, the sex ratio at birth increased regu- 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008
larly from 2004 and crossed the 110 thresh- sex ratio the rst child
old in 2005 (UNFPA 2009). Yet, trends in the second child the third child
sex ratios in the East Asia and Pacific region the fourth child and higher
are not all bad news. Korea has seen declin-
ing sex ratios at birth, from 110.2 in 1998 to Source: Korea National Statistical Office. http://kostat.go.kr.
8 0 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
births decreases with the previous number of female-to-male child mortality ratio. How-
sons born between 2000 and 2006: 110.3 for ever, the most worrisome period of missing
no sons, 103.5 for one son, and 102.2 for two girls in China is at birth. The number of
sons (UNFPA 2009). missing girls at birth increased from 890,000
As a consequence, in comparison to other in 1990 to 1,092,000 in 2008. Missing girls
developing regions, the number of missing as a fraction of the total number of female
girls at birth in the East Asia and Pacific births increased from 8.6 percent in 1990 to
region, particularly in China, dominates the 13.3 percent in 2008.
excess mortality risks for females after birth. The reason for the missing girls phenom-
The World Development Report 2012 uses enon has been attributed to son preference
the following methodology to calculate the (Das Gupta 2005). Parents’ preferential
number of missing girls at birth and excess choices to keep and care for boys over girls
female deaths in other parts of the life cycle. can depend on social norms and values, dif-
The number of missing girls at birth is cal- ferent economic opportunities by gender, and
culated by comparing the sex ratio at birth what benefits parents expect from a son or a
in a particular country to the ratio in high- daughter. As an example of how economic
income countries (105.9 boys for 100 girls). opportunities influence parental choice over
Throughout the age distribution, excess the gender of their child, Qian (2008) showed
female mortality is calculated by compar- that the sex ratio at birth is responsive to
ing the mortality risks of females relative to returns in the labor markets for women in
males in a particular age group in a coun- rural China. An increase in women’s income
try with the mortality risks in a reference relative to men’s led to higher survival rates for
group of high-income countries.10 Table 2.3 girls. Another example of how parental choice
shows the number of missing girls at birth responds to changing economic conditions is
and excess female deaths per year, calculated the rise of marriage migration—cross-border
using this methodology. Excess female mor- marriages between women from Southeast
tality in infancy and during the reproductive Asia and men from East Asia. Through a
years have substantially decreased in China. 2007 survey of three migrant-sending com-
An estimated 71,000 girls under age five munities in southern Vietnam, Bélanger and
were missing in China in 2008, consistent Tran (2011) documented an enhanced status
with figure 2.10, which shows China’s high of emigrating daughters sending remittances
TABLE 2.3 The East Asia and Pacific region, mainly driven by China, is characterized by its large number of missing
girls at birth
Missing girls at birth and excess female deaths throughout the age distribution (1,000s per year)
At birth Under 5 5–14 15–49 50–59 Total (under 60)
1990 2008 1990 2008 1990 2008 1990 2008 1990 2008 1990 2008
China 890 1,092 259 71 21 5 208 56 92 30 1,470 1,254
India 265 257 428 251 94 45 388 228 81 75 1,255 856
Sub-Saharan Africa 42 53 183 203 61 77 302 751 50 99 639 1,182
South Asia (excluding India) 0 1 99 72 32 20 176 161 37 51 346 305
East Asia and Pacific (excluding China) 3 4 14 7 14 9 137 113 48 46 216 179
Middle East and North Africa 5 6 13 7 4 1 43 24 15 15 80 52
East and Central Asia 7 14 3 1 0 0 12 4 4 3 27 23
Latin America and the Caribbean 0 0 11 5 3 1 20 10 17 17 51 33
Total 1,212 1,427 1,010 617 230 158 1,286 1,347 343 334 4,082 3,882
Source: World Bank 2011c.
Note: Estimates are based on data from World Health Organization (WHO) 2010 and United Nations Department of Economics and Social Affairs,
Population Division (UN DESA 2009).
G E N D E R A N D E N D O W M E N T S : A C C E S S T O H U M A N C A P I T A L A N D P R O D U C T I V E A S S E T S 81
back home, and, consequently, a change in their fetus rose from 60 percent in 2003 to
families’ preference for having girls. 73 percent in 2007 (UNFPA 2009).
Most societies have some mild degree of With prior knowledge of the sex of the
preference for sons (Williamson 1976), but fetus, families can discriminate through less
the manifestation of extreme sex ratios comes prenatal investment or even through abor-
from rather extreme son preferences. The tion. In China, as well as other countries with
interplay of culture, the state, and political prevalent son preference, mothers are 5 per-
processes appears to generate extreme patri- cent more likely to acquire prenatal care and
lineality and highly skewed child sex ratios visit an antenatal clinic 10 percent more fre-
such as in the case of China, northwest India, quently when pregnant with a boy (Bharad-
and Korea (Das Gupta 2009). Chung and Das waj and Nelson 2010). Bélanger and Khuat
Gupta (2007) argued that son preference in (2009) examined the timing of abortion
Korea is correlated with factors such as lower among 885 married women in an obstetric
socioeconomic status, rural area residence, hospital in Hanoi, Vietnam, in 2003 to study
higher parental control in terms of arranged sex-selective abortions, which generally hap-
marriage and co-residence with the parents, pen during the second trimester of pregnancy.
and lower education of the woman. They found that women with more daughters
In addition, the manifestation of son and without a son were more likely to have
preference is also influenced by public a second-trimester than a first-trimester abor-
policies and the availability of technology. tion. Their estimates suggest that 2 percent of
China’s one-child policy and Vietnam’s all abortions by women with at least one prior
two-child policy, though intended to reduce child were intended to avoid a female birth.
fertility, may have put additional pressure Given the factors discussed earlier,
on the incentives to have a son and inten- the literature shows mixed evidence on
sify the skewed sex ratios. In fact, Eben- whether development mitigates or wors-
stein (2010) showed evidence of a positive ens son preference and sex ratios at birth
correlation between the fines imposed by in Asia (Chung and Das Gupta 2007).
China’s one-child policy and the sex ratio. Development can bring about substantial
With development and the introduction normative changes within the entire society
of prenatal sex determination technology together with improvements in individu-
(ultrasound) in the early 1980s, male-to- als’ socioeconomic situations, as argued in
female sex ratios became unnaturally very the case of Korea by Chung and Das Gupta
high in a few East Asian countries. Li and (2007). However, cross-country evidence
Zheng (2009) found a strong impact of the shows that modernization does not appear
B-ultrasound technology on the sex ratio to bring down son preference. In South
of second-order births for rural mothers in Asia, son preference is greater for women
Fujian province, China, but no effect among with more education and is increasing over
first-born children. The recent increase in time (Filmer, Friedman, and Schady 2008).
Vietnam’s sex ratio at birth may be related Unbalanced sex ratios at birth could be
to supply-side factors, that is, access to worsened by economic development, as
quality sex determination technology, sometimes argued in the literature, since
rather than to an increasing preference for highly educated and wealthier women tend
sons. Ultrasound technology first started to to have better access to technologies. Viet-
appear in major hospitals in Vietnam dur- nam’s 2006 population survey shows that
ing the mid-1990s and was subsequently the sex ratio at birth is high for women who
offered through the private sector (Bélanger have a graduate education (113), have high-
et al. 2003), but the quality and availability est grade of 10 and above (111), work in a
of medical equipment have improved during foreign organization (117), and have previ-
the past 10 years. Thus, the proportion of ous knowledge of the baby’s sex (111). Of
mothers with prior knowledge of the sex of women with a graduate degree, 87 percent
8 2 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
knew the gender of their child, whereas no suggests that active measures to influence
more than 28 percent of illiterate women social norms and facilitate the spread of new
had prior knowledge of the sex of their values may be very important, in addition to
child. The sex ratio at birth increases with relying on raising female education and labor
the level of education, rising from 103 for force participation alone (box 2.2).
illiterate women to 113 for women with a
graduate education (UNFPA 2009).
Risky behaviors in men
The collection of evidence has several impli-
cations for approaches to address the unbal- Men, as well as women, experience gender-
anced sex ratios at birth, and China has taken specific health risks. Men tend to bear the
active measures in this direction. General pol- burden of higher morbidity and premature
icies to promote economic development might mortality related to substance abuse, war and
play a role, but Korea’s recent experience conflict, and violence. The latter tends to be
BOX 2.2 Recent improvement in the sex ratio at birth in the Republic of Korea
Since the 1970s, Korea has experienced significant in larger part to changing social norms (changes in
industrialization and urbanization, coupled with son preference within all education and urban/rural
increases in women’s education and labor force par- population groups) and in smaller part to increased
ticipation. It is also the first Asian country to regis- urbanization and education (changes due to move-
ter a decline in the proportion of missing girls, from ments between education and urban/rural popula-
the most male-skewed sex ratios at birth in the mid- tion groups). Another methodological approach
1990s to ratios within the normal range by 2008. using simulations of an economic model also implies
As the sex ratios at birth are usually argued to be the impact of development: as the Korean society
a manifestation of son preference, Chung and Das becomes richer, households that initially selected
Gupta (2007) used data from fertility surveys to boys will select girls because of increasing bride
measure trends in son preference directly. They doc- price and declining marginal benefits from unmar-
umented a continuous decline from 1985 to 2003 ried sons (Edlund and Lee 2009).
in the fraction of Korean women who reported that Second, though the role of Korean public poli-
they must have a son, from almost 50 percent to less cies in this process is a mixed story, its experience
than 20 percent. Women with similar characteristics suggests that interventions to influence social norms
demonstrated lower son preference over time. and facilitate the spread of new values may be very
Both the process of development and public important, as opposed to reliance on raising female
policies since the 1950s have influenced the fac- education and labor force participation alone. Active
tors underlying son preference in Korea. First, the policies to promote rapid economic development in
impacts of development were expected to work in Korea played a role early on in breaking down previ-
many ways, as argued by Chung and Das Gupta ous norms of son preference as well as raising female
(2007): (a) higher earning prospects increased indi- education and labor force participation. And chang-
viduals’ independence of family lineage; (b) retire- ing social norms contributed relatively more to the
ment savings reduced financial dependence on chil- decrease in son preference. Reforms to policies that
dren in old age; (c) urban life setting reduced the directly constrain women’s status, such as the Fam-
focus on traditional filial duty and promoted female- ily Law established in 1958, which stipulated male
inclusive social networks; (d) females’ greater eco- family headship and inheritance only through the
nomic and physical mobility enhanced the value of male line, were slow to follow. With several women’s
daughters; and (e) urban life, with assets associated movements demanding greater gender equity since
with nonfarm activities and less pressure from cus- the establishment of democracy in 1987, this law
tomary laws, facilitated gender equity in inheritance. went through major reforms in 1990, but the system
Through a decomposition exercise, the authors of male household headship was not officially abol-
attributed the observed reduction in son preference ished until 2005 (Chung and Das Gupta 2007).
G E N D E R A N D E N D O W M E N T S : A C C E S S T O H U M A N C A P I T A L A N D P R O D U C T I V E A S S E T S 83
context-specific rather than an issue that pre- FIGURE 2.16 Men are more likely to smoke than women
vails in the region. However, two behavioral
health issues—smoking and drinking—are prevalence of currently smoking any tobacco product
more concerning among men than women in among adults (≥15 years) (%), male vs. female, 2006
all East Asian and Pacific countries, as well
70
as globally.11 Figures 2.16 and 2.17 show the IDN LAO
prevalence of smoking and drinking among 60 PRKCHN TON WSM
males compared with the prevalence among MYS KOR PHL TUV
VUT
females. All East Asian and Pacific countries 50
VNM KHM JPN MMR
lie above the 45-degree line, implying a much 40 THA
MNG
PLW
males, %
higher rate among males than females. SGP
MHL FSM
The gender difference in the incidence 30
of tobacco use is higher in the East Asia FJI
20
and Pacific region than in other develop-
ing regions, even though male dominance 10
in smoking and drinking is a global phe-
nomenon. The data for China in 2006 show 0
that tobacco use is 60 percent for men and 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70
4 percent for women. Similar gender gaps females, %
exist throughout the region. Indonesia (62
Source: World Health Organization (WHO) Global InfoBase.
percent versus 5 percent), Korea (53 percent
versus 6 percent), Lao PDR (64 percent ver-
sus 15 percent), and Tonga (62 percent ver- FIGURE 2.17 Men are more likely to drink than women
sus 15 percent) lead the region in the largest
gender differentials in tobacco prevalence prevalence of drinking among adults (≥15 years) (%), past
(figure 2.16). 12 months, male vs. female, 2002–06
KOR JPN
Alcohol consumption can vary from occa- 90
sional drinking to heavy episodic drink- 80 CHN MNG
ing, and the gender differential in the latter
70
is particularly stark. Although women are
60 PHL
less likely to report drinking at all in many KIR LAO SGP
SLB
countries in the East Asia and Pacific region, 50 VNM
males, %
THA
FSM
they do come close to men in places such as WSM
40 FJI
Japan and Mongolia (figure 2.17). In terms VUT
30
of heavy episodic drinking (binge drinking) TON
and chronic heavy drinking, data show a 20 MMR
large gender gap: overall in the region, men 10 IDN
MYS
are more than twice as likely to be heavy 0
episodic drinkers. According to the World 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90
Health Organization 2011 Global InfoBase females, %
database, the countries in the region with Source: WHO Global InfoBase.
the largest gender gaps in heavy drinking
are Kiribati (22 percent among males versus
1 percent among females), Samoa (22 percent in Tonga (38 liters per capita consumption),
versus 1 percent), Lao PDR (22 percent ver- Malaysia (32 liters), Thailand (29 liters), and
sus 5 percent), Japan (18 percent versus 3 per- Korea (29 liters).
cent), Mongolia (14 percent versus 0 percent), These behaviors pose substantial risks to
and Micronesia (13 percent versus 1 percent). men’s health and can translate into high costs
The level of annual per capita consumption for productivity and economic growth. Glob-
of pure alcohol is especially high for males ally, 6 percent of all male deaths are related
8 4 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
to alcohol, compared to 1 percent of female factors may also play a role, such as obesity
deaths (WHO 2011a). Half of today’s smok- and heart conditions, which are particularly
ers are likely to die from tobacco-related high in the Pacific countries). In China, the
causes. A simple cross-country relationship rising risks of noncommunicable diseases,
(shown in figures 2.18 and 2.19) between partly linked to men’s smoking and drinking
these behaviors and morbidity and prema- behaviors, put greater pressure on the size of
ture mortality related to smoking and alcohol the working-age population, already a con-
use also indicates positive correlations (other cern because of its aging population (World
Bank 2011a).
These behaviors are influenced by norms
FIGURE 2.18 Tobacco use is positively correlated with mortality about masculinity, cultural beliefs about
due to lung cancer health, and the surrounding environment,
and they can be slow to change. For men,
percentage of current tobacco use among smoking and drinking alcohol are commonly
80 male adults (≥15 years), 2006 viewed as masculine behaviors, and studies
70 TON LAOIDN show that men and boys feel substantial pres-
60
WSM PRK CHN sure to accept gender stereotypes that they
PHL KOR
VUT MYS should be strong and tough, and the opposite
50 KHM MNG
VNM for women. A recent national survey in Viet-
percent
40 PLW THA JPN
FSM nam found that the primary reason women
30 MHL SGP
did not use tobacco was the belief that women
20 FJI should not smoke. In a country where 50 per-
10 cent of men but just over 3 percent of women
0 smoke, 76 percent of the 2,020 young urban
0 20 40 60 80
age-standardized deaths, trachea, bronchus, and lung Vietnamese women surveyed said that this
cancers per 100,000 inhabitants, 2008 low female prevalence could be attributed to
world East Asia and Paci c linear (world) gender norms (that is, social disapproval of
women who smoke). Only 20 percent said
Source: WHO Global InfoBase. that the low prevalence was due to health
concerns (WHO 2003). In addition, these
patterns of smoking behaviors stayed very
FIGURE 2.19 Alcohol consumption is positively correlated with stable in Vietnam over the period from 1993
mortality due to alcohol use disorders to 2006.
The poor tend to be slightly more likely to
drinking prevalence in the past 12 months among report “ever smoking,�? but the relationship
120 male adults (≥15 years), 1997–2009 is not strong among those countries where
100 such data is available, except in Cambodia.
JPN As shown in figure 2.20, individuals ages 15
80 MNG and above in the poorest quintile in Cam-
CHN bodia were almost twice as likely to engage
percent
60 SLB PHL
FSM LAO in smoking cigarettes or chewing tobacco as
WSM VNM
40 FJI those in the richest quintile. Among those
TON who smoke, the intensity can vary because
20 VUT MMR of the affordability of cigarettes. In Cam-
MYS IDN bodia, particularly in rural areas, the richer
0
0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20 smokers consume more cigarettes per day
age standardized deaths, males, alcohol use than the poorer smokers. However, no clear
disorders per 100,000 inhabitants, 2008
world East Asia and Paci c linear (world) pattern between income and the intensity
of smoking is observed in Mongolia and
Source: WHO Global InfoBase. Vietnam.
G E N D E R A N D E N D O W M E N T S : A C C E S S T O H U M A N C A P I T A L A N D P R O D U C T I V E A S S E T S 85
Gender equality in productive FIGURE 2.20 The poor are slightly more likely to engage in
assets: An unfinished agenda smoking
Promoting gender equality in the control percentage of adults (ages 15+) that ever smoked cigarettes or chewed
of productive assets (such as land, financial tobacco, comparing the poorest and richest 20% of population
40
capital, social capital, and information and 35
technology) is likely to enhance development, 30
through both economic and empowerment 25
percent
benefits. Asset ownership can influence men’s 20
and women’s income and their voice and 15
influence within the household and within 10
5
society. This effect can happen through
0
strengthening their ability to take advantage 1993 1998 2006 2004 2002
of economic opportunities; for example, Vietnam Cambodia Mongolia
evidence shows that clear land-ownership poorest 20% richest 20%
rights have positive effects on agricultural
productivity and access to credit (Deininger Source: World Bank estimates using household income and expenditure surveys of various
countries and years.
2003). In the agricultural sector, evidence
from Africa and Latin America suggests that
ensuring equal access to productive assets
and technologies raises agricultural produc- still persist around the world and in some
tion (Goldstein and Udry 2008; Quisumbing parts of the East Asia and Pacific region.
1995; Udry 1996). As discussed throughout For example, household surveys in Bangla-
this report, income in the hands of women desh, Ethiopia, Indonesia, and South Africa
has been shown to positively affect chil- indicate that women bring fewer assets
dren’s education and health outcomes (Duflo into marriage (Quisumbing and Maluccio
2003; Lundberg, Pollak, and Wales 1997). 2003). Evidence from the Philippines and
Women’s assets prior to marriage have been other developing countries shows that the
shown to have positive effects on education husband-wife asset difference at the time
expenditures on children in Indonesia and of marriage has not changed over time and
other countries (Quisumbing and Maluc- favors the husband, even though gaps in age
cio 2003). Beegle et al. (2001) showed that, and education have been closing (Quisumb-
in Indonesia, women with a higher share of ing and Hallman 2005).
household assets made more use of prenatal This section focuses mainly on land
care. Asset ownership can lead to women’s and credit for the following two reasons.
empowerment, such as reducing vulnerabil- First, they are the major types of assets
ity to domestic violence in India (Panda and that strongly influence well-being. Land
Agarwal 2005). and property are usually the most valu-
Gender equality in assets has been less able assets for a poor person. Aside from
responsive to growth and development than itself being a productive asset, land can be
has equality in education and health. Over used as collateral to acquire credit. Access
time, economic growth can promote access to financing is also very important because
to financing that benefits women and men it usually presents a major barrier to real-
as well as improves economic opportunities izing economic opportunities in developing
and women’s income. However, development countries. Second, data and rigorous quan-
impacts on gender equality in this domain titative evidence on gender and assets in the
are constrained by the complex legal, social, East Asia and Pacific region are very lim-
and economic factors that shape the control ited, particularly for assets other than land
of productive assets. Gender disparities in and credit. Individual-level data of asset
access to and control of productive assets ownership are sometimes available for land
8 6 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
holdings but rarely for household durables, even within the same region, and data are
since many are considered jointly owned. In available for only a few countries in each
the face of scarce individual-level data on region.
asset ownership, this section often resorts Evidence on individual land ownership
to comparing female-headed households suggests different ownership rates and dif-
and male-headed ones.12 This section also ferent ownership composition by gender,
draws on qualitative evidence and research depending on the context. In post-tsunami
from outside the region to help complement Aceh, Indonesia, women have fewer land
the limited quantitative evidence from East holdings than men (Bell 2010). Vietnamese
Asian and Pacific countries. men owned more agricultural land plots
than women in 2008. Figure 2.23 demon-
strates the gender composition of ownership
Persistent gender disparities in access
among the agricultural land plots with iden-
to productive assets
tified owners on long-term user right certifi-
Analysis of the East Asian and Pacific coun- cates. Overall, and among those plots owned
tries shows persistent gender disparities in by rural households, less than 17 percent of
productive assets that result in women hav- the plots are owned by a woman, but more
ing lower rates of ownership of and access to than 65 percent are owned by a man. Plots
land, fewer agricultural inputs such as live- jointly owned by a male and a female repre-
stock and less access to extension services, sent a nonnegligible share, in part because of
and limited access to credit in some countries Vietnam’s recent land reform (discussed later
and subregions. in the chapter). However, women are still
clearly at a disadvantage in terms of having
Gender-differentiated ownership of land their name on the land title. The same 2008
Female-headed households tend to own less household survey data suggest that the gen-
land than male-headed households. Even der gap is even starker among ethnic minori-
though the probability of owning land ties. In some contexts, the allocation of land
is not substantially lower among female- assets between men and women can depend
headed households (figure 2.21), figure 2.22 on the type of land. For example, in matri-
indicates that male-headed households own lineal parts of West Sumatra, Indonesia,
much more land in terms of land size. This wives own more paddy land, and husbands
gap exists even among richer households. own more forest land (Quisumbing and
Over time, there have been small improve- Maluccio 2003).
ments in women’s land ownership as well
as men’s, although the gender gap has not Gender disparities in agricultural inputs
necessarily narrowed or disappeared except Female-headed households tend to own
for the case of Vietnam in 2006. Similarly less livestock, and female-run farms tend
in China, most male-headed and female- to have less access to extension services. In
headed households had access to rural land many countries, at least among rural house-
in 2008, but the amount of land per capita holds, livestock is one of the most valuable
in female-headed households was roughly agricultural assets. It represents a source of
70 percent of that in male-headed house- income, wealth accumulation, and buffer
holds (de Brauw et al. 2011). The pattern against shocks. Yet, female-headed house-
that female-headed households tend to holds tend to own less livestock across
own less land is similar to other developing developing regions (FAO 2011). Figure
countries (Agarwal 1994; Deere and Leon 2.24 shows livestock ownership of female-
2003; FAO 2011). Exact comparisons of headed and male-headed households in five
the gender gaps across regions are difficult, countries in the region, for households of
however, since the incidence of land own- different wealth quintiles. The gender gap
ership varies drastically across countries, in Lao PDR appears irrespective of income,
G E N D E R A N D E N D O W M E N T S : A C C E S S T O H U M A N C A P I T A L A N D P R O D U C T I V E A S S E T S 87
but this observation does not apply in other FIGURE 2.21 The probability of owning land is not substantially
contexts. In places such as Vietnam or lower for female-headed households than for male-headed
Timor-Leste, gender gaps are more visible households
among poorer households. In many coun-
percentage of households that own land,
tries, this same pattern is observed in urban 100 by gender of the household head
areas as well as rural areas. The data show 90
that gaps also persist over time. 80
70
Extension service provision remains low
60
percent
in developing countries, and women tend to 50
have less access to extension services than 40
men (FAO 2011). In Cambodia, few women 30
benefit from agricultural extension services or 20
10
credit made available to rural people, despite 0
the fact that they make up the majority of
8
8
07
6
8
00
00
00
00
farmers and informal sector workers. Agricul-
20
,2
2
,2
,2
a,
,
lia
te
m
DR
di
tural research and extension efforts usually do
es
na
go
oP
bo
-L
et
on
m
La
or
Vi
not consider women’s activities—seed prepa-
M
Ca
Tim
ration and planting—or take into account the female-headed households male-female gap
fact that men and women tend to specialize in Source: World Bank estimates using household income and expenditure surveys of various countries
different rural tasks. Distance to the point of and years.
service provision, lack of female agents, and
insensitivity to illiterate customers (the major-
FIGURE 2.22 Female-headed households own less land in terms of
ity of whom are often women) are other rea- land size
sons for this lower access of female farmers
to extension services (UNIFEM, World Bank, average size of land among households that own land,
ADB, UNDP, and DFID/UK 2004). comparing the poorest and richest 20%
3.2
Gender gaps in access to credit 2.7
Evidence on gender differentials in access to 2.2
credit is mixed. Female-headed households 1.7
hectares
are slightly less likely to borrow from finan- 1.2
cial institutions, as illustrated by figure 2.25. 0.7
In most of the East Asian and Pacific coun-
0.2
tries for which data are available, the gap
–0.3
between households headed by females and
males varies widely both across and within –0.8
poorest 20%
richest 20%
poorest 20%
richest 20%
poorest 20%
richest 20%
poorest 20%
richest 20%
poorest 20%
richest 20%
countries. The most recent data available
indicate that gaps have been small except for
Timor-Leste, rural Lao PDR, rural Cambo-
Cambodia, Lao PDR, Mongolia, Timor- Vietnam,
dia, and urban Mongolia. Using survey data 2008 2008 2008 Leste, 2007 2006
from 2000, de Brauw et al. (2011) found no female-headed households male-female gap
difference between female-managed farms
and male-managed farms in China in terms Source: World Bank estimates using household income and expenditure surveys of various countries
and years.
of access to credit. As discussed in chapter 3,
female-run and female-owned firms in East
Asia, at least those in the formal sector, do headed households borrowed less, had less
not appear to be systematically more con- access to formal credit, and paid higher inter-
strained in accessing finance than male-run est on loans than male-headed households.
firms. However, a joint study by FAO/UNDP Individual-level data on access to financ-
(2002) in Vietnam revealed that female- ing, by gender, suggest that the gender gap
8 8 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
FIGURE 2.23 Vietnamese men owned more agricultural land plots countries surveyed, women were as likely
than did women in 2008 as men to report having an account in a
formal financial institution in Cambodia
percentage of land plots with identi ed owners on
and Thailand; less likely to have an account
the certi cates, Vietnam, 2008
in China, Indonesia, Lao PDR, Malaysia,
total 16.9 65.1 18.0 and Vietnam (although the difference is
statistically significant only in Malaysia
and Vietnam); and more likely to have an
urban 19.7 61.2 19.1 account in Mongolia and the Philippines. A
small-scale study of Vietnam’s rural credit
market in 2002 indicated that credit ration-
rural 16.8 65.3 18.0 ing depended on education and credit his-
tory, but found no evidence of bias against
women (Barslund and Tarp 2003). The
0 20 40 60 80 100
percent Thailand 2005 Household Socio-Economic
only a female owner only a male owner joint owners Panel data show a similar rate between men
and women holding a savings account in a
Source: World Bank estimates using VHLSS (GSO Vietnam), 2008 data. financial institution (46 percent and 49 per-
cent, respectively). Although this similarity
is observed in Thailand’s urban as well as
FIGURE 2.24 Female-headed households are less likely to own rural areas, the situation may vary between
livestock rural and urban areas of other countries
and might be very different in the Pacific,
ownership of livestock by poorest and richest 20% of
for which individual data are lacking.
100 population, by gender of household head
share of households that own
90
80
70 Limited effects of economic growth on
gender gaps in assets
livestock, %
60
50
40 E conomic grow th could, in principle,
30
20 increase women’s asset holdings by increas-
10 ing income, but this factor alone is insuf-
0
–10 ficient to close the gender gap in asset hold-
ings. Market transactions are an important
poorest, 20%
richest, 20%
poorest, 20%
richest, 20%
poorest, 20%
richest, 20%
poorest, 20%
richest, 20%
poorest, 20%
richest, 20%
way to accumulate assets, and evidence
from Latin America and the Caribbean sug-
gests that, after inheritance, markets are the
Cambodia, Indonesia, Lao PDR, Timor-Leste, Vietnam,
2008 1999 2008 2007 1998
second most important channel for women
female-headed households male-female gap
in that region to acquire land. In that sense,
income plays an important role. However,
Source: World Bank estimates using household income and expenditure surveys of various countries as shown in chapter 3, substantial gender
and years.
gaps in income still persist in the East Asia
and Pacific region, despite economic growth.
Other complex legal and social factors also
in access to formal finance is likely to be make it very challenging to close the gender
small in East Asia. Evidence from G allup gap in asset holdings with economic growth
surveys conducted since 2011 suggests alone. Evidence from South Asia indicates
that men and women have similar access that better employment opportunities and
to formal finance in East Asian countries progressive legislation do not necessar-
(Demirgüç-Kunt and Klapper 2012). As ily lead to gender equality in access to and
figure 2.26 shows, of the nine East Asian control of land, because of social factors
G E N D E R A N D E N D O W M E N T S : A C C E S S T O H U M A N C A P I T A L A N D P R O D U C T I V E A S S E T S 89
(Agarwal 1994). Actually, wealthier house- FIGURE 2.25 Female-headed households are slightly less likely to
holds with more valuable assets are not nec- borrow from a financial institution
essarily willing to give women more owner-
ship rights. Analysis of the Vietnam 2008 percentage of households that borrowed from a nancial institution
household survey data by World Bank staff (among those that borrowed money) by gender of the household head
shows that richer households are less likely 100
to have a female name in the title of their 90
agricultural land plots, accounting for fac- 80
70
tors such as land size and basic household 60
percent
characteristics. 50
40
As part of the development process, the 30
expansion of microfinance coverage has 20
been argued to improve women’s access to 10
0
credit. In terms of coverage, microfinance has
8
7
09
8
8
6
greatly expanded all over the world, reach-
00
00
00
00
00
20
2
,2
,2
,2
,2
a,
d,
te
lia
ing many poor clients (Daley-Harris 2009).
DR
m
di
an
es
na
go
bo
oP
ail
-L
et
on
m
In China, microcredit has been used in vari- or
La
Th
Vi
Ca
M
Tim
ous instances to support women. The Tianjin female-headed households male-female gap
Women’s Association for Business Develop-
ment and Promotion, the Guangxi Provincial Source: World Bank estimates using household income and expenditure surveys of various countries
and years.
Women’s Federation, and Liuzhou Municipal
Women’s Federation are examples of micro-
credit schemes that target poor, laid-off, and FIGURE 2.26 Women are slightly less likely than men to report
unemployed women (ADB 2006a). Not all having an account at a formal financial institution
countries provide such targeted support. In
Indonesia, although women are considered percentage of men and women reporting having an account, by
to be an important market for microfinance, themselves or with someone else, at a nancial institution or post o ce
90
the Indonesian microfinance industry has 80
never made targeting of women a hallmark 70
of their business. The average proportion of 60
percent
female clients in Indonesia served by major 50
40
microfinance institutions has remained fairly 30
constant over the past 20 years (Asia Foun- 20
dation, ADB, CIDA, NDI, and World Bank 10
0
2006).
However, rapid expansion of microfinance
*
In dia
nd
es
*
R
a
lia
sia
ci d
sia
m
in
PD
Pa an
in
go
la
ne
Ca c
na
Ch
bo
ay
ilip
ai
o
ia
on
does not necessarily imply a de facto control
do
et
m
al
La
Th
As
Ph
Vi
M
M
st
of resources. Goetz and Gupta (1996) show
Ea
that women’s access to microcredit has not all men women
been matched by an increase in their control
Sources: World Bank Global Financial Inclusion (Global Findex) database; Demirgüç-Kunt and
of these funds. Microcredit facilities have Klapper 2012.
been established for women in Lao PDR, * Denotes a statistically significant difference between men and women at the 1 percent level.
but women’s role in decision making has not
improved (GRID 2005). Although women
Legal and social constraints to
make up a high proportion of membership in
equalizing access to assets
credit schemes in Cambodia, they tend to be
excluded from the decision-making processes To understand the observed gender dispari-
and receive smaller amounts of credit than ties in asset holdings, one must understand
men (UNIFEM, World Bank, ADB, UNDP, how assets are accumulated and the factors
and DFID/UK 2004). determining asset accumulation. Individuals
9 0 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
can accumulate, or lose, assets in several These countries—Cambodia, China, Lao
ways. First, individuals can make market PDR, Mongolia, Thailand, and Vietnam—
transactions—such as buying land or live- do not have plural legal systems (for example,
stock, or acquiring a bank loan. Second, customary or religious laws), which means
assets are acquired through inheritance or that all citizens adhere to civil law. For exam-
through allocation or acquisition by the state, ple, in China, many advances toward ensur-
for example, through land redistribution. ing equal treatment and the protection of the
Inheritance is one of the main mechanisms rights of women under the law occurred as
for asset accumulation (Deere and Doss early as the 1950s. Women’s property and
2006), and equality in asset endowments inheritance rights were protected through the
can be limited by differences in the right to enactment of the 1982 constitution, which
inherit property. Third, life-cycle events such protects the right of citizens to inherit private
as marriage, including marriage payments, property (Article 13),14 and the 1985 Law of
or separation also alter asset holdings. Succession of the People’s Republic of China,
Complex legal, social, and economic fac- which states that males and females are equal
tors determine or constrain asset accumula- in their right to inheritance (Article 9).15 The
tion: (a) formal institutions—particularly the 1992 Law of the People’s Republic of China
legal framework for property and inheritance on the Protection of Rights and Interests of
rights, family laws, and law enforcement; Women further promotes gender equality;
(b) informal institutions—social norms and Article 28 declares that the state shall guar-
customary laws affecting women’s prefer- antee that women enjoy the equal right, with
ences and ability to acquire and accumulate men, to property.16
assets; and (c) human capital and other eco- In several of the countries examined,
nomic factors, such as income and the rate of males and females are not treated equally,
returns on productive assets. The impact of mostly under inheritance laws. Plural legal
economic growth on promoting more equal systems exist in Indonesia, Malaysia, the
asset holdings is limited, as discussed earlier, Philippines, and Singapore. Muslim laws
because legal and social barriers often act as govern the majority of the populations in
binding constraints. Despite positive changes Indonesia and Malaysia and a small minor-
in the legal framework in the East Asia and ity of the population in the Philippines and
Pacific region, the interactions between for- Singapore. For example, according to the
mal and informal institutions still leave Islamic Law Compilation in Indonesia, when
women at a disadvantage with respect to the a married person dies, each son is entitled to
control of assets.13 The discussion below first receive a share twice as large as each daugh-
describes the legal framework and then high- ter (Asia Foundation, ADB, CIDA, NDI, and
lights the challenges in practice due to weak World Bank 2006). The autonomous Muslim
implementation and the influence of norms region of Mindanao in the Philippines can
and customary laws. independently promulgate its own legisla-
tion following Islamic law (as allowed in the
The legal framework constitution). Although the Philippines is a
The majority of countries in East Asia no lon- community property regime,17 the Muslim
ger differentiate by gender in statutory law. In family code reflects the husband having the
that respect, the East Asia and Pacific region final say concerning the handling of joint
differs from some other regions: inheritance property.18 Among Pacific Island countries,
rights are still unequal in the Middle East and Kiribati and Tuvalu have unequal statutory
North African countries and half of the coun- legislation. Equal inheritance laws exist in
tries in South Asia (World Bank 2011c). As Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Samoa, the Solomon
shown in table 2.4, most East Asian countries Islands, and Vanuatu; however, customary
have legislation for property and inheritance law in relation to land has constitutional
rights with no discrimination against women. status in these countries and may lawfully
G E N D E R A N D E N D O W M E N T S : A C C E S S T O H U M A N C A P I T A L A N D P R O D U C T I V E A S S E T S 91
TABLE 2.4 Most East Asian and Pacific countries do not differentiate by gender in inheritance and property laws
Question Country Answer Law
Do sons and daughters have Cambodia Yes The Inheritance Law
equal inheritance rights? China Yes Law of Succession (Article 9)
Indonesia No Islamic Law Compilation, Book II
Lao PDR Yes The Inheritance Law
Malaysia No Constitution
Mongolia Yes Civil Code (Part V)
Philippines Noa Presidential Decree No. 1083
Singapore Noa Intestate Succession Act; Administration of Muslim Law Act
Thailand Yes Civil and Commercial Code (Sections 1599–1710)
Vietnam Yes Civil Code (Art. 635)
Fiji Yesb Succession, Probate and Administration Act [Cap 60] 1970
Kiribati No Laws of Kiribati Act 1989, Schedule 4
Do men and women have equal Cambodia Yes Constitution (Arts. 31 and 45); Law on Marriage and Family (Arts. 29, 32–37)
rights over property? China Yes Law on Protection of Women’s Rights (Arts. 30 and 47)
Indonesia Yes Marriage Law No. 1 of 1974
Lao PDR Yes Law of Property (Arts. 20, 26)
Malaysia Yes Constitution
Mongolia Yes Civil Code (Ch. 12)
Philippines Noa Presidential Decree No. 1083
Singapore Yes Women’s Charter (Arts. 51, 52, 56)
Thailand Yes Constitution (Section 30); Civil and Commercial Code (Book IV)
Vietnam Yes Land Law; Civil Code (Sec. 8)
Fiji No Constitution (Amendment) Act 1997
Laws of Kiribati Act 1989, Schedule 4; Magistrates Court Act; Gilbert and
Kiribati No Phoenix Islands Land Code
Sources: Women, Business and the Law database; Jivan and Forster 2007.
a. Implies that unequal legal systems apply only to a minority population.
b. Denotes that despite equal inheritance in legislation, Fijian custom in relation to land has constitutional status and may lawfully discriminate against women.
discriminate against women (Jivan and women to access loans, empowers women in
Forster 2007). case of disputes, and leads to higher mutual
Beyond the protection of equal inheritance decision making (World Bank 2008).
rights, several countries in the region have
recently adopted legal changes that actively Weak implementation and enforcement
promote better gender equality in access to of the law
land. Since concerns have been raised about Although women and men may be equal
promoting gender equity in land titling pro- under the law, these legal rights do not always
grams, places such as Indonesia, Lao PDR, translate into equal access to land in practice.
and Vietnam have recently adopted gender- Progress toward gender equality in assets is
sensitive reforms in land titling. Since the still limited because of weak implementation
2004 Land Law in Vietnam, all new land and enforcement of the law.
tenure certificates must include the names of Implementation of the laws may be imper-
both spouses, a provision intended to reduce fect and ineffective as a result of challenges
gender inequality in access to land, protect in incorporating existing cultural norms and
families against unilateral decisions by one practices. Even where the legal system sup-
spouse, and protect women in case of divorce ports equal access to land, traditional values
or disputes. Qualitative analysis of impacts and norms create difficulty with respect to
in three provinces suggests that joint titling enforcing the legislation. After the 2004 Land
improves procedures and opportunities for Law requiring joint titling was introduced in
9 2 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
Vietnam, the results have been varied across governing land ownership. They are also
ethnic majority and minority groups. Analy- less likely to know about land registration
sis of the Vietnam Household Living Stan- requirements (including whether the land
dards Survey 2008 shows that ethnic minor- owned by their households is registered and
ity households are much less likely to have a whether their names are included in land
female name in the title of their agricultural ocuments). Dissemination activi-
titling d
land plots, even when accounting for factors ties on rights and entitlements can exclude
such as land size and basic household char- women, especially in rural areas.19 Even
acteristics. Studies of existing kinship sys- if they have information about their legal
tems in China and Vietnam show resistance land rights, women tend not to pursue for-
to endowing daughters with land, as land is mal complaints in cases of land grabbing or
considered lost when daughters get married disputes regarding inheritance or division of
(Bélanger and Li 2009). In Northern Liaon- property. A 2008 AusAID report on land
ing, China, women are more likely to become tenure in the Pacific region stresses the fol-
landless at marriage because the population lowing factors constraining women’s access
control and land tenure policies reinforce to the formal legal system to resolve disputes
traditional forms of gender bias: a daughter regarding land ownership and use: (a) the
is expected to marry out, whereas a son is system was culturally unfamiliar and based
expected to reside with or near his parents on “adversarial�? methods rather than on the
(Chen and Summerfield 2007). Therefore, consensus building usually preferred by com-
during the redistribution of farmland to munities; (b) women also faced more “prac-
households based on household size, town- tical�? obstacles to accessing courts (limited
ship and village officials allocated a larger access to transport, lack of time, income); (c)
share of land for each son in the household the “technical nature�? of the procedures and
than for each daughter. inadequate support from court staff were also
The Lao PDR land titling program noted as important barriers (AusAID 2008).
1997–2010 offered useful implementation
lessons to account for context-specific social Social norms and practices
norms. An early assessment during the first In some contexts, customary practices, rather
phase of the program noted that traditional than statutory laws, directly govern land own-
family roles dedicated the man to handling ership and land use. Most land in the Pacific
taxes and, thus, to having only his name on region is under customary authority (approxi-
land-related tax documents. Mostly men mately 80 percent of total land area) (AusAID
interacted with government officials and par- 2008). Although the rules vary widely within
ticipated in information meetings and titling the Pacific region, usually in customary sys-
activities. As a response to this assessment, tems, (a) land can only be transferred within
Lao PDR introduced a stronger gender inclu- networks of social/political relationships,
sion program, engaging the Lao Women’s (b) land use is governed by reciprocal rela-
Union, to raise community awareness of land tions within the kinship or customary land
titling, to include special training for women groups, and (c) social hierarchies and status
on their rights, and to ensure their partici- are important factors determining one’s rights
pation during titling. Following this active to land. In these customary systems, women
engagement, a higher number of titles went have access to land primarily through their
to women than to men (Lao Land Titling kinship relations with men. Women also have
Project II ICR 2010). less voice in public decisions about the use
Qualitative research, more broadly, has of land (AusAID 2008). For example, Fijian
stressed that a lack of information about women in most parts of the Fiji Islands are
legal entitlement is a key barrier to enforcing excluded from inheritance rights in custom-
women’s land rights throughout the region. ary land and have no rights to land other than
Women are generally less aware of the laws those permitted by their fathers or husbands.
G E N D E R A N D E N D O W M E N T S : A C C E S S T O H U M A N C A P I T A L A N D P R O D U C T I V E A S S E T S 93
Nor do they normally receive land rents. Most have an impact. What follows is an initial dis-
Indo-Fijians with land also practice father- cussion about policy priorities for promoting
to-son inheritance (ADB 2006b). gender equality in human capital: (a) closing
Practices within the region and within persistent gender gaps in human develop-
countries vary considerably. Inheritance ment, (b) reducing gender streaming in edu-
practices based on norms can be patrilineal, cation, (c) promoting balanced sex ratios at
matrilineal, or bilateral and, as such, are not birth, and (d) addressing male-specific gender
always tilted against women. In the matrilin- issues. Policy approaches to close gender gaps
eal society of Sumatra, Indonesia, together in assets are important for gender equality in
with the shift from communal to individ- endowments, and they also enable more equal
ual tenure, the inheritance system became economic opportunity and agency. These pol-
more egalitarian in that sons and daughters icies are discussed within the general frame-
inherit the type of land that is most inten- work of policies to promote gender equality
sive in their own work effort, and gender in economic opportunity, which is discussed
bias in land inheritance is either nonexistent in chapter 3 and chapter 6. A more detailed
or small (Quisumbing and Otsuka 2001). In discussion will follow in chapter 6 on policies
the Philippines, sons are preferred in land to promote overall gender equality and more
inheritance but daughters are favored in edu- effective development.
cation investments (Estudillo, Quisumbing
and Otsuka 2001). In Lao PDR, land inheri-
Closing persistent gender gaps in
tance and ownership are important elements
human development
of women’s autonomy in lowland areas, with
daughters customarily inheriting land. How- For countries with overall low and unequal
ever, women in the midlands and highlands, gender outcomes in education and health,
such as those in the Khmu and Hmong ethnic the priority remains to improve these out-
groups, face important barriers to controlling comes. Actions to strengthen the education
land (Ireson-Doolittle 1999). Understanding and health systems are called for to improve
the specifics of a particular context is thus overall outcomes, in addition to any focus on
important for designing appropriate policies gender. Interventions may be needed at the
and interventions. national level and may yield high economic
In summary, given the limited evidence in and social returns. For countries with local-
the East Asia and Pacific region, understand- ized gender disparities among certain ethnic
ing gender inequality in assets is an important groups or low-income regions, interventions
research agenda. Gender disparities in access may be targeted to these groups. Though the
to productive assets can hinder women’s abil- exact constraints vary by country context,
ity to participate and benefit from economic the analysis in this chapter has shown that
opportunities as well as constrain women’s both demand-side and supply-side factors
voice and representation in the society. Fur- are responsible for these poor human capi-
ther research and better data are called for tal outcomes. Policies can have an impact
to disentangle the complex mechanisms influ- through improving service delivery (infra-
encing men’s and women’s control of assets structure, staffing, incentives, use of infor-
and to shed light on policies. mation and communication technology) and
demand-side interventions (conditional cash
transfers, information campaigns, account-
Policies to promote gender ability). For education, policies to improve
equality in endowments education outcomes in general are expected
The analysis thus far has identified the fac- to also improve gender equality. For health,
tors influencing or constraining gender equal- the slow improvements in health outcomes
ity in endowments. This analysis also sheds in several East Asian and Pacific countries
light on where policies may be used and can underscore the importance of improving
9 4 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
service delivery in general, including efforts hamper growth and development. First,
to account for gender norms that affect ser- the initial signs of the reversed gender gap
vice utilization and effectiveness. in education need to be monitored closely
where applicable. Second, the excessive
Reducing gender streaming in tobacco and alcohol consumption among
education males in many parts of the East Asia and
Pacific region deserves policy attention
For many countries in the East Asia because the social costs, passed on as exter-
and Pacific region, addressing education nalities to other members of the society, are
quality—specifically, gender streaming in usually higher than private costs. Possible
education—requires policy attention. Many measures to tackle this challenge include
aspects of gender issues regarding basic access providing information about the health
in education and health have abated with risks of excessive tobacco and alcohol con-
growth and development. However, con- sumption, taxation, regulatory measures on
certed efforts in education and labor market advertisement, and restrictions on smoking
policies are needed to break the traditional in public sites.
patterns of females going into certain fields
of study and, consequently, jobs in lower-
paying occupations and sectors. Within the Notes
education system, possible approaches in this 1. See Malhotra, Pande, and Grown (2003) on
agenda include both curriculum reforms to impacts of investments in female education
reduce gender stereotyping and active inter- on gender equality.
ventions—financial and nonfinancial incen- 2. See Engendering Development (World Bank
tives as well as information campaigns—to 2001) and World Development Report 2012
promote entrance into nontraditional fields. (World Bank 2011c) for similar literature.
However, few studies rigorously identify
the causal effects as opposed to simple
Promoting balanced sex ratios at birth correlation. And female education or income
In the few countries with “missing girls�? at might not always have dominant, widespread
birth, rooted in the prevalence of son prefer- benefits over male education as commonly
ence, continuing efforts are needed. A promis- perceived. For example, controlling for
household average education, Breierova and
ing strategy is to adopt policy approaches that
Duflo (2004) found no impact of female
aim to enhance the relative value of daugh- education on infant mortality in Indonesia.
ters as perceived by families. General policies Edmonds (2006) found that in South Africa,
to promote economic development may play pension money going to grandmothers
a role, but Korea’s recent experience suggests improved children’s health while that going to
that interventions to influence social norms grandfathers improved children’s schooling.
and facilitate the spread of new values may be 3. Enrollment in different types of education
very important, rather than simply relying on also shows gender differences that vary
raising female education and labor force par- across countries in the region. Females’
ticipation. Information campaigns, financial completion rate in vocational training has
incentives, and improved social security for been increasing in Thailand and Vietnam. In
recent years, this rate among females is still
the elderly are worthwhile efforts. China has
lower than that among males in Indonesia,
been adopting many of these programs, and Thailand, Vietnam, and Mongolia, even
they can be expected to reduce the imbalance though the reverse tends to be true for
in the sex ratio at birth. completion of general secondary education.
Cambodia experiences the opposite patterns,
Addressing male-specific gender issues that is, women have lower general secondary
completion rates but higher vocational
Attention to male gender issues is crucial in completion rates than men (Sakellariou
many country contexts since they may also 2011).
G E N D E R A N D E N D O W M E N T S : A C C E S S T O H U M A N C A P I T A L A N D P R O D U C T I V E A S S E T S 95
4. Conflict and postconflict areas also suffer Looking at gender of the household head
poor education outcomes for both boys and as an approximate measure presumes that
girls, for different reasons, such as the risk females in female-headed households own
for boys of being taken out of school to join and control most of the assets while females
the military and the risk of safety for girls at in male-headed households control and own
the school. relatively few assets. This measure could
5. Girls do not always lag boys in poor rural be misleading in cases where male heads of
areas. Evidence from China’s Gansu province households are temporarily absent.
shows no significant gender disadvantage 13. Recent analysis of women and land in
(Hannum and Adams 2002). Association of Southeast Asian Nations
6. The returns to education for women have (ASEAN) countries identifies the following
not increased uniformly: the returns for supply constraints to women’s equal access
women increased relative to those of men to land in the region: unfavorable legal
in Vietnam but decreased in Indonesia and framework, pro-male customs, limited
Thailand since the late 1990s (Sakellariou opportunities, and lack of data (ASEAN
2011). 2008).
7. See Kobia (2009) and Lloyd, Mensch, and 14. http://english.people.com.cn/constitution/
Clark (1998), for example, for analysis of constitution.html.
similar gender stereotyping in Kenya. 15. http://www.chinaembassycanada.org/eng/
8. Prior empirical evidence on the extent to lsfw/Relevant%20Chinese%20Laws%20
which income causally affects health status and%20Regulations/t37737.htm.
has been controversial, partly owing to 16. h t t p : / / w w w.w o m e n o f c h i n a . c n / h t m l /
methodological challenges such as possible report/515-1.htm.
omitted variables and the reversed feedback 17. In a community property jurisdiction, most
from health to income (Deaton 2006; Filmer property acquired during the marriage
and Pritchett 1999; Pritchett and Summers (except for gifts or inheritances) is owned
1996). jointly by both spouses and is divided upon
9. Das Gupta, Chung, and Shuzhuo (2009) divorce, annulment, or death.
argue that the recent provincial sex ratios 18. h t t p : // w w w. l aw. e m o r y. e du / i f l / l e g a l /
in China suggest an incipient turnaround philippines.htm.
of the “missing girls�? phenomenon in East 19. In China, for example, it is a common
Asia. However, the concern is far from over practice for new policies, regulations, and
because child sex ratios in China are still programs to be discussed in village meetings
high. in which heads of households (primarily
10. See World Bank 2011c, World Development men) participate. Information on changes
Report 2012, chapter 3 technical annex for to land laws, for example, might reach
detailed methodology. women later (or partially, as they may rely
11. Prevalence estimates of current smoking of on other household members to convey the
any tobacco product result from the latest information) (Liaw 2008). In Indonesia,
adult tobacco use surveys, which have been land acquired during marriage tends to
adjusted according to the WHO regression be registered primarily under the name of
method for standardizing described in the the male head of household because most
Method of Estimation. “Tobacco smoking�? landowners are not aware of the possibility
includes cigarettes, cigars, pipes, or any of registering land in more than one person’s
other smoked tobacco products. “Current name (Brown 2003).
smoking�? includes both daily and nondaily
or occasional smoking.
12. Households headed by women and those
References
headed by men may be very different as a ADB (Asian Development Bank). 2005. Country
result of unobserved factors. The observation Gender Assessment Timor-Leste. Pacific
that female-headed households have fewer Regional Department and Regional and
assets does not necessarily mean that Sustainable Development Department, Asian
women have less access to assets in general Development Bank East and South East Asia
(many are widows or single-parent families Regional Office United Nations Development
that face economic difficulties anyway). Fund for Women. Manila, Philippines: ADB.
9 6 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
—— —. 2006a. ADB Country Gender Assessment: Behrman, Jere Richard, and James C. Knowles.
Peopl e’s R e p ublic of C hin a . M a n i la , 1999. “Household Income and Child Schooling
Philippines: ADB. in Vietnam.�? World Bank Economic Review
———. 2006b. Republic of the Fiji Islands: 13: 211–56.
C ountr y Ge nde r A ssessme nt . Manila, Bélanger, Danièle, and T. H. Oanh Khuat. 2009.
Philippines: ADB. Second-Trimester Abortions and Sex-Selection
Agarwal, Bina. 1994. A Field of One’s Own: of Children in Hanoi, Vietnam. Population
Gender and Land Rights in South Asia. Studies 63 (2): 163–71.
Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Bélanger, Danièle, and Xu Li. 2009. “Agricultural
Press. Land, Gender and Kinship in Rural China and
Albanesi, Stephania, and Claudia Olivetti. Vietnam: A Comparison of Two Villages.�?
2009. “Production, Market Production Journal of Agrarian Change 9 (2): 204–30.
and the G ender Wage Gap: I ncentives Bélanger, Danièle, and Giang Linh Tran. 2011.
and Expectations.�? Review of Economic “The Impact of Transnational Migration of
Dynamics 12 (1): 80–107. Gender and Marriage in Sendign Communities
ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) of Vietnam.�? Current Sociology 59 (1): 59–77.
2008. “ASEA N Continues to Empower Bélanger, Danièle, Thi Hai Oanh Khuat, Jianye
Women.�? http://www.aseansec.org/Bulletin- Liu, Thanh Thuy Le, and Viet Thanh Pham.
Feb-08.htm#Article-2. 2003. “Are Sex Ratios at Birth Increasing in
Asia Foundation, ADB (Asian Development Bank), Vietnam?�? Population (English Edition) 58
CIDA (Canadian International Development (2): 231–50.
Agency), NDI (National Democratic Institute), Bell, Keith Clifford. 2010. “Study on Gender
and World Bank. 2006. Indonesia: Country Impacts of Land Titling in Post-Tsunami
Gender Assessment. Manila, Philippines: Asia Aceh, Indonesia.�? Photocopy, World Bank,
Foundation, ADB, CIDA, NDI, and World Washington, DC.
Bank. Bharadwaj, Prashant, and Leah K. Nelson. 2010.
Atkin, David. 2010. “Endogenous Skill Acquisition “Discrimination Begins in the Womb: Evidence
a nd M a nu fac t u ri ng i n Mex ico.�? Yale of Sex-Selective Prenatal Investments.�?
University, Department of Economics, New Photocopy, University of California, San
Haven, CT. http://www.econ.yale.edu/~da334/ Diego.
Endogenous_Skill_Acquisition_Mexico.pdf. Blumberg, Rae Lesser. 2007. “Gender Bias in
AusAID. 2008. Making Land Work: Vol. 1. Textbooks: A Hidden Obstacle on the Road
Reconciling Customary Land and Development to Gender Equality in Education.�? Paper
in the Pacific. Canberra: Australian Agency for commissioned for the Education for All Global
International Development. Monitoring Report 2008, Education for All
Bailey, B., and M. Bernard. 2003. “Establishing a by 2015: Will We Make It? http://unesdoc
Database of Gender Differentials in Enrolment .unesco.org/images/0015/001555/155509e.pdf.
and Performance at the Secondary and Tertiary BPS (Badan Pusat Statistik). Indonesia National
Levels of the Caribbean Education Systems.�? Socioeconomic Survey (SUSENAS). Jakarta,
Canada-Caribbean Gender Equality Fund Indonesia.
Programme II (CARICOM), Georgetown, Breierova, Lucia, and Esther Duflo. 2004. “The
Guyana. Impact of Education on Fertility and Child
Baird, Sarah, Jed Friedman, and Norbert Schady. Mortality: Do Fathers Really Matter Less
2007. “Aggregate Income Shocks and Infant Than Mothers?�? NBER Working Paper 10513,
Mortality in the Developing World.�? Policy National Bureau of Economic Research,
Research Working Paper 4346, World Bank, Cambridge, MA.
Washington, DC. Brown, Jennifer. 2003. “Rural Women’s Rights in
Barslund, Mikkel, and Finn Tarp. 2003. “Rural Java, Indonesia: Strengthened by Family Law
Credit in Vietnam.�? Discussion Paper, but Weakened by Land Registration.�? Pacific
University of Copenhagen, Denmark. Rim Law and Policy Journal 12 (631): 51.
Beegle, Kathleen, Elizabeth Frankenberg, and Cambodia Development Resource Institute.
Duncan Thomas. 2001. “Bargaining Power 20 01. “S ocial A ssessment of L a nd i n
within Couples and Use of Prenatal and Cambodia—A Field Study.�? Cambodia
Delivery Care in Indonesia.�? Studies in Family Development Resource Institute, Phnom
Planning 32 (2): 130–46. Penh, Cambodia.
G E N D E R A N D E N D O W M E N T S : A C C E S S T O H U M A N C A P I T A L A N D P R O D U C T I V E A S S E T S 97
Cameron, L., and C. Worswick. 2001. “Education Know and Why Does It Matter?�? Feminist
Expenditure Responses to Crop Loss in Economics 12 (1–2): 1–50.
Indonesia: A Gender Bias.�? Economic Deere, Carmen Diana, and Magdalena Leon.
Development and Cultural Change 49 (2): 2003. “The Gender Asset Gap: Land in
351–63. Latin America.�? World Development 31 (6):
Chattier, Priya. 2011. “Gender and Economic 925–47.
Choice.�? Background paper for the World Deininger, Klaus. 2003. Land Policies for Growth
Development Report 2012. University of the and Poverty Reduction. Washington, DC:
South Pacific Laucala Campus, Suva, Fiji. World Bank.
Chen, Junjie, and Gale Summerfield. 2007. Demirgüç-Kunt, Asli, and L eora K lapper.
“Gender and Rural Reforms in China: A Case 2012. “Measuring Financial Inclusion: The
Study of Population Control and Land Rights Global Findex Database.�? Policy Research
Policies in Northern Liaoning.�? Feminist Wo r k i n g P a p e r 6 0 2 5 , Wo r l d B a n k ,
Economics 13: 63–92. Washington, DC.
Chung, W., and Monica Das Gupta. 2007. “The Duflo, Esther. 2000. “Child Health and Household
Decline of Son Preference in South Korea: Resources in South Africa: Evidence from
The Roles of Development and Public Policy.�? the Old Age Pension Program.�? American
Population and Development Review 33 (4): Economic Review 90 (2): 393–98.
757–83. —— —. 2003. “Grandmothers and Granddaughters:
Cutler, D., and G. Miller. 2005. “The Role Old-Age Pensions and I nt rahousehold
of Public Health Improvements in Health Allocation in South Africa.�? World Bank
Advances: The Twentieth Century United Economic Review 17 (1): 1–25.
States.�? Demography 42 (1): 1–2. Dunne, M., and F. Leach. 2005. “Gendered
Daley-Harris, Sam. 2009. State of the Microcredit School Experiences: The Impact on Retention
Summit Campaign Report 2009. Washington, and Achievement in Botswana and Ghana.�?
DC: Microcredit Summit Campaign. Researching the Issues 56, Department for
Das Gupta, Monica. 2005. Explaining Asia’s International Development, London.
“Missing Women�?: A New Look at the Data. Ebenstein, A. 2010. “The Missing Girls of China
Population and Development Review 31 (3): and the Unintended Consequences of the One
529–35. Child Policy.�? Journal of Human Resources
——— . 20 09. “Fa m i ly System s , Pol it ic a l 45 (1): 87–115.
Systems, and Asia’s ‘Missing Girls.’�? Policy Eccles, J. S., and P. Blumenfeld. 1985. Classroom
Research Working Paper 5148, World Bank, Experiences and Student Gender: Are There
Washington, DC. Differences and Do They Matter? In Gender
Das Gupta, Monica, W. Chung, and L. Shuzhuo. Influences in Classroom Interaction, edited by
2009. “Is There an Incipient Turnaround in L. C. Wilkinson and C.B. Marrett. Orlando,
Asia’s ‘Missing Girls’ Phenomenon?�? Policy FL: Academic Press.
Research Working Paper 4846, World Bank, Edlund, L., and C. Lee. 2009. “Son Preference, Sex
Washington, DC. Selection and Economic Development: Theory
Davis, James. 2002. “Boys to Men: Masculine and Evidence from South Korea.�? Discussion
Diversity and Schooling.�? Paper presented at Paper 0910 - 0 4, C olu mbia Un iversit y,
the School Leadership Centre of Trinidad and Department of Economics, Chicago, IL.
Tobago, Port of Spain, Trinidad, August 6–8. Edmonds, E. 2006. “Child Labor and Schooling
Deaton, Angus. 2006. “Global Patterns of Income Responses to Anticipated Income in South
and Health: Facts, Interpretations, and Africa.�? Journal of Development Economics
Policies.�? WIDER Annual Lecture, Helsinki, 81 (2): 386–414.
September 29. Eskes, T., and C. Haanen. 2006. “Why Do Women
d e B r au w, A l a n , J i k u n H u a n g , L i n x iu Live Longer Than Men?�? European Journal
Zhang, and S cot t Rozelle. 2011. “T he of Obstetrics Gynecology and Reproductive
Feminization of Agriculture with Chinese Biology 133 (2): 126–33.
Characteristics.�? Background paper for the Estudillo, J., Agnes Quisumbing, and Keijiro
World Development Report 2012 , World Otsuka. 2001. “Gender Differences in Land
Bank, Washington, DC. Inheritance, Schooling and Lifetime Income:
Deere, Carmen Diana, and Cheryl Doss. 2006. Evidence from the Rural Philippines.�? Journal
“The Gender Asset Gap: W hat Do We of Development Studies 37 (4): 23–48.
9 8 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization)/UNDP Goetz, A. M., and R. Gupta. 1996. “Who Takes the
(United Nations Development Programme). Credit? Gender, Power, and Control over Loan
2002. “Gender Differences in the Transitional Use in Rural Credit Programs in Bangladesh.
Economy of Viet Nam.�? Hanoi. http://www World Development 24 (1): 45–63.
.fao.org/docrep/005/ac685e/ac685e00.htm. Goldstein, Markus, and Christopher Udry.
FAO. 2011. The State of Food and Agriculture 2008. “The Profits of Power: Land Rights
2010 –11: Women in Agriculture: Closing and Agricultural Investment in Ghana.�?
the Gender Gap for Development. Food and Journ al of Politic al Economy 116 (6):
Agriculture Organization, Rome. 981–1022.
Figueroa, M. 2000. “Making Sense of the GR I D (Gender Resource Information and
Male Experience: The Case of Academic Development Center). 2005. “Lao PDR Gender
Underachievement in the English-Speaking Profile.�? GRID, with support of the World
Caribbean.�? IDS Bulletin 31 (2). Bank, Washington, DC. http://siteresources
Filmer, Deon, Jed Friedman, and Norbert Schady. .worldbank.org/INTLAOPRD/Resources/
2008. “Development, Modernization, and Lao-Gender-Report-2005.pdf.
Son Preference in Fertility Decisions.�? Policy GSO (General Statistics Office) Vietnam.
Research Working Paper 4716, World Bank, Household Living Standards Surveys, http://
Washington, DC. www.gso.gov.vn.
Filmer, Deon, and Lant Pritchett. 1999. “The Guo, L., and Z. Zhao. 2002. “Children, Gender,
Impact of Public Spending on Health: Does and Language Teaching Materials.�? Chinese
Money Matter?�? Social Science and Medicine Education and Society 35 (5): 34–52.
49 (10): 1309–23. H a n na, Rema, a nd L eig h L i nden. 20 09.
Filmer, Deon, and Norbert Schady. 2008. “Measuring Discrimination in Education.�?
“Getting Girls into School: Evidence from NBER Working Paper 15057, National Bureau
a Scholarship Program in Cambodia.�? of Economic Research, Cambridge, MA.
Economic Development and Cultural Change Hannum, E., and J. Adams. 2002. “Girls in
56 (3): 581–617. Gansu, China: Expectations and Aspirations
———. 2009. “School Enrollment, Selection and for Secondary Schooling.�? In Exclusion,
Test Scores.�? Policy Research Working Paper Gender and Education, edited by M. Lewis
4998, World Bank, Washington, DC. and M. Lockheed, 71–96. Washington, DC:
Fiszbein, Ariel, and Norbert Schady. 2009. Center for Global Development.
“Conditional Cash Transfers: Reducing HNPStats (Health Nutrition Population Statistics)
Present and Future Poverty.�? Policy Research database. World DataBank, World Bank,
Series, World Bank, Washington, DC. Washington, DC. http://data.worldbank.org/
Flabbi, Luca. 2011. “Gender Differences In data-catalog/health-nutrition-population-
Education, Career Choices and Labor Market statistics.
Outcomes on a Sample of OECD Countries.�? IDN CGA. (2006). “Indonesia: Country Gender
OE C D B ac kg rou nd Pap er for Wo rl d Assessment.�? Asian Development Bank,
Development Report 2012 , World Bank, Canadian International Development Agency,
Washington, DC. National Democratic Institute, and the World
Frankenberg, Elizabeth, A. Buttenheim, B. Sikoki, Bank.
and W. Suriastini. 2009. “Do Women Increase Ireson-Doolittle, C. 1999. “Gender and Changing
Their Use of Reproductive Health Care When Property Rights in Laos.�? In Women’s Rights
It Becomes More Available?�? Evidence from to House and Land: China, Laos, Vietnam,
Indonesia, Studies in Family Planning 40 (1): edited by I. Tinker and G. Summerfield, 145–
27–38. 52. Boulder, Colorado: Lynne Rienner.
Frankenberg, Elizabeth, and Duncan Thomas. Jayachandran, S., and A. Lleras-Muney. 2009.
2001. “Women’s Health and Pregnancy “Life Expectancy and Human Capital
Outcomes: Do Services Make a Difference?�? I nvest ments: Ev idence f rom M ater nal
Demography 38 (2): 253–65. Mortality Declines.�? Quarterly Journal of
Global Findex (Global Financial Inclusion Economics 124 (1): 349–97.
Database). World Bank, Washington, DC. Jensen, R. 2010. “Economic Opportunities
http://data.worldbank.org /data-catalog / and Gender Differences in Human Capital:
financial_inclusion. Experimental Evidence for India.�? NBER
G E N D E R A N D E N D O W M E N T S : A C C E S S T O H U M A N C A P I T A L A N D P R O D U C T I V E A S S E T S 99
Working Paper 16021, National Bureau of of Sdr 10.8 Million (US$14.82 Million
Economic Research, Cambridge, MA. Equivalent) to the Lao People’s Democratic
Jha, Jyotsna, and Fatimah Kelleher. 2006. Republic for the Second Land Titling Project.�?
Boys’ Underachievement in Education: An World Bank, Washington, DC.
Exploration in Selected Commonwealth Lavy, Victor. 2008. “Do Gender Stereotypes
Countries. London, U.K.: Commonwealth Reduce Girls’ or Boys’ Human Capital
S ecretariat , G ender S ec tion, Social O utcome s? Ev idenc e f rom a Nat u ra l
Transformation Programmes Division, and Experiment,�? Journal of Public Economics. 92
the Commonwealth of Learning. (10–11): 2083–2105.
Jivan, Vedna, and Christine Forster. 2007. Li, H., and H. Zheng. 2009. “Ultrasonography
Translating CEDAW into Law: CEDAW and Sex Ratios in China.�? Asian Economic
Legislative Compliance in Nine Pacific Policy Review 4: 121–37.
Countries. Suva, Fiji: UNDP Pacific Centre Liaw, H. Ray. 2008. “Women’s Land Rights in
and UNIFEM Pacific Regional Office. Rural China: Transforming Existing Laws
Johnson, Kiersten, Sovanratnak Sao, and Darith into a Source of Property Rights.�? Pacific Rim
Hor. 2000. Cambodia 2000 Demographic Law and Policy Journal 17 (1): 237–64.
and Health Survey: Key Findings. Calverton, Lloyd, C., B. Mensch, and W. Clark. 1998. “The
MD: ORC Macro. Effects of Primary School Quality on the
Jung, Kyung, and Haesook Chung. 2005. Educational Participation and Attainment of
Gender Equality in Classroom Instruction: Kenyan Girls and Boys.�? Population Council
Introducing Gender Training for Teachers in Paper 116. http://www.popcouncil.org/pdfs/
the Republic of Korea. Bangkok, Thailand: wp/16.pdf.
UNESCO. L SB (Lao Statistics Bureau). E xpenditure
Kevane, M., and D. Levine. 2003. “Changing and Consumption Survey, LAO People’s
Status of Daughters in Indonesia.�? Working D emo crat ic Republ ic. ht t p: // w w w.ns c
Paper C03-126, University of California, .gov.la/.
B e r k e l e y, C e n t e r f o r I n t e r n a t i o n a l Lundberg, S. J., R. Pollak, and T. J. Wales.
Development, Berkeley, CA. 1997. “Do Husbands and Wives Pool Their
King, E., and D. van der Walle. 2007. Girls Resources? Evidence from the United Kingdom
in Lao PDR: Ethnic Affiliation, Poverty Child Benefit.�? Journal of Human Resources
and Location . In Exclusion, Gender and 32 (3): 463–80.
Education: Case Studies from the Developing Malhotra, A., R. Pande, and C. Grown. 2003.
World, edited by M. Lewis and M. Lockheed, “Impact of Investments in Female Education
31–70. Washington, DC: Center for Global on Gender Equality.�? Commissioned by the
Development. World Bank Gender and Development Group
Klasen, Stephan, and Francesca Lamanna. 2009. and International Center for Research on
“The Impact of Gender Inequality in Education Women, Washington, DC.
and Employment on Economic Growth: New Marks, J. 2001. “Girls Know Better: Educational
Evidence for a Panel of Countries.�? Feminist Attainment of Boys and Girls.�? CIVITAS—
Economics 15 (3): 91–132. The Institute for the Study of Civil Society,
Knowles, Stephen, A. K. Lorgelly, and Dorian London, U.K.
Owen. 2002. “Are Educational Gender Gaps Martino, W., and D. Berrill. 2003. “Boys,
a Brake on Economic Development? Some Schooling and Masculinities: Interrogating the
Cross-Country Empirical Evidence.�? Oxford ‘Right’ Way to Educate Boys.�? Educational
Economic Papers 54 (1): 118–49. Review 55 (2): 99–117.
Kobia, J. 2009. “Femininity and Masculinity in Naudeau, Sophie, Naoko Kataoka, Alexandria
English Language Textbooks in Kenya.�? The Valerio, Michelle Neuman, and Leslie Elder.
International Journal of Language Society 2011. Investing in Young Children: An Early
and Culture, 28: 57–71. Childhood Development Guide for Policy
Korea National Statistical Office. Daejeon, Dialogue and Project Preparation. Washington,
Republic of Korea. http://kostat.go.kr. DC: World Bank.
L ao L a nd Tit l i ng Projec t I I IC R . 2010. Niehof, A. 2003. “Women and the Social Context
“Implementation Completion and Results of Fertility Under the New Order.�? In Two
Report (Ida-38010) on a Credit in the Amount is Enough: Family Planning in Indonesia
1 0 0 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
Under the New Order 1968–1998 , edited PISA (Programme for International Student
by A. Niehof and F. Lubis, 163–183. Leiden: Assessment). Organisation for Economic
KITLV Press. Co-operation and Development, Paris, France.
Nielsen, Harriet Bjerrum, and Bronwyn Davies. www.pisa.oecd.org/.
2010. “Discourse and the Construction Pritchett, Lant, and Lawrence H. Summers. 1996.
of Gendered Identities in Education.�? In “Wealthier Is Healthier.�? Journal of Human
Encyclopedia of Language and Education: Resources 31 (4): 841–68.
Volume 3, Discourse and Education, edited Qian, Nancy. 2008. “Missing Women and the
by Marilyn Martin-Jones, Anne-Marie de Price of Tea in China: The Effect of Sex-Specific
Mejía, and Nancy H. Hornberger. Berlin: Earnings on Sex Imbalance.�? Quarterly
Springer. Journal of Economics 123 (3): 1251–85.
NIS (National Institute of Statistics) Cambodia. Quisumbing, Agnes. 1995. “Gender Differences
Cambodia Socio-Economic Survey (CSES). in Agricultural Productivity: A Survey of
National Institute of Statistics, Phnom Penh, Empirical Evidence.�? FCN D Discussion
Cambodia. http://www.nis.gov.kh/index.php/ Paper 5, International Food Policy Research
social-statistics/cses. Institute, Washington, DC.
NSD (National Statistics Directorate) Timor- Quisumbing, Agnes, and Kelly Hallman. 2005.
Leste. Timor-Leste Survey of Living Standards. “Marriage in Transition: Evidence on Age,
Ministry of Planning and Finance, National Education, and Assets from Six Developing
Statistics Directorate, Dili, Timor-Leste. http:// Countries.�? In The Transition to Adulthood in
dne.mof.gov.tl/TLSLS/AboutTLSLS/index Developing Countries: Selected Studies, edited
.htm. by Jere Behrman, Barney Cohen, Cynthia B.
NSD (National Statistics Directorate) Timor- Lloyd, Nelly Stromquist . Washington, DC:
Leste, Ministry of Finance, and ICF Macro. National Academies Press.
2010. Timor-Leste Demographic and Health Quisumbing, Agnes R., and John Maluccio. 2003.
Survey 2009–10. Dili, Timor-Leste: NSD and “Resources at Marriage and Intra-household
ICF Macro. Allocation: Evidence from Bangladesh,
NSO Mongolia (National Statistical Office of Ethiopia, Indonesia, and South Africa.�?
Mongolia). Living Standards Measurement Oxford Bulletin of Economics and Statistics
Survey (LSMS). Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia: 65: 283–327.
National Statistical Office. http://www.nso Quisumbing, Agnes R., and Keijiro Otsuka.
.mn. 2001. “Land Inheritance and Schooling in
NSO Philippines (National Statistics Office, Matrilineal Societies: Evidence from Sumatra.�?
Republic of the Philippines). 2006. Family World Development 29 (12): 2093–2110.
Income and Expenditure Survey 20 06 . Ross, Heidi, and Jinghuan Shi, eds. 2003. “Entering
Manila, the Philippines: National Statistics the Gendered World of Teaching Materials,
Office. Part II.�? Chinese Education and Society
NSO Thailand (National Statistical Office (May–June) 36: 3.
Thailand). Thailand Socio-Economic Survey Sakellariou, Chris. 2011. “Determinants of the
(SES). Bangkok, Thailand: National Statistical Gender Wage Gap and Female Labor Force
Office. http://web.nso.go.th/tnso.htm. Participation in EAP.�? Paper commissioned
Oster, Emily, and Bryce Millet. 2010. “Do Call for Toward Gender Equality in East Asia
Centers Promote School Enrollment? Evidence and the Pacific: A Companion to the World
from India.�? Draft, University of Chicago Development Report. Washington, DC: World
Booth School of Business. Bank.
Panda, Pradeep, and Bina Agarwal. 2005. Schleicher, A. 2008. “Student Learning Outcomes
“Marital Violence, Human Development and in Mathematics from a Gender Perspective:
Women’s Property Status in India.�? World What Does the International PISA Assessment
Development 33 (5): 823–50. Tell Us?�? In Girls’ Education in the 21st
Papua New Guinea Department of Education. Century, edited by M. Tembon and L. Fort.
2009. “Achieving Universal Education for a Washington, DC: World Bank.
Better Future: Universal Basic Education Plan Schultz, T. P. 1993. “Returns to Women’s
2010 –2019.�? National Executive Council, S chooling.�? I n Women’s E duc ation in
Port Moresby, Papua New Guinea. Developing Countries: Barriers, Benefits
G E N D E R A N D E N D O W M E N T S : A C C E S S T O H U M A N C A P I T A L A N D P R O D U C T I V E A S S E T S 101
and Policy. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins from a G ender Perspective: Repor t of
University Press. Findings.�? UNESCO, Hanoi, Vietnam.
———. 1997. “The Demand for Children in U N FPA (United Nations Population Fund).
Low-Income Countries.�? In Handbook of 2009. “Recent Change in the Sex Ratio
Population and Family Economics: Vol. 1A, at Birth in Viet Nam.�? UNFPA Viet Nam,
edited by M. R. Rosenzweig and O. Stark. Hanoi.
Amsterdam: North-Holland. UNICEF (United Nations Children’s Fund). 2004.
———. 2006. “Does the Liberalization of Trade “What About the Boys?�? In The State of the
Advance Gender Equality in Schooling World’s Children 2004, ed. UNICEF, 58–69.
and Health?�? IZA Discussion Papers 2140, New York: UNICEF.
Institute for the Study of Labor, Bonn. ———. 2009. “Education for All Mid-Decade
Schultz, T. P., and Z. Yi. 1997. “The Impact of Assessment, East Asia and Pacific.�? UNICEF
Institutional Reform from 1979 to 1987 East Asia and Pacific Regional Office, Bangkok,
on Fertility in Rural China.�? Photocopy. Thailand.
August 29. UNIFEM, World Bank, ADB, UNDP, and DFID/
Sen, Amartya. 1992. “Missing Women.�? British UK. 2004. A Fair Share for Women: Cambodia
Medical Journal 304: 587–88. Gender Assessment. UNIFEM, WB, ADB,
Shel, T. A. 2007. “Gender and Inequity in UNDP, DFID/UK. Phnom Penh.
Education Literature Review.�? Background U N DESA (United Nations Department of
paper prepared for the Education for All Economic and Social Affairs), Population
Global Monitoring Report 2008 Education for D iv i sion . 2 0 09. Wo rl d U rba n i z a t i o n
All by 2015: Will We Make It? http://unesdoc Prospects: The 2009 Revision. New York:
.unsco.org/imagers/0015/001555/155580e. United Nations. http://esa.un.org/unpd/wup/
pdf. index.html.
Shi, Jinghuan, and Heidi Ross, eds. 2002. Velasco, E. 2001. “Why Are Girls Not in School:
“Entering the Gendered World of Teaching Perceptions, Realities and Contradictions in
Materials, Part I.�? Chinese Education and Changing Cambodia.�? UNICEF/Cambodia,
Society 35 (5): 3–13. Phnom Penh.
Tararia, A. 2011. “WDR Rapid Qualitative Waldron, Ingrid. 1998. “Factors Determining
Assessment on Gender and Economic Choice.�? the Sex Ratio at Birth.�? In Too Young to Die:
Country Synthesis Report, Papua New Guinea. Genes or Gender?, 53–63. New York: United
World Bank, Washington, DC. Nations.
Thomas, Duncan. 1995. “Like Father, Like W HO (World Health Organization) Global
Son, Like Mother, Like Daughter, Parental Infobase. World Health Organization, Geneva,
Resources and Child Height.�? Papers 95-01, Switzerland. https://apps.who.int/infobase/
RAND Reprint Series, RAND corporation, report.aspx.
Santa Marica, CA. ———. 20 03, November. “Gender, Health
Thomas, Duncan, and John Strauss. 1992. “Prices, and Tobacco.�? Gender and Health. http://
Infrastructure, Household Characteristics www.who.int/gender/documents/Gender_
and Child Height.�? Journal of Development Tobacco_2.pdf.
Economics 39 (2): 301–33. ———. 2010. World Health Statistics. Geneva:
TIMSS (Trends in International Mathematics and WHO.
Science Study). International Association for ———. 2011a. “Action Needed to Reduce
the Evaluation of Educational Achievement, Health Impact of Harmful Alcohol Use.�?
Amsterdam, the Netherlands. http://rms.iea- News Release, February 11. http://www
dpc.org/. .who.int/mediacentre/news/releases/2011/
Udry, Christopher. 1996. “Gender, Agricultural alcohol_20110211/en/.
Production, and the Theory of the Household.�? ———. 2011b. Global Status Report on Alcohol
Journal of Political Economy 104 (5): and Health. Geneva: W HO. http://www
1010–14. .who.int /substance _ abuse /publications /
UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific global_alcohol_report/en/.
and Cultural Organization) and the Vietnam Williamson, N. 1976. Sons or Daughters: A
Ministry of Education and Training. 2011. Cross-Cultural Survey of Parental Preferences.
“National Textbook Review and Analysis Beverley Hills, CA: Sage.
1 0 2 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
Women, Business and the Law (database). World ———. 2011b. Vie tn am C ountr y Ge n d e r
Bank, Washington, DC. http://wbl.worldbank Assessment. Washington, DC: World Bank.
.org/data. http://www-wds.worldbank.org/external/
World Bank. 2001. Engendering Development: default/WDSContentServer/WDSP/IB/2011
t h ro ugh G e n d e r E q u a l i t y i n R ight s , / 11 / 14 / 0 0 0333 03 8 _ 2 0111114 0 03 42 0 /
Resources, and Voice. Washington, DC: Rendered/PDF/655010WP0P12270sessment
World Bank. .0Eng.0Final.pdf.
———. 2008. “Analysis of the Impact of Land ———. 2011c. World Development Report
Tenure Certificates with Both the Names of 2012: Gender Equality and Development.
Wife and Husband in Vietnam.�? World Bank, Washington, DC: World Bank.
Washington, DC. https://openknowledge World Development Indicators (WDI) database.
.worldbank.org/handle/10986/7810. World DataBank, World Bank, Washington,
———. 2010. “. . . and Then She Died�?: Indonesia DC. http://data.worldbank.org/data-catalog/
Maternal Health Assessment. Washington, world-development-indicators.
DC: World Bank. https://openknowledge Zeng, Yi, Tu Ping, Gu Baochang, Xu Yi, Li
.worldbank.org/handle/10986/2837. Bohua, and Li Yongqing. 1993. “Causes
——— . 2 011a . “ Towa rd a H e a lt hy a nd and Implications of the Recent Increase in
Harmonious Life in China: Stemming the the Reported Sex Ratio at Birth in China.�?
Rising Tide of Non-Communicable Diseases. Population and Development Review 19 (2):
Human Development, East Asia and the 283–302.
Pacific.�? World Bank, Washington, DC.
Gender and Economic
Opportunity 3
I
n the dynamic East Asia and Pacific division of labor within the household imply
region, many countries have undergone that women work longer hours than men,
structural transformations that have although fewer of those hours are devoted
shifted the balance of economic opportu- to remunerated activities.
nities away from rural areas and toward Reducing gender inequalities in eco-
urban areas. These growth processes have nomic opportunities can improve economic
opened up nonfarm economic opportunities outcomes in multiple ways. First, reducing
for men and women in the region, particu- employment segregation (the unequal dis-
larly among younger cohorts. The educa- tribution of male and female workers across
tional attainment and health outcomes of occupations and sectors) will reduce efficiency
women, particularly younger women, have losses associated with the misallocation of
been catching up to those of men during this talent (Anker 1998; M orrison, Raju, and
period of growth, as discussed in chapter 2. Sinha 2007). Men and women often choose
Along some dimensions of gender equal- occupations on the basis of norms, gender
ity in economic opportunities, there has stereotypes, and sometimes prejudice, rather
been substantial progress over the last two than on the basis of earnings or job match
decades. For example, the evidence suggests (Klasen and Lamanna 2009). Encouraging
that the labor market participation deci- workers and employers to make labor choices
sions of younger women resemble those of on the basis of their skills, competencies, and
their male counterparts in the region. How- inherent ability is likely to raise productivity
ever, many other indicators demonstrate the and may have a positive impact on economic
substantial challenges to be overcome to growth by increasing the size of the labor
close the gender gap in access to economic force as well as by expanding the pool of man-
opportunities. The type of work women do agerial and innovative talent in the economy
remains very different from that of men, and (Esteve-Volart 2004). As noted in chapter 1,
their remuneration for these tasks is lower. estimates for East Asian and Pacific countries
Women of all ages are more likely than men suggest that output per worker could be 7 to
to be in poorly remunerated occupations 18 percent higher if female entrepreneurs and
and sectors, women are paid less than men workers were to work in the same sectors,
for similar work, and gender norms in the types of jobs, and activities as men (Cuberes
103
1 0 4 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
and Teignier-Baqué 2011). Second, empiri- Three main messages for the East Asia and
cal evidence from other developing regions Pacific region emerge in this chapter:
suggests that reducing gender inequalities in
access to productive inputs can increase over- I n some dimensions, such as labor force
•
all production by increasing the productivity participation, gender inequalities in
of female-run farms and enterprises (Gold- the economic sphere in the region have
stein and Udry 2008; Quisumbing 1995; improved in recent decades and are nar-
Udry 1996). rower than those in other regions; how-
This chapter examines differences in pro- ever, multiple dimensions of inequalities
ductive opportunities for men and women remain that will require concerted effort
within and across countries in the East Asia to change, such as persistent gender wage
and Pacific region and explores the eco- and productivity gaps. In several areas,
nomic and institutional factors that have policies and public investment can help
determined how those opportunities have to ease the constraints on women and
evolved over time. Because education enroll- support them in their multiple roles as
ment and attainment are growing and labor entrepreneurs, farmers, wage and salaried
markets are changing, this chapter differen- workers, mothers, and caregivers.
tiates between the experiences of older and T he constraints faced by women vary
•
younger generations. It also uses examples across sectors of the economy and also
from both high-income and low-income by country according to the institutional
countries across the globe to understand environment. Some common themes
these trends. emerge, however. In the agricultural sec-
Gender differences in the economic tor, female farmers’ access to productive
sphere manifest themselves in several indi- capital, technologies, and governmental
cators, including differences in labor force services is lower than that of male farm-
participation, in the time spent on produc- ers; improving access to these inputs is
tive and reproductive activities, in the sec- tantamount to increasing productivity. In
tors in which men and women work, in the the nonfarm sector, female-run enterprises
tasks and occupations that they do within are smaller and in different sectors than
those sectors, and in the types of firms that male-run enterprises. The constraints and
employ them. Differences in these indica- productivity differences of female enter-
tors contribute to and are themselves deter- prises are predominantly attributable to
mined by gaps in the earnings of men and their small size and to the sectors in which
women. Women are often paid less than they are found. Constraints in all countries
men for the same work, and female-run are likely to be greatest at start-up, when
enterprises and farms typically produce less access to finance and entrepreneurial skills
than those of men. are likely to be important determinants of
Gender inequalities in economic oppor- sector and initial scale of enterprise. In the
tunities are driven by multiple interacting labor market, gender-based employment
factors. In this chapter we examine how segmentation—or sorting across types of
gender differences in access to human and firms, industries and sectors—affects both
physical capital, technologies, and gov- the wages women earn as well as produc-
ernment services; gender stereotypes; and tivity in the economy, particularly when
gender roles explain gender inequality in men and women sort into occupations on
economic opportunities. These factors are, the basis of gender rather than skill. Poli-
in themselves, determined by the house- cies that encourage both men and women
hold, market, and institutional environment to think outside of gender-based occupa-
in which preferences and gender roles are tional norms will be productivity enhanc-
learned and in which education and time ing and likely have positive repercussions
allocation choices are determined. for female empowerment.
G E N D E R A N D E C O N O M I C O P P O R T U N I T Y 105
A s in other parts of the world, women
• determining gender wage gaps and, indeed,
in the region have multiple roles and will that these factors interact with the develop-
require more support to manage com- ment process to determine the degree to
peting demands for their time from pro- which growth narrows gender inequalities
ductive, reproductive, and community (Meng 1996).1
m anagement activities as development In high-income countries, the age profile
proceeds and greater nonfarm sector of women’s economic participation and the
opportunities emerge. Nearly all coun- sensitivity of their participation to life-cycle
tries in the region see declines in the factors have changed with development.
female labor force participation of young Between 1950 and 2010, female labor force
mothers. Furthermore, to manage their participation in Hong Kong SAR, China;
dual roles, women are often obliged to Japan; the Republic of Korea; and Singapore
enter into different occupations and work increased substantially across all age cohorts.
fewer hours than men, both of which are For example, in Korea, women’s labor force
found to have negative implications on participation has increased monotonically
their wages and earnings. Policies that over time (figure 3.1). Similar changes were
support women in juggling the compet- seen in the United States, particularly among
ing demands of home and market work married women (Juhn and Potter 2006). Fur-
will be required, particularly as women thermore, the decline in labor force participa-
start moving into “male�? occupations tion by women in their early 30s has become
that have not traditionally allowed them less severe in these high income countries.
the flexibility to lead their dual lives. Rising female labor force participation with
development has been attributed to a number
The chapter is structured as follows. The
of demographic factors, including later mar-
first section explores whether growth is suf-
riage and childbirth and lower fertility rates.
ficient to reduce gender inequalities in pro-
However, income growth in these coun-
ductive activities, drawing upon evidence
tries has not been enough to eliminate gender
from high-income countries within and out-
side the region. The second section describes
the current situation with regard to gender
inequalities in economic opportunities in FIGURE 3.1 Female labor force participation in the Republic of
East Asian and Pacific countries. The third Korea rose for women of all ages between 1960 and 2005
section examines the determinants of the
most persistent gender inequalities, and the female labor force participation rate (%)
70
fourth section concludes by briefly exam-
ining policy directions, a discussion that is 60
taken up again in chapter 6. 50
40
percent
Limited effects of growth 30
on gender gaps in economic
opportunity 20
10
The empirical literature suggests that eco-
nomic development alone is not sufficient 0
15–19 20–24 25–29 30–34 35–39 40–44 45–49 50–54 55–59 60–64
to narrow gender differences in earnings age group
(Blau and Kahn 2003; Hertz et al. 2009; 1960 1970 1975 1980 1985
Tzannatos 1999). Evidence from East Asian
1990 1995 2000 2005
and Pacific countries suggests instead that
social, political, and cultural factors are Source: ILO Key Indicators of the Labour Market (KILM) database: Korea Labor Force Survey and
as important as economic development in Population Census.
1 0 6 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
inequalities in all dimensions of economic reforms to level the playing field for women
opportunities. Despite a substantial increase in the labor market have been difficult to
in young women’s labor force participation, enforce in Japan, however (Lam 1992; Liu
sharp gender differences in employment and Boyle 2001; Miller 2003).
status, occupational status, and wage rates
continue to exist. In Japan, women are more
likely than men to be in nonregular employ-
Gender differences in economic
ment, including temporary work, contract
activity
work, and part-time work (Hill 1996; Yu Gender differences in the economic sphere
2002). Women continue to leave the work- manifest themselves in a number of indi-
force in substantial numbers during their cators. This section focuses on examining
childbearing years, even if only temporarily. gender differences in labor force participa-
The greatest drop in female labor force par- tion, in earnings, and in the labor market
ticipation rates comes for married women segregation of men and women.
in their mid-20s to early 30s when they
start having children and assuming greater
Labor force participation
family responsibilities (Hill 1996; Lee,
Jang, and Sarkar 2008; Miller 1998, 2003; The East Asia and Pacific region is character-
Sasaki 2002). ized by high female labor force participation
Welfare, child care, and tax reforms; leg- on average, but also by substantial variation
islative changes; and women’s movements across and within countries. Labor force par-
have helped to narrow gender differences ticipation is defined as all productive work,
in economic opportunities in high-income whether as wage workers or as unpaid family
countries in the East Asia and Pacific region workers. Female labor force participation in
and across the world. The United States the East Asia and Pacific region is the high-
provides a good example of how the com- est in the developing world—70 percent of
bination of economic forces, social changes, females were participating in labor market
and legal reforms has transformed women’s activities in 2008 (see figure 1.14 in chap-
labor force participation. Explanations of ter 1). The participation gap (the difference
changes in female labor force participation between the participation of men and women
include demand-side factors that shifted in paid or unpaid market-oriented work)
women’s market wage as well as supply- was approximately 15 percentage points in
side factors that reduced women’s oppor- the region. In comparison, the female labor
tunity costs of working (Fang and Keane force participation rate in the Latin America
2004; Galor and Weil 1996; Greenwood, and the Caribbean region and Europe and
Seshadri, and Yorukoglu 2005; Weinberg Central Asia region was 55 and 58 percent
2000). Since the 1980s, Korean labor and in 2008, respectively, and their gender gaps
family law has sought to improve women’s in labor force participation were 27 and 16
status within marriage and the family and percentage points, respectively. Box 3.1 dis-
to eliminate gender bias in other areas, cusses the ways in which high female labor
including in labor law (Kim 2005). In addi- force participation may, or sometimes may
tion, the Korean government has undertaken not, be an indicator of enhanced welfare
several measures to support married women for women.
with their child-care responsibilities, such The average rates of female labor force
as reforming maternity and paternity leave participation vary substantially within the
and expanding expenditures on child-care region (see figure 1.15 in chapter 1). Par-
facilities. Women’s and labor organizations ticipation and gender gaps in some parts
have played an important role in advocating of the region are among the highest in the
for legislation that reduces gender discrimi- world, whereas in others they are among
natory practices (Kim 2005). Legislative the lowest. For example, in Fiji, Samoa,
G E N D E R A N D E C O N O M I C O P P O R T U N I T Y 107
BOX 3.1 Is higher female labor force participation always a good thing?
Studies from across the world indicate that increased to be devoted to children’s education, health, and
female labor force participation and control by nutrition (Thomas 1990; Thomas and Strauss 1997).
women over household resources are associated with Women’s borrowing from microfinance programs
their enhanced well-being and status. For example, a also appears to improve child welfare more substan-
study on India shows that female mortality is lower tially than does borrowing by men, including signifi-
where female labor force participation rates and cant improvements in children’s nutritional levels and
earnings are higher (Murthi, Guio, and Drèze 1995). increases in the school enrollment levels of both boys
At the same time, although higher household income and girls. However, labor force participation is not
is associated with higher levels of welfare for house- always empowering and may be a consequence of
hold members, the marginal impacts are considerably poverty, which pushes women into low-paying jobs
greater when income is in the hands of the mother. with poor working conditions and job insecurity.
As women gain more control over expenditure deci- Jobs may also be exploitative and may reinforce tra-
sions, a larger share of household resources tends ditional gender roles (Elson and Pearson 1981).
and Malaysia, participation rates in 2008 to supplement household income is neces-
were an order of magnitude lower than the sary (Pierre 2011).
average for the region, with approximately Even in countries with high overall partici-
55 percent of working-age females in these pation rates, female labor force participation
countries participating in the labor force. rates decline during childbearing years and
Female labor force participation is high- old age. Average female labor force participa-
est in countries where the state has put a tion rates hide important variation over wom-
priority on gender equality, for example, en’s life cycles due to factors such as marriage
in socialist or formerly socialist countries, and childbearing, whereas male participa-
as well as in agrarian and rural economies tion rates remain fairly constant throughout
where high rates of participation may be a their life cycles. The gaps between men and
consequence of poverty. women in labor force participation, earn-
Substantial gender differentials in par- ings, and job composition increase after mar-
ticipation have also been noted within riage and childbearing in many East Asian
countries in the region. National averages and Pacific countries, as they do globally. In
of labor force participation fail to cap- the United States, for example, young single
ture important differences in participa- men and women have more similar labor
tion across rural and urban areas, as well participation, earnings, and career profiles
as regional variation within countries. In than do married men and women. In many
all countries within the region, rural labor East Asian and Pacific countries, life-cycle
force participation is higher than urban patterns of labor force participation by birth
labor force participation, for both males cohorts reveal specific trends that are not
and females (figure 3.2). Participation gaps apparent in the average rates of participation,
in all countries, apart from Mongolia and especially during periods of rapid growth and
the Philippines, are substantially greater structural transformation. Rapid changes
in urban areas than in rural areas. In Viet- in education levels across cohorts, the avail-
nam, higher levels of female participation ability of new economic opportunities in
and lower gender differentials are found in growing sectors, and urbanization mean
poorer and often low-productivity areas, that young women are more likely than older
where female participation in employment women to participate in the labor force, and
1 0 8 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
FIGURE 3.2 Labor force participation is greater in rural areas than in urban areas for both males and
females
100 labor force participation of males and females age 20–64 in rural and urban areas, by country
90
80
70
60
percent
50
40
30
20
10
0
6
08
7
8
06
8
8
09
00
00
00
00
00
20
20
20
,2
,2
,2
,2
,2
d,
a,
s,
m
ste
lia
sia
DR
ne
di
an
na
go
ne
oP
Le
bo
pi
ail
et
on
do
ilip
m
or
La
Th
Vi
M
Ca
In
Tim
Ph
female urban female rural
male urban male rural
Source: Data generated using country level household data, with the exception of Indonesia which uses labor force data.
Note: The countries are sorted by the gap between females in rural and urban areas.
to participate in different sectors (Mammen are older. A “single-peaked�? pattern exhibits
and Paxson 2000). higher rates of participation at younger ages,
Female labor force participation is more which then fall after the peak. This is a more
sensitive to life-cycle factors, such as mar- extreme version of the double-peaked pattern
riage and childbearing, in some countries and characterizes a labor market in which
than others. The birth cohort life-cycle few women return to work after marriage
participation patterns of women vary sub- and childbearing. In the region, this pattern
stantially within the East Asia and Pacific can be seen only in Malaysia, where it con-
region and have also exhibited considerable tinues despite increases in female participa-
change over time. Three patterns can be tion between 1980 and 2010 (figure 3.3). The
distinguished in the region (Horton 1996). 2 plateau pattern, in contrast, describes a situ-
The “plateau�? pattern exhibits relatively flat ation in which female labor force participa-
female labor force participation until women tion is less sensitive to life-cycle effects than
reach their early 50s, and then declines into in the single- and double-peaked patterns.
old age. The “double-peaked�? or “M�? pat- The plateau pattern can be seen in countries
tern is generally observed in more industri- with political regimes that encouraged wom-
alized countries: it is characterized by high en’s economic independence, such as China,
participation in the labor market prior to Mongolia, and Vietnam.
marriage and childbearing, with a subse- Labor force participation decisions of
quent return to the labor force once children rural and urban women in many countries
G E N D E R A N D E C O N O M I C O P P O R T U N I T Y 109
FIGURE 3.3 Female labor force participation rates in Malaysia have risen over time among 20- to 55-year-
olds, but continue to decline during child-bearing years
female labor force participation (%), by age cohort
70
60
50
40
percent
30
20
10
0
15–19 20–24 25–29 30–34 35–39 40–44 45–49 50–54 55–59 60–64
age groups
1980 1990 2000 2010
Source: LABORSTA Internet (1980, 1990, and 2000 data), CEIC Data (2010 data).
display different responses to life-cycle East Asian and Pacific countries with
changes, and their sensitivity to life-cycle higher rates of female labor force participa-
changes may evolve differently over time. tion overall have smaller declines in partici-
In Indonesia, for example, urban women pation during childbearing years, although
are more likely than rural women to leave
p redominantly in urban settings. In all
the labor force when they have children, countries in the region, women with young
and they also leave the labor force for lon- children are substantially less likely to par-
ger. Patterns of participation have changed ticipate in the labor market than men with
substantially since 1990, however, and young children and than women without
have evolved differently in rural and urban young children. In some countries, such
areas. Although urban women with young as Mongolia and Vietnam, a reduction in
children in 2008 are still less likely to work labor market participation is seen in either
than their rural counterparts, urban women urban or rural areas alone, whereas in oth-
display less sensitivity to childbearing deci- ers, such as Indonesia and the Philippines, it
sions than they did in 1990. In contrast, is seen in both rural and urban areas. Data
rural women in 2008 are more likely to from the 2009 Vietnam Labor Force Survey
reduce their labor supply when having chil- (GSO [Vietnam]) show that rural Vietnamese
dren and to leave the labor force for longer women between ages 25 and 35 with a child
than rural women did in 1990. under the age of 2 are a third less likely to
1 1 0 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
participate in the labor market than men of the Philippines, in marked contrast to the
the same age with a child. In comparison, the examples of M ongolia and Vietnam above,
participation of women between ages 25 and female-male participation gaps are substan-
35 without a child is fairly similar to that of tial even among women who do not have
men in this age group (figure 3.4). In Vietnam, children, and the gaps widen with age.
the effect of children on labor force participa-
tion is smaller and of shorter duration than
Earnings
in Mongolia. In Vietnam, the participation
gap disappears by the time the child reaches Gender gaps in wages and earnings are
school age, whereas in Mongolia the partici- found in all countries in the region and
pation gap continues to be substantial even in all sectors, with rare exceptions. Male
for older children. and female wages differ in multiple sec-
In countries where female labor force tors and settings across the region, with
participation is low on average, it also tends female agricultural wage workers earning
to be highly sensitive to marriage and child- less than male agricultural wage workers,
bearing years. Indonesia, Japan, Korea, and female urban wage workers earning
and Malaysia have historically displayed less than their male counterparts. 3 Female
a single- or double-peaked pattern; that entrepreneurs and farmers often display
is, women participate in the labor market lower revenues and profits than their male
prior to marriage and childbearing and, in counterparts.
the case of a double-peaked pattern, even- A substantial body of evidence has accu-
tually return to the labor force once the mulated over the past three decades to sug-
children are older. These countries also gest that women are paid less for similar work
have lower average female labor force par- across the world as well as in the region. A
ticipation than countries in the region that cross-country comparison of wages indicates
exhibit a plateau pattern. In Indonesia and that women earn between 70 and 80 percent
of the wages men receive for similar work
(Hausmann, Tyson, and Zahidi 2010). 4
Evidence from across the world suggests
FIGURE 3.4 Women in rural Vietnam with children under age 2 that economic development is not sufficient
are substantially less likely to participate in the labor market than
to reduce the gender earnings gaps (Blau
those without young children
and Khan 2003). Even in high-income coun-
tries in the East Asia and Pacific region—
male-female labor force participation gap
0.25 rural male-female labor force participation gap, by notably Japan and Korea—the average
age cohort and child status
woman earns less than half the wage of
0.2
the average man. Lower-income countries,
0.15
including M ongolia, Lao People’s Demo-
cratic Republic, Papua New Guinea, and
0.1 Vietnam, have lower gender wage gaps, on
average, than many richer countries.
0.05 Within the agricultural, manufacturing,
service, and government sectors, women
0 earn less than men on average (figure 3.5),
although the ratio of male-to-female earn-
–0.05 ings varies substantially across sectors as
15–19 20–24 25–29 30–34 35–39 40–44
age groups well as across countries. Female-to-male
without a child under 10 with a child under 2 wage ratios tend to be lower in the agricul-
with a child between 2 and 10 tural and manufacturing sectors and higher
in the service sector and in government, with
Source: World Bank staff estimates using Vietnam Labor Force Survey (GSO Vietnam), 2009 data. some exceptions.
G E N D E R A N D E C O N O M I C O P P O R T U N I T Y 111
Gender wage gaps in the East Asia and FIGURE 3.5 Women earn less than men in the majority of East
Pacific region are greatest between men and Asian and Pacific countries and in all sectors of the economy
women with the lowest educational endow-
ments and in the lowest paying occupations. average female-to-male hourly wage ratio, by sector
Several studies have indicated that the gap is
Cambodia, 2008
wider at the bottom end of the wage distribu-
tion than at the top (Chi and Li 2007; Li and Thailand, 2009
Song 2011; Sakellariou 2011). In contrast,
in Organisation for Economic Co-operation Philippines, 2006
and Development (OECD) countries, gen-
Vietnam, 2006
der wage gaps tend to be wider at the top
than at the bottom of the wage distribution Timor-Leste, 2007
(Albrecht, Björklund, and Vroman 2003;
Arulampalam, Booth, and Bryan 2007; de la Lao PDR, 2008
Rica, Dolado, and Llorens 2005).
Indonesia, 2009
In the nonfarm sector, the performance
of male and female firms around the world 0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0 1.2
varies substantially, as measured by total ratio
factor productivity, labor productivity, prof- government services industry agriculture
itability, and capital intensity (Sabarwal,
Terrell, and Bardasi 2011). In the East Asia Source: World Bank estimates using household income and expenditure surveys. Cambodia
Socio-Economic Survey (CSES) (NIS Cambodia), 2008 data; Indonesia National Socioeconomic
and Pacific region, formal sector firms with Survey (SUSENAS) (BPS Indonesia), 2009 data; Lao Expenditure and Consumption Survey (LSB
at least one female owner do not have sig- [Lao PDR]), 2008 data; Philippines Family Income and Expenditures Survey (NSCB 2006); Thailand
Socio-Economic Survey (SES) (NSO Thailand), 2009 data; Timor-Leste Survey of Living Standards
nificantly lower sales than those with no (NSD Timor-Leste), 2007 data; Vietnam Household Living Standards Surveys (VHLSS) (GSO Vietnam),
female owners, with the exception of firms 2006 data.
in the Philippines ( figure 3.6). However, in
the informal sector, output per worker in
female-owned e nterprises is substantially
lower than that in male-owned enterprises.
Data from Indonesia and Vietnam suggest FIGURE 3.6 Male- and female-owned firms in the formal sector do
that in the informal sector, gender earnings not display substantial differences in productivity
gaps are more pronounced than in the for-
mal sector: female-owned enterprises with ratio of female-to-male value added per worker
fewer than five employees generate only 1.4
approximately 60 to 70 percent of the out-
1.2
put per worker generated by male-owned
enterprises (figure 3.7). 1.0
0.8
Labor market segregation
ratio
0.6
Multiple studies find that men and women
work in different sectors, industries, occu- 0.4
pations, and types of firms across the world
(Anker 1998; Boserup 1970). As can be 0.2
seen in figures 3.8 and 3.9, across the region 0
women are overrepresented in unpaid fam- Lao PDR Indonesia Vietnam Philippines
ily work, particularly in rural areas, and
are slightly more likely to be employed in Source: World Bank estimates using Enterprise Surveys, 2006–11 data.
Note: Data are for small (19 employees or less), medium (20–99 employees), and large (100 and more
the informal sector. 5,6 Within the infor- employees) firms in the formal sector. Female-owned firms are defined as those with at least one
mal sector, women are more likely to be female owner. Value added is measured as revenues minus material expenses.
1 1 2 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
FIGURE 3.7 In the informal sector, gender-based differences in Across the world, women in the nonagri-
productivity are more pronounced than in the formal sector cultural workforce are more likely to work
in social and communal services (such as
ratio of female-to-male value added per worker education and health) and in commerce and
1.2 restaurants, whereas men are more likely
1.0 to work in transport, construction, public
administration, and manufacturing (ILO
0.8 2010). Similar trends are found in East
Asian and Pacific countries. For example,
ratio
0.6
men in Cambodia and Indonesia are dispro-
0.4 portionately found in the manufacturing,
0.2 transport, construction, and public admin-
istration sectors, and women are found in
0 manufacturing, education, health and social
Indonesia Vietnam Indonesia Vietnam
services, and commerce (figure 3.10). Esti-
informal formal mates from household survey data suggest
that, in Fiji and Vietnam, men are more
Source: Data for informal firms are based on Indonesia Family Life Survey 2007/2008; VHLSS likely to work as professionals and man-
(GSO Vietnam), 2008 data. Data on formal firms are from Enterprise Surveys. agers and as plant and machine workers,
Note: Based on a sample of firms with fewer than five employees.
whereas women are more likely to work as
technicians, sales workers, and clerks, and
in elementary occupations.7 Women also
FIGURE 3.8 Women are more likely than men to work as unpaid make up a smaller fraction of the public
family workers sector workforce than men in Cambodia,
Thailand, Timor-Leste, and Vietnam. The
percentage of employment, by gender and location Philippines, however, displays much higher
60
levels of occupational segregation and also
50
has a higher fraction of women in the public
40
sector than men, a trend that is likely to be
percent
30
related to the relatively high investment in
20
education by Filipino women.
10
Within the manufacturing sector, women
0 are more likely to be found in industries
male female male female male female male female
such as textiles and food processing, and
rural urban rural urban are also found in large and export-oriented
firms. Data from country enterprise surveys
Cambodia, 2008 Indonesia, 2009
(2002–05) indicate that, in all developing
wage and salaried worker self employed unpaid family worker
regions, the fraction of full-time female
workers is greater in export-oriented firms.
The East Asia and Pacific region has the
Source: World Bank estimates using socioeconomic surveys: CSES (NIS Cambodia), 2008 data;
Indonesia SUSENAS (BPS Indonesia), 2009 data. second-largest fraction of full-time female
workers, after Europe and Central Asia.
However, within export- o riented firms,
own-account workers (self-employed workers women are also more likely than men to be
working by themselves) and subcontracted temporary workers in Cambodia, China,
workers, whereas men are more likely to be and Indonesia, although in Thailand men
employers or paid employees of informal are more likely to be temporary workers in
enterprises (World Bank 2011g). Globally, all firms (see figure 1.18 in chapter 1).
women are more likely than men to work Women are underrepresented in manage-
part-time (ILO 2010). rial positions and positions of power in all
G E N D E R A N D E C O N O M I C O P P O R T U N I T Y 113
sectors, from government to manufactur- FIGURE 3.9 Women are slightly more likely to be employed in the
ing (Anker 1998). The East Asia and Pacific informal sector than men. Rural-urban differences in informality
region performs relatively well compared are greater than gender differences within rural or urban areas
to other regions in terms of the fraction of
firms with a top female manager (see figure percentage of workers in the informal sector, by gender and location
1.16 in chapter 1). However, women remain 100
less likely than men to serve as managers 90
and directors. The share of female directors 80
ranges from 10 percent in the Philippines 70
and 7 percent in China and Thailand to 60
percent
50
5 percent in Indonesia and under 2 percent
40
in Korea and Japan (CWDI 2010). Globally,
30
only one country in the world has succeeded 20
in having more than 30 percent female rep- 10
resentation on corporate boards (namely, 0
Norway), and one-third of countries have rural urban rural urban rural urban rural urban
female board representation over 10 percent Timor-Leste Mongolia Thailand Indonesia
(CWDI 2010). male female
Segregation goes beyond the wage labor
market, with smaller female-owned and Source: World Bank estimates using Indonesia SUSENAS (BPS Indonesia), 2009 data; Mongolia Living
Standards Measurement Survey (LSMS) (NSO Mongolia), 2007–08 data; Thailand SES (NSO Thailand),
female-managed firms located in less- 2009 data; Timor-Leste Survey of Living Standards (NSD Timor-Leste), 2007 data.
capital-intensive sectors than male-owned Note: The informal sector is defined using information on an individual’s occupation and sector of
employment.
and male-managed firms. Female-owned
and female-run enterprises are, on average,
smaller than male-run enterprises in terms services and trade, than in capital-intensive
of the number of employees hired, sales, and sectors (Klapper and Parker 2010). For exam-
profits (Aterido and Hallward-Driemeier ple, a study commissioned by this report finds
2009; Badiani and Posadas 2011; Costa and that women are more likely to be found in
R ijkers 2011; Sabarwal, Terrell, and Bar- manufacturing, food sales, and food prepara-
dasi 2011). Among formal sector firms in tion in Indonesia and less likely to be found
the East Asia and Pacific region, enterprise in transport, construction, and other services
survey data suggest that small firms are (Badiani and Posadas 2011). Similar pat-
more likely than medium and large firms to terns have been observed in other countries
have a top female manager (see figure 1.19 in the region, including Lao PDR (Davies and
in chapter 1). Evidence by ownership dis- Record 2010), Mongolia (World Bank 2011c),
plays a more mixed picture. In Indonesia, and Vietnam (Bjerge and Rand 2011).
Lao PDR, Mongolia, Timor-Leste, Tonga, The enterprises that women work in are
and Vanuatu, this pattern still holds, but also less productive and capital intensive. In
evidence from the Philippines, Samoa, and Indonesia, the sectors that women are more
Vietnam suggests that female owners are likely to be employed in—food and garments
not disproportionately represented among production—are among the least capital
small firms (figure 3.11).8 This pattern may intensive and productive sectors (figure 3.12).
be the result of more open cultural norms By contrast, the transportation and other ser-
regarding women’s role in business. How- vice sectors—where male entrepreneurs are
ever, the lower levels of female management most likely to be found—has higher produc-
relative to ownership suggest that women tivity and capital intensity.
may still have less control or representation Having a female presence in management
within firms. may have positive implications for workers,
Female-run enterprises are also more likely however, even if productivity per worker is
to be found in labor-intensive sectors, such as lower. Female-run firms have been found to
1 1 4 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
FIGURE 3.10 Men and women work in different sectors throughout and Ramos 2011; Sakellariou 2011). Among
the East Asia and Pacific region entrepreneurs, differences in industry and
size of enterprise have been found to explain
percentage of workers a substantial fraction of the raw performance
gaps in profits and revenues among male and
a. Indonesia, male b. Indonesia, female
female firms.11
What determines gender
inequality in economic
opportunities?
Men and women differ in their economic
activities in a number of respects. These dif-
ferences in activities may represent differ-
ences in choices, but they may also represent
differences in the constraints that men and
c. Cambodia, male d. Cambodia, female women face in their working lives. This sec-
tion explores the economic, demographic,
and cultural factors that determine current
gender inequalities in access to economic
opportunities in the East Asia and Pacific
region.
Determinants of labor market
participation
Female labor force participation is affected
by growth processes and development. As
commerce manufacturing construction
development occurs, changes in household
transport public administration education, health and social work
income, education, wages, marital, and fer-
tility choices affect participation. The evolu-
Source: CSES (NIS Cambodia), 2008 data; World Bank estimates using Indonesia SUSENAS (BPS
Indonesia), 2009 data.
tion of market opportunities alters the types
of jobs present in the economy, as well as the
relative demand for skills. The institutional
influence factors beyond productivity—from framework of society affects and is affected
the provision of benefits to gender-sensitive by the economic participation of women dur-
policies.9 In Vietnam, workers in female-run ing the process of development; that is, gender
small and medium enterprises are more likely norms, expectations, and perceptions within
to receive fringe benefits in addition to wage the household and society affect female labor
compensation (Rand and Tarp 2011). Female force participation and are also likely to be
owners are more likely to provide health and affected by its evolution.
social insurance and to allow sick, vacation, Female labor force participation and its
and maternity leave with pay. determinants vary over the life cycle. Early
Labor market sorting has been found in their careers, women are similar to men
to contribute to the gender wage and earn- in terms of their decisions to join the labor
ings gaps.10 Differences in occupational and market, but their participation begins to dif-
industrial sorting explain a greater fraction fer as their domestic responsibilities increase.
of gender wage gaps in the East Asia and This change is partly due to the increased
Pacific region and across the world than time that women devote to household activi-
differences in human capital (Ñopo, Daza, ties, such as housework and child rearing, as
G E N D E R A N D E C O N O M I C O P P O R T U N I T Y 115
their marital and familial status changes, but FIGURE 3.11 The pattern of female ownership by firm size varies
it is also a reflection of differences in the roles across countries
of and expectations of married and single
percentage of rms owned by women
women. Younger women in the region are
90
investing more in education and hence have
delayed their entry into the labor market, in 80
both rural and urban areas. Married women 70
appear to take substantial time out of the 60
workforce for raising children, but the same
50
percent
is not true for men. Furthermore, large labor
force participation gaps open up toward the 40
end of women’s careers, in part as a result 30
of labor market regulations such as gender- 20
differentiated retirement policies.
10
The stage of development of countries and 0
sia
DR
lia
es
oa
ste
a
u
m
ng
at
their institutions
na
in
go
m
ne
oP
Le
nu
To
ilip
Sa
et
on
do
or
Va
La
Vi
Evidence from across the world suggests that,
Ph
M
In
Tim
as countries develop, female labor force par- Small Medium Large
ticipation displays a U-shaped trajectory.12
Source: World Bank estimates using Enterprise Surveys (database), 2006–11 data.
Female labor force participation usually Note: Survey data are for small (less than 20 employees), medium (20–99 employees), and large
declines as incomes rise and opportunities (100 and more employees) firms in the formal sector. Female-owned firms are defined as those
with females among the owners.
in the labor market become less attractive to
female workers; it then increases again when
more attractive employment opportunities
emerge (Bloom et al. 2009; Chaudhuri 2009;
Goldin 1995; Sinha 1967, cited in Mammen
FIGURE 3.12 In Indonesia, female-led enterprises are clustered
and Paxson 2000; Tam 2011). In poor, agri-
in lower-productivity and capital-intensive industries
cultural economies, female participation
tends to be high because agricultural work
value added (in thousand Indonesia Rupiah)
50
and family responsibilities can easily be com-
45
bined. However, in middle-income countries
40
dominated by the manufacturing and ser-
35
vice sectors, female participation declines in
part because most new jobs are difficult to 30
combine with family responsibilities. Female 25
participation rates are higher in high-income 20
countries that have large service sectors and 15
a highly educated workforce. This finding 10
holds both across and within countries over 5
time (Fatima and Sultana 2009; Fuwa 2004; 0
od
g
ail
rt
es
Juhn and Ureta 2003; Tansel 2001).13
rin
po
vic
t
fo
re
tu
ns
er
c
The stylized U-shaped relationship bet
tra
rs
fa
u
he
an
ot
ween female labor force participation and
m
economic development holds for countries in female-dominated sector male-dominated sector
the East Asia and Pacific region, as well as productivity per worker assets per worker
globally. Figure 3.13 depicts the relationship
between economic development (as captured
Source: World Bank staff estimates using Indonesia Family Life Survey 2007/2008.
by income per capita) and female labor force Note: The graph shows productivity and assets per worker in five industries for firms with fewer than
participation across the globe between 1980 five workers. Productivity is measured by value added.
1 1 6 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
FIGURE 3.13 Female labor force participation is high by global Gender norms and expectations
standards but also varies substantially across the region An important question is why labor force
participation varies so much between coun-
female labor force participation rate, % tries with similar per capita income levels,
90
Lao PDR as can be seen in figure 3.13. Gender norms
80 Cambodia China strongly influence labor force participation
Papua New Guinea Vietnam
Australia rates and help to explain the variation in
70 Mongolia Thailand participation across countries that is not
Japan
Timor-Leste explained by the level of economic devel-
percent
60 Tonga Singapore
opment. Societal p erceptions of women in
Indonesia Korea Rep.
50 Philippines the workplace and gender norms strongly
influence labor force participation deci-
Malaysia
40 sions (Antecol 2000; Fernández 2010; Fer-
Fiji nández and Fogli 2005; Fernández, Fogli,
30 and Olivetti 2004). Countries in which strong
socioreligious views exist about women’s role
0 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 in the public sphere, including the workplace,
log GDP per capita (2005 PPP $) have been found to have lower female labor
global relationship,1980 global relationship, 2009 force participation rates (Psacharopoulos and
Tzannatos 1989).
Source: World Bank estimates using labor force data from the ILO KILM database and purchasing
power parity (PPP)-adjusted GDP per capita from the Penn World Table. Whether a woman is entitled to make
Note: GDP = gross domestic product, PPP = purchasing power parity. The data shown for each her own choices in the economic sphere,
country reflect the 2009 data, and the estimated U-shaped relationships use data from across the
world. such as entering the workforce or starting
a business, varies substantially from coun-
try to country. For example, in Vietnam,
young single women are increasingly choos-
and 2009. The position of the East Asian ing to migrate for employment and to com-
and Pacific countries relative to the rest of mute long distances (World Bank 2011a).
the world is depicted in red. Two key fea- However, in rural Morobe Province in
tures emerge. First, the U-shape pattern holds Papua New Guinea, young women are not
across countries for both periods of time. allowed by their families to migrate out of
Second, the participation rate associated the village because of the fear of early mar-
with each level of development has increased riages, which are regarded as taboo (World
between 1980 and 2009, as can be seen by Bank 2011a).
the upward shift in the U-shaped pattern In countries with large male-female partic-
over time. In the East Asia and Pacific region, ipation gaps throughout the life cycle—such
Vietnam and China have substantially higher as Indonesia, Malaysia, and the Philippines—
levels of female labor force participation than female labor force participation is considered
the world average relative to their income lev- socially and culturally acceptable as long as it
els, whereas participation is near the world does not interfere with women’s primary role
average in countries such as Indonesia and as wives and mothers. For example, public
the Philippines. The pattern of female labor gender discourse in Indonesia and Malaysia
force participation seen in parts of the Pacific places particular emphasis on motherhood
partly reflects economic structure, whereby and child care as a “woman’s true vocation�?
labor force participation is higher in agricul- (Blackburn 2001, 2004; Stivens 2006; White
ture-based economies. For example, although 2006). Political and institutional evolution
Fiji has lower rates of participation relative to also affects the scope for women’s partici-
its income level, the rates of participation in pation in education and in the workplace.
Papua New Guinea and Vanuatu are substan- Women’s labor force participation is sub-
tially higher. stantially higher in socialist and ex-socialist
G E N D E R A N D E C O N O M I C O P P O R T U N I T Y 117
ountries, such as China, Mongolia, and
c Vietnam has declined from almost 89 percent
Vietnam, than in others. in 1998 (similar to men) to about 81 percent in
Legislation can codify social norms into 2008 (versus 84 percent for men). Most of the
discriminatory labor practices. In Korea, decline occurs in rural areas and is accounted
marriage bars to private and public employ- for by rising participation in education. Given
ment were common until the 1980s (Hill the corresponding though smaller decline in
1996). In Mongolia, women retire approx- male participation, the overall male-female
imately 10 years earlier than men; this participation gap increased from approximately
practice is, in part, attributable to a lower 1.5 percentage points in 1998 to 4.5 percent-
retirement age for women (World Bank age points in 2008 (Sakellariou 2011). Simi-
2011c). In Mongolia, these differences in larly, in China, the population census indicates
retirement ages have contributed to the that the labor force participation of 15- to
female-male participation gap rising by 22-year-old urban males and females dropped
approximately 20 percentage points between from 70.6 and 72.7 percent, respectively, in
the ages of 50 and 60. 1982 to 43.8 and 46.4 percent, respectively, in
However, gender roles and relations 2000, largely because of an increase in educa-
within households do change over time, par- tional enrollment (Hughes, Maurer-Fazio, and
ticularly in evolving environments. In China, Zhang 2005). In rural areas, participation of
the economic reforms of recent decades have the female population ages 15 to 22 declined
increased the range of opportunities avail- from 84.3 percent to 67.3 percent between
able to both men and women in paid employ- 1982 and 2000 for the same reason. Where
ment, as the structure of the economy has education acquisition varies by gender, a gen-
moved away from predominantly agrarian der gap in participation can be observed.
with a capital-intensive heavy industry sec- Although changes in education have not
tor toward labor-intensive light industry and explained a large fraction of changes in
services (Hughes, Maurer-Fazio, and Zhang participation, variation in education con-
2007). However, this transition has been tributes to explaining differences in female
argued to have created new obstacles for labor force participation within a country.
women: the state has retreated from its for- In Indonesia, women with higher levels
mer commitments to gender equality and to of education are more likely to enter the
strong enforcement of workplace protections labor market, particularly in urban areas,
for women, thus allowing the reemergence of which may reflect their higher wage premi-
traditional patriarchal values (Entwisle and ums and higher opportunity cost of being
Henderson 2000). inactive (Ogawa and Akter 2007; World
Bank 2010a). Literacy in Indonesia is also
Individual and household-level factors: strongly associated with both participation
Income, education, marriage and children in the labor market and occupational seg-
Changes in the characteristics of women and regation among women; thus, being illit-
households—notably, changes in educational erate poses a double barrier to labor force
attainment, changes in the demographic pro- outcomes (Gallaway and Bernasek 2004).
file of the population, and growth in house- In Vietnam, women with no educational
hold incomes—do not, for the most part, qualifications are more likely than their
explain changes in the male-female gap in male counterparts to be inactive, those with
labor force participation in many countries in primary or secondary education are slightly
the East Asia and Pacific region during the less likely than their male counterparts to
past decade (Sakellariou 2011). be working, and those with higher levels of
Rising education levels among girls in coun- education are more likely than their male
tries across the region have led to a substantial counterparts to be working (Pierre 2011).
decline in girls’ workforce participation rates. Declines in fertility have been found to
For example, women’s participation in rural exert a large positive effect on the labor
1 1 8 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
force participation rate across the world. Retirement policies
The effect is strongest for women ages In nearly all countries in the region, the male-
20 to 39, with an additional child being asso- female participation gap rises after the age
ciated with a reduction of approximately of 50, indicating that women retire earlier
four years of paid work over a woman’s than men. These differences can be partly
lifetime (Bloom et al. 2009). In Korea, the attributed to gender-differentiated retire-
reduction in the total fertility rate, from 5.6 ment policies. In 4 of 12 countries studied in
children per woman in 1962 to 1.2 in 2002, the region (see table 3.1), the statutory age of
has been suggested to have increased per retirement for women in the private sector is
capita income by approximately 36 percent five years earlier than that of men, although
over the period, because of an increase in only in China is it mandatory to retire at the
the size of the workforce and higher female statutory age. In China, gender differences
labor force participation as well as a longer- in mandatory retirement ages influence the
term increase in the capital-to-labor ratio prospective value of hiring older men and
(Bloom et al. 2009). women, implying that the expected return of
What will stop us from getting a job is having hiring an older man is greater than that of
plenty of children and having nobody to mind hiring an otherwise identical older woman
them. (Giles, Wang, and Cai 2011). Differences in
Young woman, Indonesia retirement prospects across rural and urban
(World Bank 2011a) areas also contribute to the explanation of
differences in participation across rural and
Child-care costs have a negative impact on
urban areas among older workers. In urban
female labor force participation, particularly
areas, where most long-term residents have
in families without the support of familial
had formal wage employment, residents
networks.14 Reductions in child-care provi-
retire at a relatively young age and receive
sions in China and Mongolia have had a neg-
substantial pension support. In contrast,
ative impact on labor force participation. In
rural residents often lack pension support
China, participation of women of childbear-
and hence make their labor supply decisions
ing age has declined in urban areas, a trend
in the absence of pension availability and the
that is partly attributable to higher child-care
constraint of mandatory retirement (Giles,
costs now that child care is no longer sub-
Wang, and Cai 2011). Since women over 60
sidized by the state (Chi and Li 2007; Du
in rural areas are less likely to be vested in
and Dong 2010; Li and Song 2011; Maurer-
formal labor markets, they are less likely
Fazio et al. 2011). Similar patterns have been
than other elderly to be covered by the pen-
observed in Mongolia, where state-funded
sion system—only 1 percent of rural women
early child care and education were rolled
over 60 report that pension income is their
back in the 1990s (World Bank 2011c; World
most significant source of financial support,
Bank and ADB 2005).
compared with 8 percent of rural men over
The labor force participation of older
60 (World Bank 2012).
women is also affected by the presence of
Differences in retirement ages are likely
children, since they are often responsible for
to affect outcomes beyond labor force par-
caring for younger household members. In
ticipation, including educational invest-
Mongolia and rural Vietnam, the evidence
ment, the number of women in positions of
suggests that a “grandmother effect�? is pres-
power, and the risk of poverty for elderly
ent. Older women in households with chil-
women. Because women anticipate having
dren under the age of 10 have a 15 percentage
a shorter working life than men, differences
point larger participation gap than women in
in retirement ages affect education and
households with no children under the age of
occupation choices. Gender differences in
10, a difference that may be attributable to
retirement ages also imply that women are
older women staying at home to look after
less likely to rise to the top of occupational
their grandchildren.
G E N D E R A N D E C O N O M I C O P P O R T U N I T Y 119
ladders, because they have less experience TABLE 3.1 Legal retirement ages in the East Asia
than men toward the end of their careers. and Pacific region
Fewer women in Mongolia reach higher- Retirement age Men Women
level managerial positions, despite women
China 60 55
having one of the highest levels of education
Hong Kong SAR, China 65 65
on average in the region. Furthermore, early
Indonesia 55 55
retirement reduces pension payouts, which Lao PDR 60 60
depend on the length of tenure. This disad- Malaysia 55 50
vantage in pension receipt can increase the Mongolia 60 55
risk of poverty for low-income households Papua New Guinea 55 55
headed by females—women accounted for Philippines 65 65
approximately 70 percent of elderly single– Singapore 67 67
headed households in Mongolia in 2010 Taiwan, China 65 65
(World Bank 2011c). Thailand 55 55
Vietnam 60 55
Source: World Bank 2011f.
Determinants of gender
gaps in earnings
contrast, in the Philippines, the wage gap wid-
Earnings gaps between male ened between 2000 and 2009, a change that
and female workers is partly attributable to growing differences
The gender earnings and wage gap may reflect between men and women in terms of their
differences between men and women in edu- returns to education and other characteristics.
cation and other characteristics, as well as Indonesia has the widest earnings gap among
differences in the returns to these characteris- the six countries examined, and the study
tics by gender. The literature separates gender found substantial differences between rural
gaps into parts that are “explained�? by mea- and urban areas, in the size of the wage gap
sured factors, such as education, age, experi- and the factors contributing to it.
ence, and marital status, and those that are Average differences between the character-
“unexplained,�? often regarded as a measure of istics of men and women, such as education,
discrimination against female workers. Care experience, and the sector and occupation
must be taken in interpreting the remaining of employment, explain up to one-third of
component of wages as discrimination, how- the male-female wage differentials across the
ever, since this interpretation assumes that all region and across the world.16 Occupational
relevant factors have been considered.15 and industrial sorting have been found to con-
The level and changes in the gender wage tribute more to explaining the gender wage
gap over time in the East Asia and Pacific gaps than do differences in human capital
region vary by country and across the income across the world, and the same holds true for
distribution, suggesting that the forces that the East Asia and Pacific region (Ñopo, Daza,
lead to narrowing wage gaps over time are and Ramos 2011; Sakellariou 2011).
idiosyncratic. A study commissioned for this The narrowing of gender wage gaps over
report found that the evolution of gender time can be partially attributed to the con-
wage gaps over time has followed different verging of educational attainment of men and
paths in Cambodia, Indonesia, Mongolia, women. Between 1985 and 2005, the average
the Philippines, Thailand, and Vietnam characteristics of the female wage and sala-
(Sakellariou 2011). In Thailand, gender ried workforce in Thailand improved over
wage gaps throughout the wage distribu- time relative to those of males. Nakavachara
tion decreased substantially between 1996 (2010) finds that the substantial increase in
and 2006. Changes in experience, education, the education of females between 1985 and
and return to experience were found to have 2005 was the major source of the narrow-
contributed significantly to this reduction. In ing of the gender earnings gap in Thailand
1 2 0 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
during this period. Dhanani and Islam (2004) gender wage gap attributable to returns to
find that, although females earned on average characteristics is greater than the gender wage
about 30 percent less than men between 1976 gap attributable to characteristics across the
and 2000 in Indonesia, overall wage inequal- distribution. On average, differences in char-
ity varies with industrial affiliation as well as acteristics explain just over 35 percent of the
education and age. The wage gap in Indonesia gross gap in 2009. Differences in labor market
increases substantially with age, reflecting in experience and returns to labor market expe-
part growing differences in education and rience constituted the major contributor to the
experience between older men and women. characteristics component in both years.
Since women have higher levels of educa- There is substantial variation in the share
tion on average than men in some countries of gender wage gaps explained by differ-
in the region, estimates suggest that women ences in characteristics between men and
would have earned more than men had they women. In Vietnam, the fraction of the gap
faced the same returns to their education and explained by differences in characteristics
other characteristics as men. In the Philippines is only 11 percent in urban areas, whereas
and Mongolia, women’s levels of human capi- in rural areas the characteristics of females
tal are higher than those of men on average. would suggest that, on average, the wages of
In Mongolia, taking into account the different women should be higher than those of men
characteristics of men and women, women (Sakellariou 2011). In China, the mean gen-
should have earned 22 percent more than men der pay gap increased substantially between
in 2006 (Pastore 2009). Similarly, in the Phil- 1987 and 2007, from 18 percent in 1995 (Chi
ippines, education and other characteristics of and Li 2007) to nearly 30 percent in 2007 (Li
women would suggest that, on average, the and Song 2011). Over this period, the major-
wages of women should be higher than those ity of the increase was not attributable to dif-
of men (Sakellariou 2011). ferences in characteristics but rather was due
The bulk of the gender wage gap within to unexplained differences in the returns to
the region is due to differences in the labor male and female characteristics.
market value of male and female char- Marriage and childbearing have a larger
acteristics.17 In the East Asia and Pacific negative effect on the wages of females than
region, the fraction of the gender wage gap on the wages of males. The trade-off for
explained by differences in characteristics women between career, earnings growth, and
(such as education and experience)—the family does not appear to exist for men. For
explained component—is smaller than the some women, this trade-off is associated with
fraction of the wage gap attributable to dif- increasingly stark choices. Anecdotal evidence
ferences in returns—the unexplained com- suggests that women in richer parts of East
ponent (Sakellariou 2011). Figure 3.14 shows Asia are increasingly less likely to marry and
the percentage difference between male and marry later when they do, in part because of
female wages at deciles of the wage distribu- the perceived incompatibility of marriage and
tion in Indonesia in 2009, and the difference career (Economist 2011). The negative effect
in male and female wages that is attributable of childbearing on earnings and employment
to differences in characteristics and returns has been found across the world as well as
on those characteristics.18 Two noteworthy within countries in the East Asia and Pacific
points emerge from figure 3.14. First, the region.19 In Cebu, in the Philippines, children
gender wage gap is wider at the bottom than have a strong negative effect on a woman’s
at the top of the wage distribution, pointing likelihood of participating in the labor force
toward the phenomenon of “sticky floors.�? and, once in the labor force, on her earnings
Second, differences in returns to character- over time. The negative effect of children on
istics between men and women are able to women’s earnings represents both a reduc-
account for a greater share of the gender wage tion in the number of hours worked and a
gap at all points in the wage distribution—the shift to lower-paying and often less secure
G E N D E R A N D E C O N O M I C O P P O R T U N I T Y 121
jobs that are more compatible with child- FIGURE 3.14 The fraction of the gender wage gap explained by
bearing responsibilities (Adair et al. 2002). differences in characteristics is smaller than the fraction of the
In China, married women have substantially wage gap attributable to differences in returns in Indonesia, 2009
larger gender wage gaps than their unmar-
percentage di erence between male and female workers
ried counterparts, and the wage gap between
0.45
married men and women grew between 1995
and 2007 while it closed for single men and 0.40
women (Hughes and Maurer-Fazio 2002; Li 0.35
and Song 2011). Furthermore, the proportion 0.30
of the gender wage gap unexplained by dif- 0.25
percent
ferences in the productive characteristics of
0.20
men and women is greater for married than
for single women, although the gap is nar- 0.15
rower in the case of more educated married 0.10
women. These results may be attributable to 0.05
the greater responsibilities borne by Chinese 0
women for household chores and child care. 1st 2nd 3rd 4th 5th 6th 7th 8th 9th
Gender wage paths over careers may income decile
reflect differences in male and female work- wage gap returns component characteristics component
place behavior, as well as differences in the
types of characteristics that men and women Source: Sakellariou 2011.
Note: The graph uses the approach of Firpo, Fortin, and Lemieux (2009), based on Indonesia
value in a job. Evidence from the organiza- National Labor Force Survey (BPS Sakernas), 1997 and 2009 data.
tional and human resources literature shows
females as being less competitive, more risk
averse (Croson and Gneezy 2009), less likely reflecting their respective responses to these
to push for pay rises (Babcock and Laschever life-cycle transitions.
2003), and more likely to be content with
lower starting salaries. This tendency may Earnings gaps between male and female
be due in part to women having different entrepreneurs
demands for job characteristics and expecta- Female-run firms have fewer employees,
tions of labor market outcomes than men. For lower sales, and lower capital stock than
example, Bender, Donohue, and Heywood those run by men, as evidence from Europe
(2005) find that flexibility is an important and Central Asia, Africa, and Latin America
job characteristic that appeals to women and and the Caribbean has shown (Amin 2010;
may play a contributing role in gender-based Bardasi, Blackden, and Guzman 2007; Bruhn
labor market segregation. 2009; Costa and Rijkers 2011; Sabarwal and
In sum, men earn more than women across Terell 2008). Various conditions explain why
countries in the East Asia and Pacific region, female-run firms produce less per worker
although the reasons for this vary from coun- than male-run firms and, in particular, why
try to country. Education differences between women tend to head smaller firms in less
men and women are not able to explain the capital-intensive sectors than men. The three
bulk of gender gaps in labor market wages. predominant explanations examined here are
In some countries, such as Mongolia and sectoral segregation, skills, and constraints to
the Philippines, education differences in fact business development.
imply that women should earn more than Sectoral segregation. Firm size and indus-
men. The most important differences between trial and occupational sorting along gender
men and women are those related to occupa- lines explain a large part of the differences
tional choice and family life. Marriage and in returns to capital between firms run by
childbearing are likely to affect men’s and men and those run by women. In a number
women’s earnings in different ways, partly of studies comparing the productivity of
1 2 2 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
male- and female-run enterprises around the microenterprises make up 98.9, 98.2, and 92.3
world, productivity gaps diminish substan- percent of all micro, small, and medium enter-
tially once the industry or sector of employ- prises (MSMEs), respectively, and they make
ment is taken into account (Aterido and up 79.3 percent of all enterprises in Malaysia
Hallward-Driemeier 2009; Bruhn 2009; (Kushnir, Mirmulstein, and Ramalho 2010).
Costa and Rijkers 2011; de Mel, McKenzie, The East Asia and Pacific region has the
and Woodruff 2009a, 2009b). This fi nding highest ratio of MSME employment to total
also holds for the East Asia and Pacific employment of all regions, mainly driven by
region. In Mongolia, substantial differences China, where MSMEs account for 80 percent
in capital and sales exist between male- of total employment.
and female-owned firms. These are largely Skills. Evidence on whether female entre-
explained by the sector of employment and preneurs have a lower level of managerial
firm size (World Bank 2011c). In Lao PDR, skills than male entrepreneurs is limited in
differences in the productivity between the region. However, gender differences in
male- and female-owned firms in the formal both education and soft skills are likely to
sector disappear once differences in sector, affect men’s and women’s respective decisions
capital, size, and other factors that affect to participate in self-employment and in their
productivity are considered (Davies and sector of choice (Brush 1992). Furthermore,
Record 2010). In Vietnam, a study commis- differences in entrepreneurial and managerial
sioned for this report found that there were skills (such as being able to identify market
no gender differences in short-term revenue niches and do bookkeeping) between men
growth or survival probability among in and women may explain differences in the
firms in the formal sector between 1997 size of the firms that they establish and earn-
and 2009 (Bjerge and Rand 2011). 20 In the ings gaps (Bruhn, Karlan, and Schoar 2010).
informal sector in Indonesia, the sector of Although evidence from studies of entre-
operation and the firm’s size accounts for preneurial skills in the region is limited, the
almost 90 percent of the observed gender evidence from outside the region is mixed
gap in productivity in rural areas (Costa with regard to whether a lack of skills is an
and Rijkers 2011), although they account important constraint for entrepreneurs. A
for substantially less of the gap in urban study from Peru suggests that giving busi-
Indonesia (Badiani and Posadas 2011). ness training to female clients of a microcre-
Informality is likely to be a greater deter- dit program did not lead to higher profits or
minant of an enterprise’s success than the revenues on average, although the clients did
gender of the manager or owner. Evidence adopt some of the activities taught in the pro-
from Indonesia and Vietnam suggests that gram, including thinking proactively about
differences in profits between female-headed new markets and profit-making opportuni-
firms and male-headed firms are substantially ties (Karlan and Valdivia 2011). In Pakistan,
smaller than the differences between female- business training was found to increase the
headed firms in the formal sector and those survival and profitability of male-run firms
in the informal sector (figure 3.15). This mir- but had no effect on female-run firms (Giné
rors evidence from Africa (Aterido and Hall- and Mansuri 2011). However, in India, a
ward-Driemeier 2009). two-day training program for female clients
Evidence on gender constraints in informal of an Indian microfinance institution was
enterprises within the East Asia and Pacific found to increase both the amount that they
region is more limited than evidence from the borrowed and the likelihood of the clients’
formal sector, however. More data are urgently receiving labor income (Field, Jayachandran,
needed on the informal sector, as microen- and Pande 2010).
terprises constitute a substantial fraction of Within the region, female entrepreneurs
enterprises and employment in the region. themselves consider that their skill limitations
In Indonesia, Vietnam, and the Philippines, are a barrier to their success. In Vietnam, a
G E N D E R A N D E C O N O M I C O P P O R T U N I T Y 123
survey of 500 female owners of enterprises FIGURE 3.15 Differences in productivity across informal and
revealed that female entrepreneurs felt the formal firms in Vietnam are larger than differences across
need to improve their skills, particularly male- and female-led enterprises
in business management and leadership,
through training and education (IFC and 60
productivity measured as value
MPDF 2006). These findings are supported added (Dong, thousands)
Female informal
by another survey that indicated that females 50 rms earn
have lower general training levels than men 15,268 dong per
(VCCI 2006). worker less
40
than formal rms
Constraints to business development. In
value added
the formal sector, the constraints faced by 30
female-run firms do not appear to be uni-
formly greater than those faced by male-run 20
Female rms
firms (Davies and Record 2010; IFC 2011;
earn 5,809
IFC/NORC Indonesia 2010; World Bank 10 dong per worker
2011b). 21 In the Philippines, qualitative and less than male
quantitative research has found little evi- 0 rms
unlicensed licensed
dence of gender differentiation in lending or
female male
borrowing in small and medium enterprises
(IFC 2011). In Indonesia, insufficient finance
Source: World Bank estimates based on Vietnam Household Living Standards Surveys (VHLSS)
and financial management were found to be (GSO Vietnam), 2009 data.
less of a concern for women (IFC/NORC Note: unlicensed = informal.
Indonesia 2010).
FIGURE 3.16 Self-reporting shows little difference in access to
Data from enterprise surveys carried out finance between male- and female-run firms, with the exception of
in five Pacific and four East and Southeast Timor-Leste and Tonga
Asian countries in 2009 show that entrepre-
neurs, regardless of gender, named compe-
percentage of formal sector rms that reported
tition, finance, and electricity as their top 35 di culty in accessing credit
three constraints in five of the nine countries.
Male-led and female-led firms reported the 30
same constraints as being the most important 25
in all countries, except Tonga, Vanuatu, and
Vietnam. The difference between self-reported 20
percent
access to credit constraints for male- and 15
female-run formal sector firms is small in all
10
countries, with the exception of Timor-Leste
and Tonga (figure 3.16). 5
However, credit constraints are greater 0
in the smallest firms and in the informal
te
u
R
a
oa
m
ia
s
i
Fij
ne
ng
PD
at
es
es
na
m
sector where female-run firms are concen-
nu
pi
To
n
-L
Sa
et
o
do
ilip
Va
La
or
Vi
In
Tim
trated. Constraints to female entrepreneurs
Ph
female male
may arise in both formal and informal insti-
tutional structures, for example, because of
Source: World Bank estimates using Enterprise Surveys (database), 2006–11 data.
difficulties interacting with male officials Note: Finance is considered to be an obstacle if it is reported as a major or severe constraint.
who adhere to cultural norms of female pro-
priety. In Indonesia, access to capital is the run informal firms. Female-led microen-
most important constraint reported in both terprises also have lower levels of start-up
male- and female-run informal firms (figure capital than male-run microenterprises. 22
3.17), and female-run informal firms appear Access to capital may be more limited—and
to have substantially less capital than male- more expensive—for female entrepreneurs
1 2 4 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
FIGURE 3.17 Male- and female-led informal firms report similar Lao PDR over 70 percent of the workforce is
constraints in Indonesia employed in agriculture.
As the countries across the world have
35 percentage of rms reporting constraints developed, women have been playing a
greater role in agricultural activities as
30
men move to the cities in search of non-
25 farm work (Deere and Leon 2003; Ganguly
2003; Mu and van de Walle 2009). This
20
percent
“feminization�? of agriculture can be seen in
15 multiple countries in the region. In China,
the number of households in which women
10 participated in agricultural activities and
5 performed all the farm work rose from
14 percent in 1991 to just under 30 percent
0 in 2009, whereas the fraction of households
capital marketing raw transport energy paying of
materials wages in which men did all the work remained
male female fairly stable (de Brauw et al. 2011; R awski
and Mead 1998). In C ambodia, women
Source: World Bank estimates using SUSI Integrated (Survey of Cottage and Small-Scale Firms) 2002. make up the majority of farmers—1.4 mil-
lion female farmers compared to 1.2 million
male farmers (UNIFEM, World Bank, ADB,
because they lack collateral (World Bank UNDP, and DFID/UK 2004). In Vietnam,
2011g). According to calculations from the agriculture accounted for 64 percent of work-
World Bank Enterprise Surveys database of ing women in rural areas in 2008 compared
2006–11, in all countries in the region for to 53 percent of working men (World Bank
which data were available, land and build- 2011e).
ings were the predominant forms of collat- Despite the important role played in agri-
eral used to acquire a loan for production culture by women in the region, little evidence
purposes. This practice puts female entre- is available regarding gender differences in
preneurs at a disadvantage since they have productivity, access to inputs, or agricultural
fewer of these assets as well as less secure services. Remedying this information gap is
access to land or other immobile assets. likely to become increasingly important if the
However, the most important determi- feminization of agriculture continues within
nant of access to credit is the size of the the region.
firm (Beck et al. 2006). Credit institutions The evidence from other regions suggests
tend to regard small firms as a bigger risk that female farmers earn less than male farm-
than large firms, and, since women tend ers. 23 For example, evidence from Africa
to manage smaller firms, this is likely to suggests that, within a household, yields
lead to female-run businesses being more on male-run plots are higher than those on
constrained in the credit market than busi- female-run plots, predominantly because of
nesses that are run by men (Simavi, Manuel, increased male access to fertilizer and labor
and Blackden 2010). inputs (Goldstein and Udry 2008; Udry
1996). In comparison, the available evidence
Earnings gaps between male and female from China suggests that female farmers are
farmers just as productive and efficient as male farm-
The agricultural sector continues to be the ers, despite differences in mechanization and
major sector of employment in many coun- fertilizer use (de Brauw et al. 2011). Although
tries in the region. In Vanuatu, 80 percent female farmers are able to produce similar
of the population rely upon small-scale agri- amounts per hectare to men, they do not pro-
culture (IFC 2010), and in Cambodia and duce as much overall owing to differences in
G E N D E R A N D E C O N O M I C O P P O R T U N I T Y 125
land and nonland inputs between male and inputs. In Cambodia, access to agricultural
female farmers. extension services was found to be substan-
Agricultural production varies in part tially lower for female farmers than for male
between male and female farmers because of farmers in the early 2000s, despite the fact
differences in access to land. Female farmers that there were more female farmers than
across the world own and operate less land, male farmers (UNIFEM, World Bank, ADB,
and often have lower-quality land than male UNDP, and DFID/UK 2004). 25 Reasons for
farmers (Deere and Doss 2006; Quisumbing the lower access to extension services among
1998; Quisumbing, Estudillo, and Otsuka female farmers include the extension services’
2004). 24 Evidence from the East Asia and focus on activities normally conducted by
Pacific region suggests that there are sub- men, the focus on literate farmers, and the
stantial differences in access to land between need to travel several kilometers to access ser-
male and female farmers, as discussed in vices (UNIFEM, World Bank, ADB, UNDP,
chapter 2. In China, female-headed house- and DFID/UK 2004). Efforts to reduce these
holds own 30 percent less land per capita constraints in the Cambodian context are
than male-headed households (de Brauw discussed in chapter 6.
et al. 2011). In Lao PDR, male-headed agri- Finally, gender-based differences in social
cultural households own approximately and political capital have been found in a
16 percent more land than female-headed number of rural areas, reducing women’s
households on average, although in the access to information on farming techniques
north of the country men have access to and their ability to protect and regulate local
28 percent more land (FAO/Sida Partnership resources and their marketing channels. In
Cooperation 2010). A World Bank study the Philippines, men and women do not differ
of women’s landholdings in post-tsunami in their level of participation in local groups,
Aceh found that women’s landholdings but they do differ in the types of groups that
were considerably less than men’s (World they join. Men are more likely than women
Bank 2010b). to be members of production-based groups,
Female farmers have also been found to whereas women are more likely to be mem-
have less access to technological inputs such as bers of civic groups, which include women’s
fertilizers and high quality seeds (Peterman, groups, village youth associations, school
Behrman, and Quisumbing 2010). An impor- committees, and village officials (Godquin
tant theme in the literature on the use of and Quisumbing 2008). In Indonesia, men
productivity-enhancing technology is that have been found to participate in civil soci-
access to inputs, not the propensity to use ety organizations related to community-level
inputs or productivity once the inputs have governance, physical infrastructure, envi-
been used, is the key factor for many female ronmental improvements, and neighborhood
farmers. In a review of 24 studies of techno- security, whereas women participate in orga-
logical input use, access, and adoption of fer- nizations that focus on family welfare, eco-
tilizer, seed varieties, tools, and pesticides in nomics, and health (Beard 2005).
Africa and South Asia, Peterman, Behrman,
and Quisumbing (2010) found that men have
Determinants of labor market
greater access to technological resources in
segregation
the majority of cases. To know whether the
same constraints are pertinent in the region The determinants of persistent gender
requires further evidence on this topic. employment segregation across countries and
Gender differences in access to exten- over time lie at all levels of the economy and
sion services are also likely to contribute to society, from gender norms within households
differences in the adoption of new technolo- and communities to economic signals in the
gies and farming practices and to perpetu- marketplace and ideological predilections at
ate existing gender inequalities in access to a societal level. Factors that influence labor
1 2 6 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
market segregation along gender lines include only a small fraction of men and women
(a) differences between men and women in continue to higher education. Therefore,
the level and composition of their education the nexus of education choice and occupa-
and experience, (b) differences in their pref- tional segregation is not currently a primary
erences for types of work and job character- driving force for labor market segregation
istics, (c) their comparative advantages due in the region. However, it is likely to play
to their differences in physical endowments, a larger role among younger cohorts and
(d) employers’ perceptions about male and future generations as education continues
female employees (sometimes to the extent of to expand. For example, in Taiwan, China,
discrimination), and (e) labor market insti- gender wage gaps declined substantially
tutions that limit or restrict occupational between 1979 and 1995, a period during
choices. These factors are, in themselves, which there was a rapid increase in average
determined by the economic signals, institu- educational attainment and a shift from aca-
tions, and norms facing individuals, house- demic general-curriculum education toward
holds, and communities. vocational training. Among university gradu-
This section examines the effects of three ates, differences in degree type between men
key factors: (a) gender differences in educa- and women are able to explain between
tion levels and labor market skills; (b) gender 20 percent and 50 percent of the gender wage
differences in time-use patterns and gender gap, although the link between occupation
roles within households, both of which affect and degree type is lower among women than
the characteristics and types of work women men (Baraka 1999).
are able to do; and (c) labor market and insti-
tutional barriers to women’s choices. Time use and gender roles within
households
Education and skills Differences in the ways men and women
Education levels and the type of education spend their time are informative in illuminat-
acquired (for example, vocational versus gen- ing why they may invest differently in human
eral education) affect the skills that individu- capital, how gender differences in labor mar-
als bring into the labor market and hence are ket participation may arise, and what their
likely to contribute to their sectoral and occu- occupational and industry choices will be.
pational choices.26 As discussed in chapter 2, Time is a valuable resource that is endowed
male and female education has been converg- equally across men and women—everyone
ing over the past two decades in the East Asia has just 24 hours in a day. Time can be
and Pacific region, and in some countries, devoted to a number of uses: labor market
such as Mongolia and the Philippines, edu- work; unpaid work within the household,
cation acquisition by women has overtaken such as conducting domestic chores and car-
that of men. At the tertiary level of educa- ing for children and the elderly; and personal
tion (universities, technical training schools, activities, including sleeping, eating, and lei-
and so forth), a student’s field of specializa- sure (Becker 1965, 1981).
tion was likely to be closely related to his or Women across the world work more than
her subsequent sectoral choices. Any gender men. This stylized fact holds true in multiple
differences in education choices are therefore low- and middle-income countries across the
likely to be mirrored in sectoral dissimilarities world (Berniell and Sanchez-Páramo 2011;
among men and women. If women tend to World Bank 2011g), as well as in several
choose different fields than men, sectoral and OECD countries (Burda, Hamermesh, and
occupational segregation is likely to increase Weil 2007; Slootmaekers-Miranda 2011).
as the number of men and women continuing Gender differences in time-use patterns exists
to higher and tertiary education rises. at all ages. Whereas men are able to focus pre-
In the lower- and middle-income coun- dominantly on their single productive role and
tries in the East Asia and Pacific region, conduct their other roles sequentially, women
G E N D E R A N D E C O N O M I C O P P O R T U N I T Y 127
are more likely to play these roles simultane- FIGURE 3.18 In Cambodia, women—particularly those with young
ously and have to balance competing uses of children—balance household work commitment with market work
their time (Blackden and Wodon 2006).
However, time differences in hours worked hours spent on activities per day
10
by men and women diminish when growth
9
in gross domestic product (GDP) is combined
8
with gender-neutral social norms. A study
7
of 25 countries across the world finds that
6
men and women did the same amount of
hours
5
total work in rich northern countries (Burda,
4
Hamermesh, and Weil 2007). The gender
3
difference in total working time is close to
2
zero for countries with relatively high female
1
employment and with more gender-neutral
0
social norms. without a child with a child without a child with a child
In the East Asia and Pacific region, women
work more hours and devote more time to male female
caregiving and housework than men, and
men specialize in market-oriented activities. market work housework and caring
Since women’s share of unpaid work is higher
Source: World Bank estimates using CSES (NIS Cambodia), 2004 data.
than that of men, this translates into shorter
time in paid work.
Cambodia and 1 hour extra per day in Lao
Women indeed work harder. We go to the field
PDR (figure 1.20 and 3.18).
and return home at the same time as our hus-
Third, gender differences in the time
band. Afterwards, we still have to cook, do
laundry and do other household chores. The devoted to household activities are smaller
men after they return home from the field do in high-income households, although this
not want to work anymore. represents a reduction in female working
Adult woman in rural Batu Palano, time rather than an increase in male work-
Indonesia (World Bank 2011a) ing time. In Timor-Leste, rural women in the
highest income quintile spend more time on
A number of stylized facts emerge from domestic activities than men (figure 3.19).
time-use patterns by gender in the region. The difference between men and women
First, women work more hours than men; this narrows with rising income. The narrow-
holds true at all ages. In Lao PDR, women ing of time-use differences, however, arises
work on average 2 hours extra per day than from a reduction in the time devoted by
men, and in Cambodia, they work on average women to these activities, thus reflecting
1.2 hours more per day. increased access to technologies and house-
Second, gender differences in time-use hold help rather than an increase in male
patterns are starker during the childbearing participation.
years. In Cambodia, men and women spend Finally, gender differences in the time
similar amounts of time in market work until devoted to household activities start at an
they are 20 years old, but after that point, early age. In the Philippines, Pörtner (2009)
women devote less time to market work studied time use of children between the ages
than men and more time to domestic activi- of 7 and 16 and found that, although par-
ties (CSES [NIS Cambodia], 2004 data). The ticipation rates and time spent in school by
greatest difference between male and female boys and girls were similar, time spent on
hours worked is during childbearing years. work and household chores is closely related
In households with young children, women to the gender of the child. Boys participate
work on average 2 hours extra per day in in market-related activities more than twice
1 2 8 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
FIGURE 3.19 Women in Timor-Leste spend more time on domestic to be found in the formal sector, whereas
activities than men, and these differences are found among richer married women with children are found
as well as poorer households in the informal sector, particularly in self-
employment. The evidence suggests that
hours spent on domestic work per day the movement of married women with chil-
2.5
dren into self-employment is a choice rather
than an effect of discrimination (Bosch and
2.0
Maloney 2011).
Differences in the time-use patterns of
1.5
men and women also reflect society’s norms
hours
regarding gender roles and “appropriate
1.0
work.�? These social norms and customs affect
the ability of both men and women to par-
0.5
ticipate in the economic, social, or political
domain. In China, despite strong governmen-
0
Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q5 tal support for gender equality on multiple
expenditure quintile levels in the workplace, cultural norms have
female male still emphasized the role of women as xianqi
liangmu (a good wife and a good mother)
Source: World Bank estimates using Timor-Leste Survey of Living Standards (NSD [Timor-Leste] and as the bearer of responsibility for house-
2007 data).
hold work (Chen 2005; Honig 2000). These
norms persist even as development progresses
as often as girls, whereas from the age of 14, and women’s share of income in household
girls spend on average twice as much time on economies rises. In Beijing, even when the
household chores than boys. wife’s income represents a larger share of
Spending greater time on household activi- the couple’s combined income, women still
ties has implications for women’s labor mar- do the majority of the household work (Zuo
ket outcomes. Because women do a greater and Bian 2001). Both men and women justi-
proportion of household work and child care fied this in terms of their gender roles in the
than men, they have less time for productive household. 27 Similar patterns are found in
activities. This pattern makes them less likely Nanjing (Kim et al. 2010).
to enter the labor market and implies that, Social norms may be reinforced at the
when they do, they are more likely to choose level of the nation-state, if the role of women
occupations that give them the flexibility to as homemakers and mothers and of men as
conduct their domestic responsibilities (Anker breadwinners is underlined in political dis-
1998; Becker 1965). course. In Malaysia, the Nation of Character
Women may regard the informal sec- project focused on 25 key values important
tor as more compatible with childbearing for the development of good character in chil-
and household responsibilities than the dren. This project very clearly put forward
formal sector, since it offers greater flex- that women’s most important tasks were
ibility in hours, although flexibility comes related to the home and to strengthening of
at a price—less security, lower status, and the family. The division of labor between
a lack of nonwage benefits such as social men and women in the public and private
security, health insurance, and paid sick sphere is further emphasized from an early
leave. Female entrepreneurs may similarly age in parts of the region (White 2006).
prefer to keep their businesses small because In Cambodia, a book of moral codes—the
doing so allows them to combine household Chba’p srey — emphasizes the “proper�?
responsibilities with work (Sabarwal, Ter- behavior and conduct of women, and limits
rell, and Bardasi 2011). In Thailand, single their opportunities outside the household
women without children are more likely (Dasgupta and Williams 2010).
G E N D E R A N D E C O N O M I C O P P O R T U N I T Y 129
Labor regulations and informal more restrictions on industry choices than
institutions other men and women (World Bank 2010f).
Labor laws and regulations can directly These protective restrictions may increase
affect the demand for female workers and the cost of employing women. For example,
constrain these workers in their choice of in Kiribati, Papua New Guinea, and the
occupation. In many countries, restrictions Philippines, women are not allowed to work
on women’s working hours or industries the same night hours as men. In the Philip-
were introduced as measures to protect the pines, the law states that women are unable
health of women (particularly those who to work between 10 at night and 6 in the
are pregnant or lactating) or women in morning of the following day. The restric-
potentially hazardous jobs. However, with tions on women’s work have been criticized
improvements in labor market conditions in as particularly restrictive by the call center
dangerous industries and with the passing industry, which employs a large propor-
of employment legislation designed to pro- tion of women who are required to work
tect the health and safety of workers, many at night (Keitel 2009). Paid maternity leave
of these restrictions may no longer be rel- also increases the cost to employers of hir-
evant and could be changed. Measures that ing female workers rather than male work-
limit women to work only daytime hours or ers, particularly in countries where paternity
restrict their work to a subset of industries leave policies are not in place. In contexts
limit their employment options and also where employers bear the burden of this
drive employers to hire only men for jobs cost, this is particularly likely to raise the
that women might otherwise do. cost of hiring female workers.
A study on labor laws commissioned Discriminatory laws in the area of family
for this report found that protective legis- and marriage also affect women’s economic
lation prohibits women from working in opportunities. Laws relating to family, mar-
industries and occupations in 9 of the 12 riage, and inheritance play a key role in influ-
low- and m iddle-income countries exam- encing women’s economic rights, including
ined in the region (China, Fiji, Kiribati, access to land, housing, and other forms of
Korea, M alaysia, Papua New Guinea, the property (Ellis, Kirkwood, and Malhotra
Philippines, T hailand, and Vietnam) (World 2010). The law of succession in Tonga’s con-
Bank 2010f). In Thailand, women are pro- stitution, for example, allows only males to
hibited from working in certain occupations, inherit. In Indonesia, the civil code prevents
including mining; working on a scaffold women from entering into contracts on their
more than 10 meters high; and producing or own behalf, whether to sell or buy property,
transporting explosives or flammable materi- which enables men to influence women’s
als. In Vietnam, the Labor Code prohibits access to collateral. Access to land is depen-
assigning female workers to “heavy or dan- dent on a woman’s married status, and her
gerous work, or work requiring contact with control and ownership can be lost upon
toxic substances, which has adverse effects divorce, widowhood, migration, or desertion
on her ability to bear and raise a child.�? The by her husband (IFC 2010).
code also provides that women, regardless of Women also have less access to informa-
age, cannot be employed in mines or in deep tion on opportunities and job networks.
water. No similar provisions are applicable Personal connections are recognized as
to men. In Mongolia, until 2008, extensive facilitating job search, but women’s domestic
labor market regulations limited female par- responsibilities make it difficult for them to
ticipation in multiple sectors of the economy, forge useful social connections (Timberlake
including mining, transport, and construc- 2005). In Nanjing city, China, a case study
tion (World Bank 2011c). Pregnant women suggests that women secured less- attractive
are even more limited in their choices: in jobs through their own networks than
6 out of 10 countries in the region, they have through those of their husbands. Women
1 3 0 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
who have fewer social contacts also were and among genders (World Bank 2011a). See
more vulnerable to redundancy and expe- box 3.2 for more detail.
rienced more hardship in finding a new job
after having been displaced from their old job
(Hiroko, Liu, and Tamashita 2011).
Policies to promote gender
Finally, occupational segregation may
equality in economic
be related to persistent stereotypes about
opportunity
what are appropriate occupations for The analysis in this chapter has identified
men and women. Stereotypes of women as several indicators of gender inequalities in the
homemakers and men as breadwinners can productive sphere where challenges remain
translate into perceptions about their skills and where policy may be able to reduce per-
in the labor market and, therefore, the type sistent gender-based differences in economic
of market work they do (Anker 1998). For opportunities and outcomes. A detailed dis-
example, positive stereotypes of women— cussion of policy examples and their impacts
having a caring nature, manual dexterity, will follow in chapter 6.
skill at conducting household work, and
greater honesty—could lead to the hypoth-
Mitigating trade-offs between women’s
esis that women would be better qualified
household and market roles
to work as nurses, teachers, clerks, and sales
assistants, among other occupations (Anker Promoting gender equality in economic
1998). In qualitative work undertaken in opportunity requires policies and investments
Fiji, Indonesia, Papua New Guinea, and that address the trade-offs between women’s
Vietnam, gendered beliefs about appropri- household and market roles. Women often
ate employment for men and women were face stark time trade-offs between house-
remarkably consistent across these countries hold chores and market work, particularly in
BOX 3.2 Gender-related beliefs on appropriate employment in Fiji, Papua New Guinea,
Indonesia, and Vietnam
Gender-related beliefs about appropriate employ- a woman with a knife in her hand.�? Differing skill
ment for men and women were remarkably consis- levels could be conflated with conceptions of heavy
tent across East Asian and Pacific countries where and light work, for example, when one young male
qualitative fieldwork was undertaken (Fiji, Papua respondent said that men do heavy work such as that
New Guinea, and Vietnam), and among both men of an auto mechanic, while women do light work,
and women, although some change in gender norms “such as accounting.�? A focus group discussion with
was observed among younger cohorts. Comments adult women in the urban National Capital District
largely revolved around the concept of “heavy�? of Papua New Guinea revealed further gender ste-
(physically demanding) versus “light�? work, with reotypes and fears held by these women about what
the former ascribed to men and the latter to women. they considered to be gender-specific employment.
In Vietnam, an adult man from Hanoi said that “In They said that secretaries should be women (so that
general, men are better with heavy jobs like taxi they are not “aggressive to their bosses�?), and trad-
driver. Women are better with lighter jobs like sew- ing stores should be run by men as they have the
ing, and selling things. . . . Men are better with big “ideas, mindset and business knowledge�? and would
business because it is hard work—men are more not be “targeted by criminals.�?
decisive than women. Job[s] like killing pigs, in prin-
ciple women can do, but it would be strange to see Source: World Bank 2011a.
G E N D E R A N D E C O N O M I C O P P O R T U N I T Y 131
rural areas. In such contexts, programs and also lead by example. Even if women enter
policies targeted at reducing women’s time more “male�? occupations, stereotypes are
on chores—for example, through investment likely to persist with respect to women as
in infrastructure—are likely to increase their leaders and managers. The public sector is
ability to engage in market-based, income- in a unique position to establish good prac-
earning opportunities. Policies that support tice in this regard by encouraging women’s
women in balancing their caregiving and professional advancement, either through
market roles are also critical to strengthening direct measures such as targets or quotas,
their access to economic opportunity. Access or through specialized training programs. In
to affordable and accessible child care can be this context, the government of Malaysia put
critical in this regard. Community child-care in place a system of quotas for female man-
centers, particularly those targeted at low- agers in the public sector; the approach has
income neighborhoods, have been found to recently been extended to private sector firms
increase maternal employment in a number to encourage women to assume leadership
of Latin American countries. roles. In Mexico, the government initiated a
Parental and paternity leave can promote system of grants to firms to improve gender-
greater parity between the sexes by facilitat- based employment issues in their workplace
ing a more equitable division of child-rearing and also to improve the gender distribution
responsibilities, thus allowing women to have in management.
the same opportunities as men for advanc-
ing their careers in the formal sector. Within
the region, only Cambodia, Indonesia, and Eliminating resource constraints on
the Philippines currently have provisions for female-led farms and enterprises
paternity leave. Evidence from the OECD
Despite progress, the existing evidence sug-
on the take-up of paternity leave is mixed,
gests that women continue to have less access
however, suggesting that providing paternity
to a range of productive resources than do
leave alone is not sufficient to change the cur-
men, as a function of their gender as opposed
rent gender division of child-rearing respon-
to their innate productive capabilities. Pub-
sibilities within households. Rather, it needs
lic policies may thus have an important
to be combined with approaches to breaking
role to play in promoting gender equality in
down gender norms regarding household
the control of productive inputs—whether
caregiving roles.
land, agricultural extension, technology, or
financial capital. Policies aimed at promot-
Breaking down gender silos in the labor ing equal access to assets, particularly land,
market requires careful thought, since complex legal,
social, and economic factors are at play and
A critical element of breaking down gender
the evidence base is thin. Levelling the legal
silos in the labor market involves investing in
playing field is usually a good start, but it is
skills on the basis of productivity rather than
even more important to work with the infor-
on gender norms and perceptions of “appro-
mal institutions and take into account norms
priate�? occupations. Beyond efforts to reduce
and customary practices in order to remove
gender streaming in education, discussed
barriers in that domain.
above, programs that encourage both women
Improving women’s access to productive
and men to think outside of gender stereo-
assets can play an important role in rais-
types in the job market will likely improve
ing enterprise productivity, whether in the
the allocation of talent toward jobs in a way
farm or nonfarm sector, as in the following
that enhances both equality of economic
examples:
opportunity and productivity.
Breaking down social norms and percep- Several countries in the region have made
•
tions is an area where the public sector can headway in recent years in increasing
1 3 2 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
o
wnership and control of land. In response Creating an enabling environment for
to concerns about persistent
gender inequal- gender equality in employment
ities in land, several countries—including
Creating an enabling environment is a key
Indonesia, Lao PDR, and Vietnam—
component of efforts to promote gender
recently adopted gender-sensitive reforms
equality in economic opportunity in the
in land titling. Because the reasons for
long term in East Asia and the Pacific. An
women’s lower access to land differ across
important starting point for promoting equal
the region—from unfavorable legal frame-
opportunity in employment is to ensure that
works to cultural norms and practices that
women and men face a level legal playing
deem land a male asset—effective policies
field with respect to jobs and sectors. Labor
to increase female landholdings need to
regulations that result in asymmetries in
account for context-specific constraints in
the costs of hiring male and female workers
developing context-specific solutions.
can be found in countries across the region.
I ncreasing women’s access to information
•
Ostensibly protective legislation—in the form
and training, extension services, and other
of restrictions on women working at night,
productive inputs can also play a key role
working overtime, and working in so-called
in enhancing the productivity of female-
dangerous sectors—in practice inhibits wom-
led enterprises, both within and outside
en’s economic participation. Priority should
agriculture.
be given to reducing labor market restrictions
A lthough evidence on access to finance in
•
that limit women’s employment options.
East Asian and Pacific countries is mixed,
Where the original concerns motivating these
women do face particular challenges in
policies continue to be valid—for example,
accessing credit, given their weaker access
health and safety concerns—measures should
to land, which is an important source of
be taken to ensure that these concerns are
collateral.
addressed more directly and for both men
Where evidence is thin, greater resources and women, whether through workplace
should be invested in uncovering the greatest safety codes or through the provision of safe
constraints. For example, investments could and reliable transport infrastructure.
target the collection of information, by gen- Although formal sector employment is still
der, on access to inputs in the agricultural small as a share of total employment in most
sector in the region, as well as to inputs and East Asian and Pacific countries, an impor-
productivity in the informal sector. tant role for public policy is to strengthen
As in the case of education and health, the enabling environment for gender equal-
broader systemic weaknesses—whether in the ity in economic opportunity. Active labor
form of cumbersome registration procedures, market policies are one means of overcom-
weak systems of financial intermediation, or ing gender differences in access for formal
lack of electricity—affect both female- and employment. For example, wage subsidies
male-led enterprises. Evidence suggests that may allow individuals, albeit temporarily, to
such constraints may be more onerous among signal their abilities to future employers and
small and informal firms than among larger make it cheaper for employers to hire female
firms and, as such, may constrain female-led workers whom they may not otherwise have
enterprises disproportionately. Thus, inter- considered. This approach provides the
ventions that focus on improving the overall opportunity to reduce stereotypes through
investment climate and, in particular, pro- directly observing their skills, and also gives
moting small business development will be a women valuable labor market experience.
critical part of a strategy to promote gender Skills training programs may enable women
equality in access to economic opportunity. and men to move into professions outside of
In sum, strategies to promote gender equality gender silos, particularly when paired with
in economic opportunity should address sys- apprenticeship opportunities. Although evi-
temic as well as gender-specific constraints. dence on the impact of active labor market
G E N D E R A N D E C O N O M I C O P P O R T U N I T Y 133
policies in East Asia and the Pacific is limited, differences in human capital and experience,
studies from Latin America and the Middle occupational and sectoral selection, underly-
East suggest that well-designed active labor ing ability, selection into the labor market, and
market policies can help to improve women’s discrimination.
5. Household surveys in Thailand and Vietnam
employment outcomes.
corroborate this. In urban areas, women
Affirmative action policies have also been
are approximately 10 percentage points less
used to overcome gender-specific barriers to likely to receive benefits than men in Vietnam,
employment, whether those barriers are due whereas they are 3 percentage points less
to implicit or overt discrimination in hir- likely to do so in Thailand. In the postreform
ing and promotion. Although the literature period in China, a growing number of women
continues to debate the benefits and costs of and urban workers have been pushed into
affirmative action, the evidence (largely from temporary, part-time, insecure, or low-paying
high-income countries) suggests that carefully work in the informal sector (Yuan and Cook
designed policies can help break down bar- 2010).
riers to female employment with few or no 6. Notably, an individual is defined as working
in the informal sector if he or she works in
adverse effects on firm productivity (World
agriculture or is self-employed, is working in
Bank 2011g). Affirmative action hiring and
the household enterprise, or is working as an
promotion in the public sector can also have unpaid family worker. However, an individual
important demonstration effects. For exam- is classified as working in the formal sector if
ple, in 2004, the government of Malaysia he or she works as a legislator or manager,
introduced a public sector gender quota of professional, technician or associate profes-
30 percent female representation across all sional, or plant machine operator or assem-
decision-making levels, including positions bler, or is in the armed forces.
from department head to secretary general 7. Elementary occupations consist of simple
(ASEAN 2008). and routine tasks that mainly require the
use of hand-held tools and often some physi-
cal effort. For a more detailed explanation,
please refer to the International Standard
Notes Classification of Occupations (ISCO) by the
1. Using cross-country data for selected Asian International Labour Organization.
economies, Meng (1996) found no significant 8. Care should be taken when interpreting the
relationship between economic development data from Samoa, Timor-Leste, Tonga, and
and the relative earnings of men and women. Vanuatu because of very small sample sizes.
In fact, gender inequality in earnings within 9. Evidence from across the world suggests that
the East Asia and Pacific region was worse firms with greater female representation in
in high-income countries such as Japan and management display lower levels of gender
the Republic of Korea than in the low- and inequalities, including wage gaps and inequal-
middle-income countries. ities within firms (Cohen and Huffman 2007;
2. Unfortunately, data constraints prevent look- Graves and Powell 1995; Huffman, Cohen,
ing at birth age-cohort patterns within the and Pearlman 2010).
majority of countries in the region. 10. Occupational and industrial segregation by
3. Gender wage gaps do not capture earnings dif- gender is detrimental for labor market effi-
ferences among all men and women of work- ciency and welfare for four principal reasons
ing age. First, they miss a large fraction of the (Anker 1998). First, men and women are not
workforce, notably those in unpaid work or working in occupations or industrial sec-
self-employed workers. Second, since there tors to which they are best suited and most
may be differential selection between males productive but are rather choosing their work
and females into the labor force—and into based on other factors. This trend reduces
wage employment rather than entrepreneur- overall incomes and aggregate productivity.
ship and agriculture—gender wage gaps are Second, gender-based segregation increases
also likely to reflect these selection decisions. labor market rigidity and reduces the abil-
4. Aggregate relative wage data should, however, ity of labor markets to respond to economic
be treated with caution since it confounds reforms and labor market shocks, such as those
1 3 4 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
related to globalization. Third, segregation to explain gender earnings gaps, as well as
reinforces and perpetuates negative gender other unobserved characteristics that may
stereotypes, consequently reducing women’s vary between males and females, such as
status, income, education, and skills. Finally, the intensity of work conducted, workplace
segregation of the current generation has neg- characteristics, and unobserved measures of
ative effects on future generations. ability. Furthermore, if the occupation choice
11. In Indonesia, controlling for sector of operation or tenure trajectories within a firm reflect the
and firm size accounts for 17 percent of differ- impact of discrimination, then measuring dis-
ences in profits in rural areas, and 50 percent in crimination as the unexplained component of
urban areas (Badiani and Posades 2011), and wage gaps will underestimate its true extent.
industry accounts for 9 to 14 percent of earn- 16. In the OECD, Blau and Kahn (2003) find
ings among self-employed individuals in the that 38 percent of the total gender wage gap
United States (Hundley 2001). is unexplained by differences in occupational
12. Several hypotheses suggest why female labor and sectoral choice, education, and experi-
force participation first falls before rising with ence. In addition, women have less labor
economic development. Boserup (1970) sug- market experience—in OECD countries as
gests that men’s greater access to education well as developing countries (Goldin, Katz,
and technologies implies that they displace and Kuziemko 2006)—in part because they
women from the labor force during the early are more likely both to take time out from the
stages of a country’s development. As devel- work force and to work part-time.
opment continues and women gain more 17. The evidence suggests a similar pattern in the
access to education and technologies, female United States. Bertrand, Goldin, and Katz
labor force participation increases. Another (2010) find that female master of business
well-established hypothesis for this phenom- administration (MBA) graduates earn less, even
enon focuses on income and substitution if they choose similar professional paths as men.
effects (Goldin 1995; Mammen and Paxson Bayard et al. (2003) find that a large portion of
2000). As development occurs, households’ the gender wage gap in the United States can
unearned incomes rise, reducing the incen- be explained by pay differences between males
tive of women to work outside the home. and females within narrowly defined occupa-
The negative impact of rising incomes on tions and within establishments.
women’s labor force participation is termed 18. The gender wage gap is decomposed at differ-
the “income effect,�? since greater household ent points in the earnings distribution using
income implies that households are able to the decomposition method based on uncondi-
afford more female leisure time. The substitu- tional quantile regression as outlined in Firpo,
tion effect works in the opposite direction—as Fortin, and Lemieux (2009). In this method,
female wages rise, more women are enticed to the estimates from the unconditional quantile
enter the workforce (Goldin 1995; Mammen regression constitute average partial effects
and Paxson 2000). of a small location shift of an independent
13. In the East Asia and Pacific region, evidence variable on the unconditional quantile of the
of declining female labor force participation dependent variable.
as incomes rise has been found in Thailand 19. Evidence from across the world suggests that
(Mammen and Paxson 2000). marriage and childbearing have a large impact
14. In the OECD, a number of studies find that on the gender wage gap. In the United States,
childcare costs negatively impact rates of marital status and young children account for
female labor force participation and that the approximately half the gender wage gap faced
provision of subsidized child care raises par- by young women. A large component of the
ticipation (Anderson and Levine 1999; Blau gender gap in earnings is attributable to women
and Currie 2006; Chevalier and Viitanen 2002; having more career interruptions and shorter
Del Boca 2002; Gelbach 2002; Gustafsson work hours, including more work in part-time
and Stafford 1992). positions and self-employment (Becker 1981;
15. For example, even if differences in average Bertrand, Goldin, and Katz 2010; Korenman
human capital have been considered, the and Neumark 1992; Mincer and Polachek
residual is likely to still contain differences 1974; Sasser 2005; Wood, Corcoran, and
between the composition and quality of edu- Courant 1993). These estimates may, how-
cation of males and females that may help ever, underestimate the effect of parenting and
G E N D E R A N D E C O N O M I C O P P O R T U N I T Y 135
gender divisions of household labor on wage that women are more risk averse than men
gaps, since the demands placed on women (Eckel and Grossman 2008).
at home can influence education, career, and 27. Women tended to consider men’s “over engage-
work choices (O’Neill 2003). ment�? in household chores as “unmanly�? and
20. Indeed, household survey data in Vietnam, “non ambitious.�? Women often explained the
which also cover microenterprises, suggest fact that they carried out most domestic work
that female-run household enterprises were (while having a full-time job) as fulfilling their
more likely to survive compared to male- obligation to care for their families. In addition,
run enterprises between 1993 and 1998 the view was expressed that women with extreme
(Vijverberg and Haughton 2004). The higher career ambitions—who did not assume much
rates of female-run firms’ survival are linked household responsibilities—would be criticized
to women’s predominance in certain sectors. as “selfish�? or “non feminine.�? Interestingly,
21. Evidence from the enterprise surveys conducted wives with higher income and “occupational
in 2009 in Lao PDR suggests that female-run prestige�? than their husbands often retained the
firms consistently report business environment primary responsibility for taking care of domes-
constraints to be less severe than male-run tic work. This was seen as a “counter balance�?
firms (Davies and Record 2010). Similarly, to their violation of cultural values about who
in rural Indonesia, there are no differences in should be the primary b readwinner.
the severity of reported business constraints
between female- and male-run household References
enterprises (Costa and Rijkers 2011).
22. In Indonesia, start-up capital is 3.4 times Adair, Linda, David Guilkey, Eilene Bisgrove,
smaller in female-managed nano- and micro and Socorro Gultiano. 2002. “Effect of
enterprises than in male-managed enterprises Childbearing on Filipino Women’s Work
(Badiani and Posades 2011). Hours and Earnings.�? Journal of Population
23. Data on female-managed or female-owned Economics 15 (4): 625–45.
plots and on female farmers are extremely Albrecht, James, Anders Björklund, and Susan
limited in the world and, in particular, in the Vroman. 2003. “Is There a Glass Ceiling in
East Asia and Pacific region. Therefore, wher- Sweden?�? Journal of Labor Economics 21 (1):
ever necessary, this report examines differences 145–77.
between farms run by female-headed house- Amin, Mohammad. 2010. “Gender and Firm-Size:
holds and those run by male-headed house- Evidence from Africa.�? Economics Bulletin 30
holds. Because female-headed households are (1): 663–68.
different from male-headed households in a Anderson, Patricia M., and Phillip B. Levine.
number of respects, this comparison is likely 1999. “Child Care and Mothers’ Employment
to exaggerate gender differences in agricultural Decisions.�? NBER Working Paper 7058,
productivity and access to inputs because it will National Bureau of Economic Research,
confound differences in socioeconomic charac- Cambridge, MA.
teristics with differences in p
roductivity. Anker, Richard. 1998. Gender and Jobs: Sex
24. In Latin America, women constitute between Segregation of Occupations in the World .
13 and 27 percent of landowners in Mexico, Geneva: International Labour Organization.
Nicaragua, Paraguay, and Peru and own Antecol, Heather. 2000. “An Examination of
smaller plots of land than men in all of these Cross-Country Differences in the Gender Gap
countries (Deere and Doss 2006). in Labor Force Participation Rates.�? Labour
25. It should be noted that the fraction of farmers Economics 7: 409–26.
overall receiving agricultural extension ser- Arulampalam, Wiji, Alison L. Booth, and Mark
vices is very low. L. Bryan. 2007. “Is There a Glass Ceiling over
26. Gender differences in “soft skills,�? which are Europe? Exploring the Gender Pay Gap across
acquired within and outside of school, also the Wage Distribution.�? Industrial and Labor
contribute to gender differences in occupa- Relations Review 60 (2): 163–86.
tions. Personality traits have wage returns A SE A N (A ssociation of S out heast A sian
that are both occupation and gender specific Nations). 20 08. “ASE A N Continues to
(Cobb-Clark and Tan 2011). Women have E mp ower Women .�? A S E A N B u ll e t i n .
been found to be employed in safer or lower- http://www.aseansec.org / Bulletin-Feb- 08
risk jobs, which is consistent with evidence .htm#Article-2.
1 3 6 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
Aterido, Reyes, and Mary Hallward-Driemeier. Bertrand, Marianne, Claudia Goldin, and Lawrence
2009. “Whose Business Is It Anyway?�? Policy F. Katz. 2010. “Dynamics of the Gender Gap
Research Working Paper 5571, World Bank, for Young Professionals in the Financial and
Washington, DC. Corporate Sectors.�? American Economic
Babcock, Linda, and Sara Laschever. 2003. Journal: Applied Economics 2 (3): 228–55.
Women Don’t Ask: Negotiation and the Bjerge, Benedikte, and J. Rand. 2011. “Gender
Gender Divide . Princeton, NJ: Princeton Differences in the Vietnamese Business
University Press. Sector: Evidence from the SME Survey.�? Paper
Badiani, Reena, and Josefina Posadas. 2011. commissioned for Toward Gender Equality in
“Gender and Entrepreneurship in Household East Asia and the Pacific: A Companion to the
Firms in Indonesia: Characteristics and World Development Report. Washington, DC:
Performance.�? Paper commissioned for Toward World Bank.
Gender Equality in East Asia and the Pacific: Blackburn, Susan. 2001. “Gender Relations in
A Companion to the World Development Indonesia: What Women Want.�? In Indonesia
Report. Washington, DC: World Bank. Today, Challenges of History, edited by
Baraka, Jessica. 1999. “Does Type of Degree Grayson Lloyd and Shannon Smith, 270–82.
Explain Taiwan’s Gender Gap?�? Research Pasir Panjang, Singapore: Institute of Southeast
Program in Development Studies, Princeton Asian Studies.
University, Princeton, NJ. ———. 2004. Women and the State in Modern
Bardasi Elena, Mark Blackden, and Juan Carlos Indonesia . Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge
Guzman. 2007. “Gender, Entrepreneurship, University Press, Cambridge.
and Competitiveness in Africa.�? Africa Blackden, C . Mark, and Quentin Wodon,
Competitiveness Report 20 07. Geneva, eds. 2006. Gender, Time Use, and Poverty
Switzerland: World Economic Forum. in Sub-Saharan Africa. Washington, DC:
Bayard, Kimberly, Judith Hellerstein, David World Bank.
Neu mark, and Ken neth Troske. 20 03. Blau, David, and Janet Currie. 2006. “Preschool,
“New Evidence on Sex Segregation and Sex Day Care, and Afterschool Care: Who’s
Differences in Wages from Matched Employee- Minding the Kids?�? In Handbook of the
Employer Data.�? Journal of Labor Economics. Economics of Education, Volume 2, edited by
21 (4): 887–922. Eric A. Hanushek and Finis Welch. Amsterdam:
B e a rd , V i c t o r i a . A . 2 0 05. “ I n d i v i du a l North-Holland.
Determinants of Participation in Community Blau, Francine, and Lawrence M. Kahn. 2003.
Development in Indonesia.�? Environment “Understanding International Differences
and Planning C: Government and Policy 23 in the Gender Pay Gap.�? Journal of Labor
(1): 21–39. Economics 21 (1): 106–44.
Beck, Thorsten., Aslı Demirgüç-Kunt, Luc Bloom, David, David Canning, Günther Fink, and
Laeven, and Vojislav Maksimovic. 2006. “The Jocelyn Finley. 2009. “Fertility, Female Labor
Determinants of Financing Obstacles.�? Journal Force Participation and the Demographic
of International Money and Finance 25 (6): Dividend.�? Journal of Economic Growth 14:
932–52. 79–101.
Becker, Gary S. 1965. “A Theory of the Allocation Bosch, Mariano, and William Maloney. 2011.
of Time.�? Economic Journ al 75 (299): “Sectoral Choice and Family Formation:
493–517. Evidence from Labor Market Transitions
———. 1981. A Treatise on the Family. Cambridge, in Ghana, Mexico, Serbia, and Thailand.�?
MA: Harvard University Press. Background paper for the World Development
Bender, Keith, Susan Donohue, and John Report 2012 and commissioned for Toward
Heywood. 2005. “Job Satisfaction and Gender Gender Equality in East Asia and the Pacific:
Segregation.�? Oxford Economic Papers 57 (3): A Companion to the World Development
479–96. Report. Washington, DC: World Bank.
Berniell, M. I., and Carolina Sanchez-Páramo. Boserup, Ester. 1970. Woman’s Role in Economic
2011. “Closing the Access Gap: Recent Development. London: Earthscan.
Advances in Female Labor Force Participation.�? BPS (Badan Pusat Statistik). Indonesia National
Background paper for the World Development Labor Force Survey (SAKERNAS). Jakarta,
Report 2012, World Bank, Washington, DC. Indonesia.
G E N D E R A N D E C O N O M I C O P P O R T U N I T Y 137
———.BPS (Badan Pusat Statistik). Indonesia Cuberes, D., and Marc Teignier-Baqué. 2011.
National Socioeconomic Survey (SUSENAS). “Does Gender Inequality Hinder Growth?
Jakarta, Indonesia. http://dds.bps.go.id/. The Evidence and Its Policy Implications.�?
Bruhn, Miriam 2009. “Female-Owned Firms Background paper for the World Development
in Latin America. Characteristics, Perfor- Report 2012, World Bank, Washington, DC.
mance, and Obstacles to Growth.�? Policy CWDI (Corporate Women Directors International).
Research Working Paper 5122, World Bank, 2010. “CWDI/IFC 2010 Report: Accelerating
Washington, DC. Board Diversity.�? CWDI and International
Bruhn, Miriam, Dean Karlan, and Antoinette Finance Corporation, Washington, DC.
Schoar. 2010. “What Capital Is Missing in Dasgupta, Sukti, and David Williams. 2010.
Developing Countries?�? American Economic “Women Facing the Economic Crisis—The
Review: Papers & Proceedings 100 (2): 629–33. Garment Sector in Cambodia.�? In Poverty
Brush, Candida G. 1992. “Research on Women: and Sustainable Development in Asia: Impact
Past Trends, a New Perspective and Future and Responses to the Global Economic Crisis,
Directions.�? Entrepreneurship Theory and edited by A. Bauer and M. Thant. Manila:
Practice 16 (4): 5–30. Asian Development Bank.
Burda, Michael, Daniel S. Hamermesh, and Davies, Simon, and Richard Record. 2010.
Philippe Weil. 2007. “Total Work, Gender “Background Paper for the Second Lao PDR
and Social Norms.�? NBER Discussion Paper Investment Climate Assessment: Gender and
2705, National Bureau of Economic Research, Entrepreneurship in the Lao PDR. Evidence
Cambridge, MA. from the 2009 Enterprise Survey.�? World
CEIC Data. New York. http://www.ceicdata. Bank., Washington, DC.
com/. de Brauw, Alan, Jikun Huang, Linxiu Zhang,
C h aud hu r i , S a nju k t a. 2 0 09. “E conom ic and Scott Rozelle. 2011. “The Feminization
Development and Women’s Empowerment.�? of Agriculture with Chinese Characteristics.�?
Working paper, University of Wisconsin–Eau Background paper for the World Development
Claire. Report 2012, World Bank, Washington, DC.
Chen, Feinian. 2005. “Employment Transitions Deere, Carmen Diana, and Cheryl Doss. 2006.
and the Household Division of Labor in “The Gender Asset Gap: What Do We Know
China.�? Social Forces 84 (2): 831–51. and Why Does It Matter?�? Feminist Economics
Chevalier, Arnaud, and Tarja Viitanen. 2002. 12 (1–2): 1–50.
“The Causality between Female Labour Force Deere, Carmen Diana, and Magdalena Leon.
Participation and the Supply of Childcare.�? 2003. “The Gender Asset Gap: Land in
Applied Economics Letters 9: 915–18. Latin America.�? World Development 31 (6):
Chi, Wei, and Bo Li. 2007. “Glass Ceiling or 925–47.
Sticky Floor? Examining the Gender Pay Gap de la Rica, Sara, Juan J. Dolado, and Vanesa
across the Wage Distribution in Urban China, Llorens. 2005. “Ceiling and Floors: Gender
1987–2004.�? MPRA Paper 3544, University Wage Gaps by Education in Spain.�? IZA
Library of Munich, Germany. Discussion Paper 1483, Institute for the Study
Cobb-Clark, Deborah A., and Michelle Tan. of Labor (IZA), Bonn, Germany.
2011. “Noncognitive Skills, Occupational Del Boca, Daniela. 2002. “The Effect of Child Care
Attainment, and Relative Wages.�? Labour and Part Time Opportunities on Participation
Economics 18 (1): 1–13. and Fertility Decisions in Italy.�? Journal of
Cohen, Philip, and Matt Huffman. 2007. Population Economics 15 (3): 549–73.
“Working for the Woman? Female Managers de Mel, Suresh, David McKenzie, and Chris
and the Gender Wage Gap.�? Americ an Woodruff. 2009a. “Are Women More Credit
Sociological Review 72 (5): 681–704. Constrained? Experimental Evidence on Gender
Costa, Rita, and Bob Rijkers. 2011. “Gender and Microenterprise Returns.�? American
and Rural Non-Farm Entrepreneurship.�? Economic Journal: Applied Economics 1 (3):
Background paper for the World Development 1–32.
Report 2012, World Bank, Washington, DC. ———. 2009b. “Measuring Microenterprise
Croson, Rachel, and Uri Gneezy. 2009. “Gender Profits: Must We Ask How the Sausage Is
Differences in Preferences.�? Journ al of Made?�?Journal of Development Economics
Economic Literature 47(2): 448–74. 88 (1): 19–31.
1 3 8 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
Dhanani, Shafiq, and Iyanatul Islam. 2004. Fatima, Ambreen, and Humera Sultana. 2009.
Indonesian Wage Structure and Trends, “Tracing Out the U-Shape Relationship
1976 –2000. Geneva: International Labour between Female Labor Force Participation Rate
Organization. and Economic Development for Pakistan.�?
Du, Fenglian, and Xiao-Yuan Dong. 2010. International Journal of Social Economics 36
“Women’s Labor Force Participation and (1/2): 182–98.
Childcare Choices in Urban China During Fernández, Raquel. 2010. “Does Culture Matter?�?
the Economic Transition.�? World Paper 2010- NBER Working Paper 16277, National Bureau
04, University of Winnipeg, Department of of Economic Research, Cambridge, MA.
Economics, Manitoba. Fernández, Raquel, and Alessandra Fogli. 2005.
Eckel, Catherine C., and Philip J. Grossman. Fertility: The Role of Culture and Family
2008. “Men, Women and Risk Aversion: Experience. NBER Working Paper 11569,
Experimental Evidence.�? In Handbook of National Bureau of Economic Research,
Experimental Economic Results, edited by Cambridge, MA.
C. Plott and V. Smith. Amsterdam: Elsevier. Fernández, Raquel, Alessandra Fogli, and
Economist. 2011. “Asian Demography: The Flight Claudia Olivetti. 2004. “Mothers and Sons:
from Marriage.�? August 20. Preference Formation and Female Labor Force
Ellis, Amanda, Daniel Kirkwood, and Dhruv Dynamics.�? Quarterly Journal of Economics
Malhotra. 2010. Economic Opportunities for 119 (4): 1249–99.
Women in the East Asia and Pacific Region. Field, Erica, Seema Jayachandran, and Rohini
Directions in Development Series. Washington, Pande. 2010. “Do Traditional Institutions
DC: World Bank. Constrain Female Entrepreneurship? A Field
E lson , Dia ne , a nd Rut h Pe a rson. 1981. Experiment on Business Training in India.�?
“The Subordination of Women and the American Economic Review Papers and
Internationalisation of Factory Production.�? Proceedings 100 (2): 125–29.
In Of Marriage and the Market: Women’s Firpo, S., N. M. Fortin, and T. Lemieux. 2009.
Subordination in International Perspective, “Unconditional Quantile Regressions.�?
edited by Kate Young, Carol Wolkowitz, and Econometrica 77 (3): 953–73.
Roslyn McCullagh. London: CSE Books. Fuwa, Makiko. 2004. “Macro Level Gender
Enterprise Surveys (database). World Bank, Inequality and the Division of Household
Washington, DC. http://data.worldbank.org/ Labor in 22 Countries.�? American Sociological
data-catalog/enterprise-surveys Review 69 (6): 751–67.
Entwisle, Barbara, and Gail E. Henderson, Gallaway, Julie H., and Alexandra Bernasek.
eds. 2000. Re-Drawing Boundaries: Work, 2004. “Literacy and Women’s Empowerment
Household, and Gender in China. Berkeley: in Indonesia: Implications for Policy.�? Journal
University of California Press. of Economic Issues 38 (2): 519–25.
Esteve-Volart, Berta. 2004. “Gender Discrimination Galor, Oded, and David N. Weil. 1996. “The
and Growth: Theory and Evidence from India.�? Gender Gap, Fertility, and Growth.�? American
Development Economics Discussion Paper Economic Review 86: 374–87.
Series 42, Suntory and Toyota International Ganguly, A nuradha, and Talwar Swapan.
Centres for Economics and Related Disciplines, 2003. “Feminization of India’s Agricultural
London School of Economics and Political Work force.�? L abour E duc ation (2 –3):
Science, London. 29–33.
Fang, Hanming, and Michael P. Keane. 2004. Gelbach, Jonah B. 2002. “Public Schooling for
“Assessing the Impact of Welfare Reform Young Children and Maternal Labor Supply.�?
on Single Mothers.�? Brookings Papers on American Economic Review 92 (1): 307–22.
Economic Activity 35 (1): 1–116. Gender Statistics (database). World DataBank,
FAO (Food and Agricultural Organization)/Sida World Bank, Washington, DC. http://data
Partnership Coooperation. 2010. National .worldbank.org/data-catalog/gender-statistics.
Gender Profile of Agricultural Households, Giles, John, and Firman Witoelar Kartaadipoetra.
2010: Report based on the Lao Expenditure and 2011. “Education, Segregation and Labor
Consumption Surveys, National Agricultural Markets in Indonesia.�? Background paper for
Census and the National Population Census. the World Development Report 2012, World
Vientiane, Lao PDR: FAO. Bank, Washington, DC.
G E N D E R A N D E C O N O M I C O P P O R T U N I T Y 139
Giles, John, Dewen Wang, and Wei Cai. Hausmann, Ricardo, Laura D. Tyson, and Saadia
2011. “The Labor Supply and Retirement Zahidi, eds. 2010. The Global Gender Gap
Behavior of China’s Older Workers and Report 2010 . Geneva: World Economic
Elderly in Comparative Perspective.�? Policy Forum.
Research Working Paper 5853, World Bank, Hertz, Thomas, Anna P. de la O Campos, Esteban
Washington, DC. J. Quiñones, Benjamin Davis, Carlo Azzari,
Giné, Xavier, and Ghazala Mansuri. 2011. “Money and Alberto Zezza. 2009. “Wage Inequality in
or Ideas? A Field Experiment on Constraints International Perspective: Effects of Location,
to Entrepreneurship in Rural Pakistan.�? Sector, and Gender.�? Paper presented at the
Photocopy, Development Economics Research FAO-IFAD-ILO Workshop on “Gaps, Trends
Group, World Bank, Washington, DC. and Current Research in Gender Dimensions
Godquin, Marie, and Agnes Quisumbing. of Agricultural and Rural Employment:
2008. “Separate but Equal? The Gendered Differentiated Pathways out of Poverty,�? Rome,
Nature of Social Capital in Rural Philippine March 31–April 2, 2009.
Communities.�? Journal of International Hill, Anne M. 1996. “Women in the Japanese
Development 20 (1): 13–33. Economy.�? In Women and Industrialization
G old i n , C l aud i a. 1995. “T he U - S h ap e d in Asia , edited by Susan Horton. London:
Female Labor Force Function in Economic Routledge.
Development and Economic History.�? In Hiroko, Takeda, Jieyu Liu, and Junko Tamashita.
Investment in Women’s Human Capital, 2011. “Economic Restructuring and Changing
edited by T. Paul Schultz. Chicago: University Work/Family Life: The Cases of Japan and
of Chicago Press. China.�? In New Welfare States in East Asia:
Goldin, Claudia, Lawrence F. Katz, and Ilyana Global Challenges and Restructuring, edited
Kuziemko. 2006. “The Homecoming of by Gyu-Jin Hwang. Cheltenham, U.K.: Edward
American College Women: The Reversal of the Elgar.
Gender Gap in College.�? Journal of Economic Honig, Emily. 2000. “Iron Girls Revisited:
Perspectives 20 (Fall): 133–56. Gender and the Politics of Work in the Cultural
Goldstein, Markus, and Christopher Udry. Revolution.�? In Re-Drawing the Boundaries
2008. “The Profits of Power: Land Rights and of Work, Households, and Gender, edited
Agricultural Investment in Ghana.�? Journal of by Barbara Gutwisle and Gail Henderson.
Political Economy 116 (6): 981–1022. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Graves, Laura, and Gary Powell. 1995. “The Horton, Susan. 1996. “Women and Industrial-
Effect of Sex Similarity on Recruiters’ ization in Asia: Overview.�? In Women and
Evaluations of Actual Applicants: A Test of the Industrialization in Asia, edited by in Susan
Similarity-Attraction Paradigm.�? Personnel Horton. London: Routledge.
Psychology 48 (1): 85–98. Huffman, Matt L., Philip Cohen, and Jessica
Greenwood, Jeremy, Ananth Seshadri, and Pearlman. 2010. “Engendering Change:
Mehmet Yorukoglu. 2005. “Engines of Organizational Dynamics and Workplace
Liberation.�? Review of Economic Studies G e n d e r S e g r e g a t i o n , 1 9 75 – 2 0 0 5 .�?
72 (1): 109–33. Administrative Science Quarterly 55 (2):
GSO (General Statistics Office) [Vietnam]. 255–77.
Vietnam Household Living Standards Surveys. Hughes, James, and Margaret Maurer-Fazio.
Hanoi, Vietnam. http://www.gso.gov.vn. 2002. “The Effects of Market Liberalization
———. Vietnam Labor Force Survey. Hanoi, on the Relative Earnings of Chinese Women.�?
Vietnam. http://www.gso.gov.vn. Journal of Comparative Economics 30 (4):
Gustafsson, Siv, and Frank Stafford. 1992. 709–31.
“Child Care Subsidies and Labor Supply in Hughes, James, Margaret Maurer-Fazio, and
Sweden.�? Journal of Human Resources 27 (1): Dandan Zhang. 2005. “Economic Reform and
204–30. Changing Patterns of Labor Force Participation
Hallward-Driemeier, Mary. 2006. “Improving in Urban and Rural China.�? William Davidson
the Legal Investment Climate for Women in Institute Working Paper 787, University of
Sub- Saharan Africa.�? Paper prepared for the Michigan, Ann Arbor.
NEPAD – OECD Conference, Brazzaville, ———. 2007. “An Ocean Formed from One
December 12, 2006. Hundred Rivers: The Effects of Ethnicity,
1 4 0 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
Gender, Marriage, and Location on Labor Conference World Bank–KERIS High-Level
Force Participation in Urban China.�? Feminist Seminar on ICT in Education.
Economics 13 (3–4): 125–53. Kim, Elim. 2005. “Korean Women’s Activities for
Hundley, Greg. 2001. “Why Women Earn Less Legislation to Guarantee Gender Equality in
than Men in Self-Employment.�? Journal of Employment. A Symposium: Legal Feminism in
Labor Research 22 (4): 817–29. Korea.�? Journal of Korean Law 5 (2): 49–65.
IFC (International Finance Corporation). 2010. Kim, Sung won, Vanessa Fong, Hirokazu
“Economic Opportunities for Women in the Yoshikawa, Niobe Way, Xinyin Chen, Huihua
Pacific.�? International Financial Corporation, Deng, and Zuhong Lu. 2010. “Income, Work
Washington, DC. Preferences and Gender Roles among Parents
———. 2011. Women’s Entrepreneurship in the of Infants in Urban China: A Mixed Method
Phillippines, Vol. 1, Washington, DC: IFC. Study from Nanjing.�? China Quarterly 204:
IFC (International Finance Corporation) and 939–59.
MPDF (Mekong Private Sector Development Klapper, Leora F., and Simon C. Parker. 2010.
Facility). 2006. “Women Business Owners “Gender and the Business Environment for
in Vietnam: A National Survey.�? IFC Gender New Firm Creation.�? World Bank Research
Entrepreneurship Markets Initiative and Observer 26 (2): 237–57.
MPDF, Washington, DC. Klasen, Stephan, and Francesca Lamanna. 2009.
I FC (I nternational Finance Corporation)/ “The Impact of Gender Inequality in Education
NORC Indonesia. 2010. “Indonesia Small and Employment on Economic Growth: New
and Medium Enterprise Banking Survey.�? Evidence for a Panel of Countries.�? Feminist
I nt e r n at ion a l Fi n a n c i a l C or p orat ion , Economics 15 (3): 91–132.
Washington DC; NORC, Chicago. http:// Korenman, Sanders, and David Neumark. 1992.
w w w.norc.org / Research / Projects/ Pages/ “Marriage, Motherhood, and Wages.�? Journal
ifc-indonesia-small-and-medium-enterprise- of Human Resources 27 (2): 233–55.
banking-survey.aspx. Kushnir, Khrystyna, Melina Laura Mirmulstein,
ILO (International Labour Organization). 2010. and Rita Ramalho. 2010. “Micro, Small
“Women in Labor Markets: Measuring and Medium Enterprises Around the World:
Progress and Identifying Challenges.�? ILO, How Many Are There, and What Affects the
Geneva. Count?�? MSME Country Indicators, World
ILO Key Indicators of the Labour Market (KILM) Bank/IFC, Washington, DC.
database. International Labour Office. Korea LABORSTA Internet (database). International
Labor Force Survey and Population Census. Labour Organization, Geneva, Switzerland.
http://kilm.ilo.org/kilmnet/. http://laborsta.ilo.org/.
Indonesia Family Life Survey. 2007/2008. RAND L a m , A lice. 1992 . “T he Japa nese E qual
Family Life Surveys, IFLS-4. http://www.rand Employment Opportunity Law: Its Effects
.org/labor/FLS/IFLS/ifls4.html. on Personnel Management and Policies
Juhn, Chinhui, and Simon Potter. 2006. “Changes and Women’s Attitudes.�? MPRA Working
in Labor Force Participation in the United Paper 11559, University Library of Munich,
States.�? Journal of Economic Perspectives 20 Germany.
(3): 27–46. Lee, Bun Song, Soomyung Jang, and Jayanta Sarkar.
Juhn, Chinhui, and Manuelita Ureta. 2003. 2008. “Women’s Labor Force Participation
“E mploy ment of M a rried Women and and Marriage: The Case of Korea.�? Journal of
E conomic Development: Evidence from Asian Economics 19 (2): 138–54.
Latin American Countries.�? Society of Labor Li, Shi, and Jin Song. 2011. “Changes in
Economists Meeting, Toronto. Gender Wage Gap in Urban China During
Karlan, Dean, and Martin Valdivia. 2011. 1996–2007.�? CIBC Working Paper 2011-20,
“Teaching Entrepreneurship: Impact of University of Western Ontario, Department of
Business Training on Microfinance Clients Economics, London, Ontario.
and Institutions.�? Review of Economics and Liu, Dongxiao, and Elizabeth Heger Boyle.
Statistics 93 (2): 510–27. 2001. “Making the Case: The Women’s
Keitel, Robert S. 2009. “Innovation in Borderless Convention and Gender Discrimination in
Distance Learning of English.�? Paper presented Japan.�? International Journal of Comparative
at the 13th UNESCO-APEID International Sociology 42: 389–404.
G E N D E R A N D E C O N O M I C O P P O R T U N I T Y 141
LSB (Lao Statistics Bureau). Lao Expenditure World.�? Background paper for the World
and Consumption Survey. Vientane, Lao Development Report 2012, World Bank,
PDR. http://w w w.nsc.gov.la /index.php? Washington, DC.
option=com_content&view=article&id=50&I NSCB (National Statistical Coordination Board)
temid=73&lang=. [Philippines]. 2006. Family Income and
Mammen, Kristin, and Christina Paxson. 2000. Expenditures Survey (FIES) 2006. National
“Women’s Work and Economic Development.�? Statistical Coordination Board, Makati City,
Journal of Economic Perspectives 14 (4): Philippines. http://www.nscb.gov.ph/fies/
141–64. default.asp.
Maurer-Fazio, Margaret, Rachel Connelly, Lan NSD (National Statistics Directorate) [Timor-
Chen, and Lixin Tang. 2011. “Childcare, Leste]. 2007. Timor-Leste Survey of Living
Eldercare, and Labor Force Participation Standards. Dili, Timor-Leste: Ministry of
of Married Women in Urban China, 1982– Planning and Finance, National Statistics
2000.�? Journal of Human Resources 46 (2): Directorate. http://dne.mof.gov.tl/ TLSLS/
261–94. AboutTLSLS/index.htm.
Meng, Xin 1996. “The Economic Position of NSO Mongolia (National Statistical Office of
Women in Asia�? Asian-Pacific Economic Mongolia). Living Standards Measurement
Literature 10 (1): 23–41. Survey (LSMS). National Statistical Office,
Miller, Robbie Louise. 1998. “Women’s Job Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia. http://www.nso.mn.
Hunting in the ‘Ice Age’: Frozen Opportunities NSO Thailand (National Statistical Office
in Japan.�? Wisconsin Journal of Law, Gender, Thailand). Thailand Socio-Economic Survey
and Society 13 (2): 228. (SES). Bangkok, Thailand: National Statistical
———. 2003. “The Quiet Revolution: Japanese Office. http://web.nso.go.th/tnso.htm.
Women Working Around the Law.�? Harvard Ogawa, Keiichi, and Masuma Akter. 2007.
Journal of Law and Gender 26: 163–215. “Female L abor Force Pa r t icipat ion i n
Mincer, Jacob, and Solomon Polachek. 1974. I ndone si a .�? Jo u r n a l of I n t e r n a t i o n a l
“Family Investment in Human Capital: Cooperation Studies 14 (3): 71–108.
Earnings of Women.�? Journal of Political O’Neill, June. 2003. “The Gender Gap in Wages,
Economy 82 (2): S76–S108. Circa 2000.�? American Economic Review
Morrison, Andrew, Dhushyanth Raju, and Nistha May.
Sinha. 2007. “Gender Equality, Poverty, and Pastore, Fransesco 2009. “The Gender Gap in
Economic Growth.�? Policy Research Working Early Career in Mongolia.�? Discussion Paper
Paper 4349. World Bank, Washington, DC. No. 4480, Institute for the Study of Labor
Mu, Ren, and Dominique van de Walle. 2009. (IZA), Bonn, Germany.
“Left Behind to Farm? Women’s Labor Penn World Table 7.0. Alan Heston, Robert
Re-A llocation in Rural China.�? Policy Summers and Bettina Aten, Penn World
Research Working Paper 5107, World Bank, Table Version 7.0, Center for International
Washington, DC. Comparisons of Production, Income and Prices
Murthi, Mamta, Anne-Catherine Guio, and Jean at the University of Pennsylvania, May 2011.
Drèze. 1995. “Mortality, Fertility, and Gender Peterman, Amber, Julie Behrman, and Agnes
Bias in India: A District-Level Analysis.�? Quisumbing. 2010. “A Review of Empirical
Population and Development Review 21 (4): Evidence on Gender Differences in Nonland
745–82. Agricultural Inputs, Technology, and Service
Nakavachara, Voraprapa. 2010. “Superior Female in Developing Countries.�? IFPRI Discussion
Education: Explaining the Gender Earnings Paper 975, International Food Policy Research
Gap Trend in Thailand.�? Journal of Asian Institute, Washington, DC.
Economics 21 (2): 198–218. Pier re , G . 2011. “Recent L abor M a rket
NIS (National Institute of Statistics) [Cambodia]. Performance in Vietnam through a Gender
Cambodia Socio-Economic Survey (CSES). Lens.�? Background paper for the “Vietnam
National Institute of Statistics, Phnom Penh, Country Gender Assessment.�? World Bank,
Cambodia. http://www.nis.gov.kh/index.php/ Washington, DC. http://documents.worldbank
social-statistics/cses. .org/curated/en/2011/11/15470188/vietnam-
Ñopo, Hugo, Na nc y Da za, a nd Joha n na country-gender-assessment.Vietnam Gender
Ramos. 2011. “Gender Earnings Gaps in the Assessment.
1 4 2 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
Pörtner, Claus C. 2009. “Children’s Time Simavi, Sevi, Clare Manuel, and Mark Blackden.
Allocation, Heterogeneity and Simultaneous 2010. Gender Dimensions of Investment
Decisions.�? Working Paper UWEC-2009-15, Climate Reform: A Guide for Policy Makers
University of Washington, Department of and Practitioners. Washington, DC: World
Economics, Seattle. Bank.
Psacharopoulos, George, and Zafiris Tzannatos. Sinha, J. N. 1967. “Dynamics of Female
1989. “Female Labor Force Participation: Participation in Economic Activity in a
An International Perspective.�? World Bank Developing Economy.�? In Proceedings of the
Research Observer 4 (2): 187–201. World Population Conference, Belgrade, 1965;
Quisumbing, Agnes R. 1995. “Gender Differences Vol. 4. Migration, Urbanization, Economic
in Agricultural Productivity.�? FCND Discussion Development , 336–37. New York: United
Paper 5, International Food Policy Research Nations.
Institute, Washington, DC. Slootmaekers-Miranda, Veerle. 2011. “Cooking,
— — —. 1998. “Women in Agricultural Systems.�? Caring and Volunteering: Unpaid Work
In Women in the Third World: An Ency- around the World.�? Social, Employment and
clopedia of Contemporary Issues, edited by Migration Working Papers, Organisation for
N. Stromquist, 261–72. New York: Garland. Economic Co-operation and Development,
Quisumbing, Agnes R., Jonna P. Estudillo, and Paris.
Keijiro Otsuka. 2004. Land and Schooling: Stivens, Maila. 2006. “Family Values and Islamic
Transferring Wealth Across Generations . Revival: Gender, Rights and the State Moral
Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Project.�? Women’s Studies International
Press. Forum 29 (4): 354–67.
Rand, John, and Finn Tarp. 2011. “Does Gender SUSI (Survei Usaha Terintegrasi). 2002. Integrated
Influence the Provision of Fringe Benefits? Survey of Cottage and Small-Scale Firms.
Evidence from Vietnamese SMEs.�? Feminist Badan Pusat Statistik, Jakarta, Indonesia.
Economics 17 (1): 59–87. Tam, Henry. 2011. “U-Shaped Female Labor Force
Rawski, Thomas, and Robert W. Mead. 1998. Participation with Economic Development:
“On the Trail of China’s Phantom Farmers.�? Some Panel Data Evidence.�? Economic Letters
World Development 26 (5): 767–81. 110 (2): 140–42.
Sabarwal, Shwetlena, and Katherine Terrell. 2008. Tansel, Aysit. 2001. “Economic Development and
“Does Gender Matter for Firm Performance? Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey:
Evidence from Eastern Europe and Central Time-Series Evidence and Cross-Province
Asia.�? Policy Research Working Paper 4705, Estimates.�? ERC Working Paper 0105, Middle
World Bank, Washington, DC. East Technical University, Economic Research
Sabarwal, Shwetlena, Katherine Terrell, and Elena Center, Ankara, Turkey.
Bardasi. 2011. “How Do Female Entrepreneurs NSO Thailand (National Statistical Office
Perform? Evidence from Three Developing Thailand). Thailand Socio-Economic Survey
Regions.�? Small Business Economics 37 (4): (SES). Bangkok, Thailand. http://web.nso.go.th/
417–41. tnso.htm.
Sakellariou, Chris. 2011. “Determinants of the Thomas, Duncan. 1990. “Intra-household
Gender Wage Gap and Female Labor Force Resource Allocation: An Inferential Approach.�?
Participation in EAP.�? Paper commissioned Journal of Human Resources 25 (4): 635–64.
for Toward Gender Equality in East Asia Thomas, Duncan, and John Strauss. 1997. “Health
and the Pacific: A Companion to the World and Wages: Evidence on Men and Women in
Development Report. Washington, DC: World Urban Brazil.�? Journal of Econometrics 77 (1):
Bank. 159–85.
Sasaki, Masaru. 2002. “The Causal Effect of Timberlake, Sharon. 2005. “Social Capital
Family Structure on Labor Force Participation and Gender in the Workplace.�? Journal of
among Japanese Married Women.�? Journal of Management Development 24 (1): 34–44.
Human Resources 37 (2): 429–40. Tzannatos, Zafris. 1999. “Women and Labor
Sasser, Alicia C. 2005. “Gender Differences in Market Changes in the Global Economy:
Physician Pay: Tradeoffs Between Career and Growth Helps, Inequalities Hurt and Public
Family.�? Journal of Human Resources 40 (2): Policy Matters.�? World Development 27 (3):
477–504. 551–69.
G E N D E R A N D E C O N O M I C O P P O R T U N I T Y 143
Udry, Christopher. 1996. “Gender, Agricultural Around the World (qualitative assessment
Production, and the Theory of the Household.�? dataset). World Bank, Washington, DC. http://
Journ al of Politic al Economy 104 (5): go.worldbank.org/CD8RN24BP0.
1010–46. ———. 2011b. “Female E nt repreneu rsh ip
UNIFEM, World Bank, ADB, UNDP, and DFID/ in Mongolia.�? Background paper for the
UK (United Nations Development Fund for Mongolia Gender Assessment. World Bank,
Women, World Bank, Asian Development Washington, DC.
Ban k, United Nations Development —— —. 2011c. “Gender Disparities in Mongolian
Programme, and Department for International Labor Markets and Policy Suggestions.�? World
Development of the United Kingdom). 2004. Bank, Washington, DC.
“A Fair Share for Women: Cambodia Gender ———. 2011d. “Gender Equality and Health.�?
Assessment.�? UNIFEM, WB, ADB, UNDP, I ndonesia Policy Brief 2 , World Bank,
and DFID/UK, Phnom Penh, Cambodia. Washington, DC.
VCCI (Vietnam Chamber of Commerce and ———. 2011e. “Vietnam Countr y G ender
Industry). 2006. “Targeted Policies That Assessment.�? World Bank, Washington, DC.
Support Women’s Entrepreneurship Can Boost —— —. 2011f. “Women, Business and the Law in
Vietnam’s Economic Growth.�? Business Issues East Asia and Pacific Region.�? A background
Bulletin 13 (16). paper commissioned for Toward Gender
Vijverberg, W., a nd J. H aug hton. 20 0 4. Equality in East Asia and the Pacific: A
“Household Enterprises in Vietnam: Survival, Companion to the World Development Report.
Growth, and Living Standards.�? In Economic Washington, DC: World Bank.
Growth, Poverty, and Household Welfare in ———. 2011g. World Development Report
Vietnam, edited by David Dollar and Paul 2012: Gender Equality and Development.
Glewwe. Washington, DC: World Bank. Washington, DC: World Bank.
Weinberg, Bruce. 2000. “Computer Use and the ———. 2012. The Elderly and Old Age Support
Demand for Female Workers.�? Industrial in Rural China: Challenges and Prospects.
and Labor Relations Review 53 (January): Washington, DC: World Bank.
290–308. World Bank and ADB (Asian Development
White, Sally. 2006. “Gender and the Family.�? In Bank). 2005. “Mongolia, Country Gender
Voices of Islam in Southeast Asia, edited by Assessment.�? World Bank: Washington DC.
Greg Fealy and Virginia Hooker, 273–352. World Development Indicators (WDI) database.
Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. World DataBank, World Bank, Washington,
Women, Business and the Law (database). World DC. http://databank.worldbank.org.
Bank, Washington, DC. http://wbl.worldbank Yu, Wei-hsin. 2002. “Jobs for Mothers: Married
.org/data. Women’s Labor Force Reentry and Part-
Wood, Robert, Mary Corcoran, and Paul time, Temporary Employment in Japan.�?
Courant. 1993. “Pay Differences Among the Sociological Forum 17 (3): 493–523.
Highly Paid: Male-Female Earnings Gap in Yuan, Ni, and Sarah Cook. 2010. “Gender
Law Salaries .�? Journal of Labor Economics Patterns of Informal Employment in Urban
11 (3): 417–44. China.�? In Gender Equality and China’s
World Bank. 2010a. “Indonesia Jobs Report: E conomic an d Soci al Tran sfor m ation:
Towards Better Jobs and Security for All.�? Informal Employment and Care Provision ,
World Bank, Washington, DC. edited by Xiao-Yuan Dong and Sarah Cook.
———. 2010b. Indonesia—Reconstruction of Beijing: Economic Science Press.
Aceh Land Administration System Project. Zuo, Jiping, and Yanjie Bian. 2001. “Gendered
World Bank, Washington, DC. Resources, Division of Housework and
———. 2011a. Defining Gender in the XXI Perceived Firness: A Case in Urban China.�?
Century: Conversations with Men and Women Journal of Marriage and Family 63: 1122–33.
Agency: Voice and Influence
within the Home and in Society 4
I
n much of the world, women have a family resources. Similarly, at the commu-
more limited voice and influence than nity or societal level, the relative power of
men in decision making in their homes, individuals and groups affects their abil-
their communities, and society. Women are ity to act on their preferences and influ-
also more likely to be victims of gender- ence outcomes in the economic, social, and
based violence. The inability of women to political domains. The relative power of
voice and act on their preferences negatively different members of society, which often
affects their own welfare and is detrimental differs systematically by gender, reflects
to development. a complex combination of one’s personal
This chapter analyzes women’s agency characteristics, prevailing social norms,
in East Asian and Pacific countries. The and the broader legal and institutional
c hapter defines agency as the ability of environments.
individuals or groups to give voice to and
act on their preferences and to influence
o utcomes that affect them and others in
Agency—important for gender
society. Agency is affected by and also
equality and development
affects individuals’ ownership of and con- The ability to act on one’s preferences,
trol over endowments and their access to regardless of one’s gender, and to translate
economic opportunities (Kabeer 1999). those preferences into desired outcomes is a
The discussion of agency in this chapter development objective in its own right. As
also includes the ability of countries to discussed in chapter 1, development not only
ensure the safety and security of women in involves raising incomes or reducing pov-
their homes and in society, because gender- erty, but also involves a process of expand-
based violence and trafficking of women ing freedoms and choices available to all
reflects the extreme deprivation of women’s people (Sen 1999). Agency is a measure of a
agency in society. person’s well-being, reflecting both the abil-
Within a household or partnership, ity to achieve as well as actual achievements
one’s relative power affects the strength (Sen 1992).
of one’s voice and influence in household Women’s agency enhances development.
decisions, such as how to spend or invest When women are free to make choices, that
145
1 4 6 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
freedom positively affects all levels of soci- sphere.1 To the extent that development is
ety. Increasing women’s voice and influence accompanied by stronger legal and judicial
in the home has been found to improve chil- systems, more-developed societies provide
dren’s education, health, and welfare (Duflo women (and men) with better access to jus-
2003; Fiszbein and Schady 2009; Haddad, tice, which strengthens their voice and pro-
Hoddinott, and Alderman 1997; Thomas tects them against the extreme deprivation
1995), as discussed in chapter 2. Increasing of agency.
women’s representation in firm ownership Growth and development alone are not
and management, and on corporate boards, enough to enhance women’s agency in all its
also increases gender equality within firms dimensions. As shown in previous chapters,
and increases the provision of nonwage women have made positive strides toward
benefits to workers (Cohen and Huffman gender equality in education and health, yet
2007; Ely 1995; Hultin and Szulkin 2003; gender gaps remain in access to assets and
Rand and Tarp 2011). Increasing women’s economic opportunity. Increasing women’s
representation in elected office not only ability to earn and accumulate assets is criti-
ensures that decisions are more representa- cal for strengthening their voice and influ-
tive of the voting population, but also can ence in society and making them less vulner-
lead to increased provision of public goods, able to domestic violence and other types of
better natural resource management, and abuse. Moreover, the relationship between
increased reporting of crimes against women economic development and women’s politi-
(Agarwal 2009; Ban and Rao 2009; Bea- cal representation, an important pathway
man et al. 2012; Chattopadhyay and Duflo toward agency in society, is unclear (figure
2004). Global evidence shows that violence 4.2). Although development can contribute
against women has lasting negative effects to strengthening women’s agency in some
on economic development in addition to dimensions, data show that improvements in
causing significant social, psychological, a number of other areas are not automatic.
and physical harm to those who experi- Thus, governments need to develop policies
ence and witness it (Morrison and Orlando that actively raise women’s agency if they
2004; Morrison, Ellsberg, and Bott 2007). are to induce meaningful changes toward
Reducing gender-based violence thus results gender equality in agency.
in healthier workers and higher economic This chapter aims to strengthen under-
productivity, with dynamic benefits across standing of gender and agency in East Asian
generations. and Pacific countries, and to lay the foun-
Economic growth and development can, dation for identifying policy priorities to
in turn, contribute to strengthening wom- strengthen women’s voice and influence. The
en’s agency in some areas. As discussed in analysis in the chapter focuses on agency in
earlier chapters, growth and development the following three domains:
result in better education and health out-
comes for women—and better human capi- Agency in the household and in individual
•
tal outcomes for women contribute directly decisions is examined through household
to stronger voice and influence, whether in decision making, control of resources, and
the home, in the economy, or in society. reproductive decisions.
Economic development, as measured by Agency in the public sphere is examined
•
gross domestic product (GDP) per capita, through women’s participation and repre-
is also associated with higher levels of civic sentation in the private sector, civil soci-
activism, including on issues related to gen- ety, politics, and public institutions.
der equality (figure 4.1). Civic activism is S afety and security in expressing one’s
•
a measure of “collective agency�?; that is, agency are examined through the preva-
it is the space for both male and female lence of gender-based violence, an extreme
citizens to express their voice in the public deprivation of agency.
A G E N C Y : V O I C E A N D I N F L U E N C E W I T H I N T H E H O M E A N D I N S O C I E T Y 147
The form of agency that is most frequently FIGURE 4.1 There is a positive relationship between economic
measured is the decision-making power development and civic activism
of men and women (Kabeer 1999; Mason
levels of civic activism across the world
2005; McElroy 1990). Agency may be more 0.8
explicitly measured by examining women’s
mobility in the public domain, their partici- 0.7
civic activism (index)
pation in public action, and the incidence of AUS
JPN
gender-based violence (Kabeer 1999). Some 0.6 HKG
researchers have assessed gender differences WSM KOR
SGP
in bargaining power within a household PHL FJI MYS TWN
0.5 IDN THA
by examining the extent to which people’s VNM CHN
MNG TON
choices change when factors affecting their LAO SLB VUT
0.4 KHM PNG
bargaining power, such as education, relative FSM
earnings, or asset holdings, change (Duflo 0 4 6 8 10 12
2003; Quisumbing and Maluccio 2003; log GDP per capita (constant 2000 $)
Thomas 1990, 1992).
rest of world East Asia and Pacific global relationship
Agency at the household level is difficult
to measure, since negotiations for decision- Source: World Development Indicators (WDI) database; Indices of Social Development (ISD)
m aking power often occur within private
database.
Note: GDP = gross domestic product.
spaces in the household. Furthermore,
since indicators of agency are of relatively
new i nterest to the international develop- FIGURE 4.2 There is no clear relationship between economic
ment community, many have not yet been development and women’s representation in parliament
measured over time. Where possible, the
share of parliamentary seats held by women
chapter will present information on how 60
women’s agency has evolved over time in
the region. When data on different dimen-
sions of agency are not available over time,
however, the chapter will present the most 40
recent evidence available—both qualitative
percent
TMP
and quantitative. VNM AUS
LAO PHL SGP
The remainder of the chapter is struc- 20 KHM CHN
tured as follows. The next section analyzes IDN THA KOR
the state of agency in the region. The third WSM MYS JPN
section analyzes the factors that influence KIR VUT
MNG MHL
PNG TUV TON
agency, and the fourth section identifies key 0 SLB FSM PLW
policy priorities for promoting gender equal- 4 6 8 10 12
log GDP per capita (constant 2000 $)
ity in voice and influence in the region. These
rest of world East Asia and Paci c
directions for policy are discussed in further
detail in chapter 6.
Source: WDI database; ISD database.
Despite the geographic proximity between Note: GDP = gross domestic product.
East Asian countries and the Pacific Islands,
their development experiences and paths
toward gender equality have been different,
The state of women’s agency in
especially with respect to women’s voice and
East Asia and the Pacific
influence. For this reason, this chapter distin- The East Asia and Pacific region has experi-
guishes, where possible, between the progress enced uneven gains in women’s agency over
made and the challenges faced by East Asian the past two decades. Although women now
and Pacific countries in the different domains have more household decision-making power,
of agency. more influence and voice in the public sphere,
1 4 8 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
and new laws to protect their choices and Women in the Pacific have relatively less
interests in society, progress has been uneven control over their own earnings. Between
across countries, and many challenges still 13 and 15 percent of women in Marshall
remain. Women in East Asia had the high- Islands, Samoa, and Tuvalu report that their
est representation in national parliaments in husbands have control over their wives’ cash
the developing world in the 1990s; yet, the earnings (figure 4.3). Studies in different
share of women in parliaments has reached countries in the Pacific also find high levels
a plateau and fallen behind other regions in of financial control by men in the house-
the past decade. Women have little represen- hold. In Kiribati, for example, 19 percent
tation among parliamentarians in the Pacific. of women report that their partners do not
Women’s participation in the private sector allow them to make any financial decisions
has increased, but women remain a minority for household expenditures, and 12 percent
among firm owners and on corporate boards. of women report that they cannot e xercise
The sections that follow examine evidence on control of their own incomes because their
women’s voice and influence in the home and partners take it away. When intimate partner
in the public domain, as well as evidence on violence occurs, women have an even weaker
gender-based violence in the region. voice over household financial decisions.
Twenty-three percent of women who expe-
rience intimate partner violence report that
Agency in the household and in
their partners do not allow them to make
personal decisions
any financial decisions related to household
Women’s household decision-making power expenditure, and 22 percent report having no
in the region is relatively high. Women from control of their own income.
all wealth quintiles in East Asia and the Most women in the region have the free-
Pacific are more likely to have control over dom to make other household decisions,
large purchases and over decisions to visit whether related to their own health care,
family and relatives than women in other household purchases, or visits to family and
developing regions, and they are among the relatives. Women in the Pacific have slightly
most likely to have control over their own less ability to make decisions on their own
earnings. However, a higher share of women health care and household purchases, on
in East Asia than in the Pacific control their average, than women in East Asia. In the
own income and have a say in other house- Philippines, 94 percent of women make their
hold decisions, reflecting a great intraregional own health care decisions solely or jointly
variation. with their spouse, whereas only 70 percent
Women in East Asia, in particular, of women in the Marshall Islands do so
have high levels of autonomy. According (figure 4.4). Similar patterns occur in how
to Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) much say wives have in decisions regarding
data, nearly 70 percent of married women visits to her family and relatives. However,
ages 15 to 49 in Cambodia and Indonesia in some areas in East Asia, women also
report that they control their own earnings; have relatively little decision-making power
31 and 28 percent, respectively, report joint with regard to certain choices. For instance,
control of their earnings with their h usbands. 18 percent of women surveyed in Indonesia
Only 1 percent of women in Cambodia, and report that men have the final say in making
3 percent of women in Indonesia, report decisions on household purchases. Women in
that their husbands decide how their earn- Tuvalu and the Marshall Islands report hav-
ings are used (figure 4.3). Women in Cam- ing the lowest control over their own health
bodia and Timor-Leste report high levels care decisions and household purchases
of control not only over their own income,
(figure 4.4; DHS data, various years).
but also over their husband’s income (DHS Where DHS data are not available, country
data, various years). 2 surveys from Kiribati, the Solomon Islands,
A G E N C Y : V O I C E A N D I N F L U E N C E W I T H I N T H E H O M E A N D I N S O C I E T Y 149
and Vanuatu suggests that women have rela- FIGURE 4.3 Who decides how wives’ cash earnings are used varies
tively low levels of autonomy with respect to across the region
household decision making. This data indi-
cates a high prevalence of controlling behav- person who decides how the wife’s cash earnings are used (%)
ior by husbands and male partners over
100
household, financial, and mobility decisions.
Of partnered women, 58 percent and 69 per- 90
cent reported the experience of some sort of 80
controlling behavior by their partners in the 70
Solomon Islands and Vanuatu, respectively. 60
percent
This sort of behavior includes preventing her 50
from seeing family, wanting to know where 40
she is at all times, forbidding contact with 30
other men, and controlling access to health 20
care. Controlling behaviors by husbands are
10
often correlated with a lack of agency in
0
other dimensions, as well as with personal
a
oa
sia
s
ds
lu
te
ne
di
va
es
an
characteristics that hinder agency, such as m
ne
bo
pi
-L
Tu
Sa
Isl
do
ilip
m
or
all
Ca
In
poor endowments and economic opportuni-
Tim
Ph
sh
ar
ties, discussed in more detail below. In both
M
mainly wife jointly mainly husband
the Solomon Islands and Vanuatu, women
with little to no education are more likely
Source: DHS data, various years.
to have partners who exhibit controlling Note: Among currently married women ages 15–49 who receive cash earnings for employment.
behaviors than women with higher educa-
FIGURE 4.4 A majority of wives control decisions regarding their
tional attainment. Women who have expe-
own health care and household purchases
rienced intimate partner violence are also
significantly more likely to experience con-
trolling behaviors than women who have not percentage of currently married women ages 15–49 who control
health care and purchasing decisions solely or with husband
experienced violence (SPC and NSO 2009;
100
VWC and NSO 2011). In that sense, the fac-
90
tors that inhibit women’s agency are likely to
80
be mutually reinforcing.
70
Globally, women living in wealthier
households are likely to have more decision- 60
percent
making power than women living in poorer 50
households. This pattern bears out in Pacific 40
countries, but less so in East Asia. Evidence 30
from countries in other regions of the world 20
illustrates that women in wealthier house- 10
holds have a wider set of choices and face 0
a
lu
s
te
s
oa
sia
fewer financial constraints. As a result, they
ne
nd
di
va
es
m
ne
bo
pi
sla
-L
Tu
Sa
do
lip
have more freedom to make purchasing deci-
m
or
ll I
Ca
In
i
Tim
Ph
a
sh
sions and rarely have to forgo human capi-
ar
M
own health care household purchases
tal investments in their children or to ration
their access to goods and services. Avail-
Source: DHS data, various years.
able data for East Asia suggest, however,
that women in wealthier households do not from countries in the Pacific show a different
have substantially more control over deci- picture. For instance, in Vanuatu, 50 percent
sions than women in households with lower of women in households at the bottom of the
income-levels (figure 4.5). Conversely, data income distribution have to ask permission
1 5 0 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
to visit family or others, while 41 percent of China, Thailand, and Vietnam had the low-
women in wealthier households have to do so est fertility rate in the region, at less than two
(VWC and NSO 2011). births per woman. The Pacific Islands (bar-
Women have made advances in their abil- ring Fiji, at 2.7 births per woman) have the
ity to make reproductive decisions in nearly highest fertility rates in the region, at over 3.5
all countries in the region. Reductions in births per woman. While all countries in the
fertility rates and fertility gaps—defined region have experienced a decrease in female
as unwanted fertility—are observed across fertility rates, Timor-Leste experienced a
most countries in East Asia, suggesting that spike of 7.8 births per woman in 2003 before
women have gained greater control over declining to 5.7 births per woman in 2009–
their reproductive decisions. In many East 10. Despite progress, fertility remains the
Asian and Pacific countries, the use of con- highest among the poorest Timorese, at 7.3
traceptive methods—whether modern or births per woman, compared to 4.2 births
traditional—has become increasingly more among the wealthiest. Women with no edu-
common. For example, in Cambodia, the cation have significantly more children than
percentage of married women using modern women with more than a secondary educa-
methods of family planning increased from tion: 6.1 versus 2.9 children per woman. The
19 percent to 35 percent between 2000 and high fertility observed in Timor-Leste can
2010. The percentage of married women be partially attributed to weakened health
using traditional methods increased from 5 systems due to prolonged political conflict
percent to 16 percent during the same period (World Bank 2011d).
(NIS and DGH 2011). Countries with the highest fertility rates
Most countries in both East Asia and the also have the highest percentages of adoles-
Pacific have seen decreases in the number cent pregnancies. As can be seen in figure
of births per woman (figure 4.6). In 2009, 4.6 and figure 4.7, the countries in the region
with the highest fertility rates also have the
highest percentage of pregnant teenagers ages
FIGURE 4.5 Women in East Asia have greater control over 15 to 19. Among young women in the Pacific
decisions than in other regions in this age range, a large number of pregnan-
(percent) cies are unwanted or mistimed (figure 4.8).
In the Marshall Islands, Solomon Islands,
share of women with some control over decisions by wealth quintile and Nauru, more than half of young women
visit to report having had an unwanted pregnancy
large purchases family or relatives owning earnings (Kennedy et al. 2011).
100
In some countries where fertility rates have
90 decreased, women still have more children
than they desire. In the past 50 years in the
80
Philippines, the average number of children
percent
70 per woman decreased from 7.0 children to
3.3 children (Costello and Casterline 2002).
60
However, the fertility gap in the Philippines is
50 still high, with an average number of children
per mother of 3.3 and a desired number of
40 children per mother of only 2.4 (NSO [Phil-
Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q5 Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q5 Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q5
ippines] and ICF Macro 2009). This may be
Latin America and more the result of norms, or weak service
East Asia and Paci c Europe and Central Asia
the Caribbean
delivery than spousal control. In fact, 65 per-
Middle East and North Africa South Asia Sub-Saharan Africa
cent of women who do not use contraceptives
Source: World Bank 2011b. mention health concerns, fear of side effects,
Note: Country coverage for East Asia and Pacific includes Cambodia, Indonesia, and the Philippines. and inconvenience of use; 18 percent cite
A G E N C Y : V O I C E A N D I N F L U E N C E W I T H I N T H E H O M E A N D I N S O C I E T Y 151
opposition by women or their partner or reli- FIGURE 4.6 Fertility rates in the region have declined over the
gious factors; 23 percent cite issues of access, past three decades
distance, or cost. Only 2 percent cite lack of
8 fertility rate, total (births per woman)
knowledge of method or source (NSO [Phil-
ippines] and ICF Macro 2009). Women who 7
number of births per woman
experience violence also seem more likely to 6
have an unplanned pregnancy. In Kiribati, 5
for example, 22 percent of women who expe- 4
rienced domestic violence had an unplanned
3
pregnancy, compared to 12 percent of those
2
who did not experience domestic violence
(SPC, Ministry of Internal and Social Affairs, 1
and Statistics Division 2010).
ea
DR
na
ds
te
ia
Advancement toward gender equality
ys
es
an
in
i
oP
Ch
ala
-L
Gu
Isl
La
or
in agency in the household in one dimen-
M
on
ew
Tim
m
aN
sion may not translate into progress in other
lo
pu
So
Pa
dimensions. A study of 21 communities in 1980 1990 2000 2009
Thailand found that women are relatively
free to make fertility-related decisions and Source: WDI database, 2011 data.
participate in the labor market, but they have
only moderate levels of freedom of movement FIGURE 4.7 Adolescent fertility is especially high in the Pacific
and high levels of fear about disagreeing with
adolescent fertility rate, 2009
their husbands on household matters (Mason 80
and Smith 2003). Other studies show even 70
more striking differences in levels of agency
across dimensions in countries in the Pacific. 60
For instance, data collected for the interna-
fertility rate (%)
50
tional Social Institutions and Gender Index
40
indicate that women in Papua New Guinea
face a relatively high level of agency in 30
some public dimensions, such as freedom of 20
movement and freedom of dress, while they
10
experience very low levels of agency in their
households, for example, with respect to vio- 0
lence (SIGI, 2010 data).
sia
ds
a
ea
DR
te
in
es
an
in
y
oP
Ch
ala
-L
Gu
Isl
La
or
M
on
w
Tim
Ne
m
Agency in the public domain
lo
ua
So
p
Pa
Women in East Asia have made dynamic Source: WDI database, 2009 data.
strides in participation and influence in the Note: Adolescent fertility rate is the number of births per 1,000 women ages 15-19.
private sector, civil society, and political insti-
tutions. Current levels are still far from equal. of women on corporate boards increased
In the Pacific, women have experienced little from less than 5 percent to almost 9 percent
change in many public domains and continue over the past decade (Mahtani, Vernon, and
to face large challenges. Sealy 2009). East Asia has a high percentage
of firms owned by women and firms with
The private sector women in the top management compared to
Women’s participation and leadership in the other developing regions. Mongolia, the Phil-
private sector has made progress in East Asia. ippines, and Vietnam have among the high-
In Hong Kong SAR, China, the percentage est levels of female participation in business
1 5 2 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
FIGURE 4.8 The rate of unwanted and mistimed pregnancies is ownership. However, owning an asset might
especially high in the Pacific be significantly different from having the
principal voice in managing and running an
proportion of intended, mistimed, and unwanted enterprise. In the five countries in the region
pregnancies in East Asian and Paci c countries
100 for which data are available— I ndonesia,
90 Malaysia, Mongolia, the Philippines, and
80 Vietnam—more firms have female participa-
70 tion in ownership than female top managers
60 (figure 4.9).
percent
50
40
Civil society and grassroots movements
30
East Asian women have seen some improve-
20
ments in the strength of their voice and their
10
0
ability to actively participate in civil society
and grassroots movements. Data show a
a
a
alu
s
u
Tim sia
te
ds
oa
ds
m
ne
di
ur
es
positive relationship between the strength of
an
an
m
ne
na
v
bo
Na
pi
-L
Tu
Sa
Isl
Isl
do
et
ilip
m
or
Vi
all
on
civil society and gender equality. Civil soci-
Ca
In
Ph
sh
m
ar
lo
ety groups and women’s organizations and
So
M
unwanted pregnancies pregnancies wanted later
pregnancies wanted missing movements, in particular, have been impor-
tant in creating broader space for women
Source: Demographic and Health Surveys, various years. to have voice and influence in society. The
a. Percent distribution of births to women 15–19 in the five years preceding the survey, except for
Vietnam, where data refer to three years preceding the survey. size and nature of civil society have not been
static over the past two decades. Figure 4.10
shows that even though wealthier countries
ownership (Enterprise Surveys, 2006– 09 such as Australia and Japan still have a more
data). thriving civil society than poorer countries,
Still, within companies, women are over the past two decades there has been an
less likely to be found in management and increase in the presence of civil society in
d ecision-making positions. The share of poorer countries. As a whole, civil society
female directors ranges from 10 percent in has been strengthened in the region, which
the Philippines and 7 percent in China and has in part been influenced by increasingly
Thailand to 5 percent in Indonesia and under amicable relationships between civil society
2 percent in the Republic of Korea and Japan and governments.3
(CWDI 2010). Although 67 percent of all Although most civil society organiza-
publicly traded companies in Hong Kong tions (CSOs) are focused on broad develop-
SAR, China, have at least one woman on the ment issues—poverty reduction, education,
board, only 15 percent of those companies and health—more organizations now focus
have more than one (Mahtani, Vernon, and on a wider range of gender issues than two
Sealy 2009). Globally, only one country in decades ago. Of those that currently focus on
the world, Norway, has succeeded in having gender, some operate at the local level while
more than 30 percent female representation others operate at the national level. In Indo-
on corporate boards, while only one-third of nesia, the civil society organization PEKKA
countries have female board representation (Women-Headed Household Empowerment
of over 10 percent (CWDI 2010). Program) was created to address the needs of
Despite the presence of women as firm widows who were victims of conflict in Aceh,
owners in several countries in the region, to improve their access to legal and finan-
women make up a much lower share of cial assistance, and to improve their overall
female top managers and so are less likely to welfare. The program provides training for
influence firm decisions. Most countries in the village paralegals who focus on domestic vio-
region have firms with female participation in lence and family law, and also holds district
A G E N C Y : V O I C E A N D I N F L U E N C E W I T H I N T H E H O M E A N D I N S O C I E T Y 153
FIGURE 4.9 Many firms have female participation in ownership, but fewer have a female top manager
a. Percentage of rms with female participation b. Percentage of rms with a female top manager vs.
in ownership percentage of rms with female participation
100 70 in ownership
90
60
share of rms with a female
80
70 50
top manager (%)
60 40 Mongolia
Philippines
percent
50
40 30 Indonesia
30 20 Vietnam
20
10 Malaysia
10
0 0
0 20 40 60
ia
M tu
es
DR
te
Va Fiji
m
a
s.
Vi lia
Fe oa
or ia
ng
St
ys
Tim es
es
na
a
in
share of rms with female participation
go
es Sam
oP
nu
ala
To
n
d.
p
-L
et
on
do
ilip
La
in ownership (%)
M
In
Ph
ia,
on
icr
M
Source: World Bank estimates using Enterprise Surveys database, 2006–09 data.
forums to bring together judges, prosecutors, FIGURE 4.10 Civic activism has grown in the low- and middle-
police, nongovernmental organizations, and income countries in the region
government officials to raise awareness of
civic activism in East Asian and Paci c countries, 1990–2010, % by year
gender issues (PEKKA 2012; World Bank 0.8
2011b). In Papua New Guinea, the number
of CSOs targeting their assistance to women 0.7
and enhancing their access to services has JPN
AUS
expanded. For instance, some provide ser- 0.6 SGP
vices such as microcredit and savings to eco- KOR
2010
IDN PHL FJI
nomically empower women. Many Mother’s MYS
0.5 VNM
Groups have flourished throughout this MNG SLB CHN THA
VUT
period to address local women’s needs such LAO PNG
0.4 KHM PRK
as nutrition and health services. Through MMR
their services, they enable women to engage
actively in their children’s health care (Imai 0.3
0.3 0.4 0.5 0.6 0.7 0.8
and Eklund 2008). Examples of gender- 1990
focused activist groups include Gender and civic activism index 45 degree line
Development for Cambodia, the National
Council of Women in Thailand (under the Source: ISD database.
patronage of the Queen), and the Liberal
Women’s Brain Pool in Mongolia. Others of women, and changing laws to decrease the
that operate at the international level include discrimination of women have also emerged
Save the Children, Coordination of Action throughout the region.
Research on AIDS, Mobility Asia (CARAM- Pacific countries have seen some progress
Asia), and End Child Prostitution in Asian in the growth of gender-focused CSOs. Civil
Tourism (ECPAT). CSOs interested in tack- society continues to be a vital feature of devel-
ling policy issues such as eliminating human opment in the Pacific Island countries, espe-
trafficking, increasing political representation cially in delivering services (Swain 2000). The
1 5 4 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
Pacific region has seen an increase of CSOs at in Pacific countries have made little progress
the country level as well as multi-island net- in terms of political representation in parlia-
work organizations in the past few decades. ment over the past decade. Currently, women
Even though only a few organizations focus represent about 2.5 percent of political lead-
solely on the promotion of gender equality, ership roles in the Pacific, and the Federated
an increasing number of organizations are States of Micronesia, Nauru, Palau, and the
recognizing the importance of taking a more Solomon Islands did not have female repre-
active role in promoting gender equality by sentation in parliament as of December 2011
giving voice to women. (PARLINE database).
Several countries have elected or appointed
Politics female heads of state in recent years.
For countries in the region that have expe-
Australia, Indonesia, Korea, New Zealand,
rienced growth in female political represen- the Philippines, and, most recently, Thailand
tation, progress has been slow, and in most have or have had a woman heading their gov-
countries, levels remain below what is com- ernment since 2000. At the ministerial level,
monly perceived to be an acceptable thresh- Palau and Samoa have the highest percent-
old for women’s voice in the political domain: age of women ministers (at 25 percent and
30 percent of electoral seats at the national 23 percent, respectively) in the East Asia and
and local levels (Agarwal 2010a, 2010b). Pacific region. These percentages are simi-
When women do enter politics or public lar to those found in Australia (23 percent)
administration, they tend to be in lower- and slightly below those of New Zealand (29
ranked positions and sectors and positions percent). As of 2010, Nauru, the Solomon
perceived as “female,�? such as government Islands, Tuvalu, and Vanuatu had no women
ministries of women, health, education, or ministers appointed to a ministerial position
social welfare, and not some more tradition- (PARLINE database).
ally male ministries, such as finance or plan- For some countries, the level of female
ning, where government resource allocations representation at the national level is not
are typically made (World Bank 2011b). necessarily reflected at the local level, and
The share of women in national parlia- vice versa. In Mongolia, women make up
ments varies tremendously across the region. 4 percent of parliament’s members at the
Data on female representation in national national level, but they represent 22 per-
parliaments provide insight into the level cent at the subnational level (UNDP 2010).
of agency in political decision making. As Overall, local government–level participa-
shown in figure 4.11, many East Asian coun- tion in Cambodia was 15 percent in 2007,
tries, including Cambodia, Lao PDR, the similar to the national estimate, but elected
Philippines, and Singapore, have increased women at the commune level and people’s
the share of parliamentary seats held by level was only 11 percent and only 3 per-
women since 2000. In contrast, Mongolia has cent at the people’s chief level (Labani and
experienced a steep decline in female repre- others 2009).
sentation during the same period, from about
10 percent in 2000 to less than 4 percent
Protection from gender-based violence
in 2010 (figure 4.11). Figure 4.12 illustrates
and loss of freedom
the variation across the region with respect
to parliamentary seats held by women, with Violence and the threat of violence deprive all
Timor-Leste, Lao PDR, and Vietnam hav- people of their freedom and undermine their
ing the highest percentage of seats held by well-being. This section discusses the persis-
women and the Pacific Islands being on the tence of domestic violence against women,
lower end of the spectrum. the intergenerational impacts of violence
Women’s voice and participation in politics against children, and rising concerns about
in the Pacific remains largely absent. Women human trafficking.
A G E N C Y : V O I C E A N D I N F L U E N C E W I T H I N T H E H O M E A N D I N S O C I E T Y 155
Gender-based violence violence against women is a major concern
Countries in the East Asia and Pacific region for many countries in the region, and par-
have among the highest numbers of traf- ticularly in the Pacific.
ficked people in the world, and the Pacific
has the highest incidence of violence against
women in the world. Gender-based violence FIGURE 4.11 Women’s representation in parliament has grown in
is internationally recognized as “any act of much of East Asia but has experienced little change in the Pacific
gender-based violence that results in, or is Islands
likely to result in, physical, sexual or psycho-
percentage of seats held by women
logical harm or suffering to women, includ- 30
ing threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary
Australia Vietnam
deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in Singapore Lao PDR
public or in private life�? (UN 1993). Violence Cambodia Philippines
against women can take the form of physi- 20 China
Indonesia
cal, sexual, and psychological harm and can
2010 (%)
take place within the private or the public Thailand
Korea, Rep. Korea, Dem. Rep.
sphere, or can be in the form of the human Tuvalu, Tonga, Palau
Japan
10 Malaysia
trafficking of women and girls, among oth- Micronesia, Fed. Sts.
Samoa
ers. Violence against women is historically Vanuatu
Kiribati Mongolia
underresearched and underreported because Marshall Islands
Papua New Guinea
of a variety of factors, including the sensitiv- 0 Solomon Is.
ity of the topic and concerns for the safety of 0 5 10 15 20 25
2000
respondents. Despite the lack of easily com-
share of parliamentary seats held by women, % 45 degree line
parable international statistics over time, the
increasing availability of studies shows that Source: PARLINE database, 2012 data.
FIGURE 4.12 Women’s representation in parliament is low, especially in the Pacific
45 percentage of seats held by women in the lower or single house, 2011
40
35
30
25
percent
20
15
10
5
0
Na ts.
ai .
un t e
w s
sh an a
s .
m sia
Ph gap a
ilip ore
No TimLao m
Sin Ch a
pu mo P r u
ew Isla u
m Ko Ja ia
ya ds
eo a, n
et s
on a
l Is tu
Gu nds
Sa lia
Tu oa
To ar
Th Rep
ic r-L R
Ki valu
d d
e' p
al a Ɵ
ld
e
Vi ine
ar V ine
in
di
M ng
a N n ala
. P re pa
rd o PD
In lan
co es
s
pl Re
.S
na
tri
nm
u
al ua
M lan
go
or
m
Ca one
ay
bo
rib
p
ed
,F
M
ia
es
Pa olo
on
M
S
icr
De
M
a,
re
Ko
Source: PARLINE database, 2012 data.
1 5 6 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
Consistent with international patterns, sexual violence. In the Pacific, however, both
women in the region are at far greater risk physical and sexual violence are extremely
from violence by an intimate partner or high. In the Solomon Islands, sexual violence
somebody they know than from violence by by an intimate partner is more prevalent than
other people. In East Asia and the Pacific, physical violence. Sexual violence by nonpart-
the prevalence of violence by an intimate ners is also prevalent, as is childhood sexual
partner has a wide range (figure 4.13). Some abuse (SPC and NSO 2009).
areas in East Asia, including the provinces Emotional and psychological violence,
of Bangkok and Nakhonsawan, Thailand, as well as harassment, are also common in
have a high incidence rate (44 percent). Evi- the region. In 2005, over 30 percent of the
dence from the Pacific Islands suggests that region’s women in the labor force reported
violence is endemic. As shown in figure 4.13, having experienced some form of gender-
68 percent of ever-married women ages 15 based harassment—verbal, physical, or
to 49 in Kiribati, 64 percent in the Solomon sexual (Haspels et al. 2001; UN 2006).
Islands, and 60 percent in Vanuatu have
Psychological and emotional violence is also
experienced physical and/or sexual violence pervasive and debilitating, but such vio-
by an intimate partner (SPC and NSO 2009; lence is often underreported because it is
SPC, Ministry of Internal and Social Affairs, frequently viewed as normal behavior.4 In
and Statistics Division 2010; VWC and NSO Vietnam, over half of ever-married women
2011). Although no nationally representa- reported lifetime emotional abuse from their
tive data exist for Papua New Guinea, recent spouse, with 25 percent reporting abuse in
regional studies suggest that violence is just the past 12 months (World Bank 2011a). In
as prevalent (Ganster-Breidler 2010; Lewis Cambodia, the Philippines, and Vietnam, the
et al. 2008). prevalence of emotional violence far exceeds
Sexual violence at the hands of an intimate that of physical and/or sexual violence by an
partner is a significant concern in much of the intimate partner. In Kiribati, the Solomon
Pacific. In most of East Asia, barring Thailand, Islands, and Vanuatu, the high prevalence
physical violence against women far exceeds of emotional violence by an intimate partner
matches the high incidence of physical and/or
FIGURE 4.13 Violence against women is high in the region sexual violence (World Bank 2011a; SPC and
NSO 2009; SPC, Ministry of Internal and
percentage of ever-partnered women aged 15–49 who have Social Affairs, and Statistics Division 2010;
experienced sexual and/or physical intimate-partner violence VWC 2011). Conversely, women in Timor-
80 Leste experience a high prevalence of physical
70 violence, yet very low levels of emotional and
60 sexual violence (NSD [Timor-Leste], Minis-
share of women, %
50 try of Finance, and ICF Macro 2010).
40
30 Violence against children—
20 Intergenerational impacts
10
In some societies in the Pacific there is still
have violence against children. One study
0
found that sexual violence has increased,
u
or d
al alu
Ph este
s
n
a
on aƟ
oa
s
Va s
nd
ne
d
di
at
n
pa
an
m
b
la
in part because of low access to services
v
bo
nu
pi
la
Ja
i
Tu
-L
ai
r
Sa
Isl
i
l Is
ilip
m
K
Th
Ca
m
and poverty faced by families and the rising
sh
Ti
m
ar
lo
prevalence of the logging, mining, and fish-
So
M
East Asia Paci c ing industries, which employ large numbers
of single men who seek the services of young
Source: DHS reports, various years. women (UNIFEM 2010). The prevalence of
Note: Data for Thailand are for Bangkok and Nakhonsawan provinces only; data for Japan are for
Yokohama only. sexually related violence against girls under
A G E N C Y : V O I C E A N D I N F L U E N C E W I T H I N T H E H O M E A N D I N S O C I E T Y 157
the age of 15 in Vanuatu is 30 percent; and FIGURE 4.14 The incidence of sexual intimate-partner
for most of these children, assaults are repeti- violence is significantly higher in the Pacific
tive and carried out by family members (54
and 55 percent, respectively) (VWC and NSO percentage of ever-partnered women aged 15–49 who have
experienced physical or sexual intimate-partner violence
2011). In Vanuatu, the figure was 40 percent. 70
Child prostitution in Fiji, Papua New Guinea, 60
and the Solomon Islands is an organized ven- 50
percent
ture with formal and informal brothels in 40
urban centers (UNIFEM 2010). 30
Data also show that effects of violence 20
10
are transmitted across generations. Domestic
0
violence, and its acceptance, continues to be
Cambodia
Philippines
Timor-Leste
Thailand
Japan
Kiribati
Marshallslands
Samoa
Solomon Islands
Tuvalu
Vanuatu
passed from parent to child (Fehringer and
Hindin 2009). In Vanuatu, an estimated 57
percent of children whose mothers experi-
enced violence either saw or heard the vio-
lence when it happened. Not only did these East Asia Pacific
children witness the violent episodes, but physical sexual
many (17 percent) also experienced a beat-
Source: DHS reports, various years.
ing at the same time (VWC and NSO 2011). Note: Data for Thailand are for Bangkok and Nakhonsawan provinces only; data for Japan are for
As shown in figure 4.15, children in Kiribati Yokohama only.
who witnessed violence between parents
FIGURE 4.15 Gender-based violence can have inter-generational
while growing up are more likely to experi-
consequences
ence violence themselves as adults than those
who did not witness violence between their
parents (SPC, Ministry of Internal and Social exposure of intimate partner violence (IPV)
as an adult and exposure to violence as a child, Kiribati 2010
Affairs, and Statistics Division 2010). Daugh-
90
ters of violent men have also been shown to 80
be more likely to endure violence from their 70
share of women, %
husbands later in life. In Timor-Leste, women 60
whose fathers beat their mothers are more 50
than twice as likely to experience emotional, 40
physical, or sexual violence from an intimate 30
partner than women whose fathers or moth- 20
10
ers were not abusive, at 59 percent versus 24
0
percent (NSD, Ministry of Finance, and ICF mother mother-in-law partner was experienced
Macro 2010). experienced experienced beaten as a childhood
IPV IPV child sexual
The intergenerational consequences of abuse
violence also affect child development. In the
share among women who never experienced IPV
Solomon Islands, one study shows that chil-
share among women who experienced IPV
dren who witness violence are more likely to
grow up very timid or withdrawn, to repeat Source: SPC, Ministry of Internal and Social Affairs, and Statistics Division 2010.
a year or more in school, and, in many cases,
to be aggressive and likely to run away from increased economic opportunities as well as
home at an early age (SPC 2009). increased the risk of being trafficked (ILO
2009). Human trafficking encompasses
Human trafficking forced labor, sex trafficking, bonded labor,
Human trafficking is also a growing con- debt bondage among migrant laborers, invol-
cern throughout the region. An increase untary domestic servitude, forced child labor,
in female migration in the past decade has children (including bride price), child
sale of
1 5 8 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
conscription to be soldiers, and child sex domestic workers). The same study found
trafficking (U.S. Department of State 2011). that the majority (89 percent) of child domes-
Although estimates are difficult to gener- tic workers are female (E. Brown 2007).
ate, the International Labour Organization
estimates that Asian and Pacific countries
account for over half of all trafficked victims
Explaining progress and
worldwide, at an estimated 1.36 million, most
pending challenges
of whom are women and girls (ILO 2008). Women’s ability to exercise voice in their
Studies show that women and girls are the homes and in society has experienced progress
main victims of sexual exploitation in East in some areas and challenges in others across
Asia and the Pacific. Women are also more East Asia and the Pacific. A complex combi-
likely than men to be trafficked for economic nation of factors that affect progress includes
exploitation. Although women and children socioeconomic characteristics, social norms
seem to be at higher risk for exploitation, and practices, and a country’s legal environ-
men are also trafficked within and from the ment, including women’s access to justice. The
region. For instance, in Thailand, women strength of civil society is an indicator of voice
make up the majority of those who are traf- in itself, but it also functions as a means by
ficked for commercial sexual exploitation; which individuals can collectively influence
however, men, women, and children from decisions that affect gender inequality. Because
neighboring countries are also trafficked for the extent of women’s agency is driven by a
labor purposes, for example in fisheries and combination of factors, this section discusses
fishing related industries and domestic work several influencing factors in turn.
(ILO 2008; UNFPA 2006, U.S. Department
of State 2011).
Individual characteristics
Human trafficking is pervasive through-
out the region; however, the nature of the Women’s agency is affected in a fundamen-
industry varies. The Greater Mekong region tal way by their endowments and economic
and Indonesia are two main hubs for human opportunities. High educational attainment,
trafficking. Thailand is both a destination good health, economic assets, and their own
and source country. The country serves as a earnings can enable women to influence
transit hub to other Asian countries, their circumstances in accordance with their
Australia, the United States, and Western
preferences.
Europe (UNFPA 2006). In two southern As a woman’s education level increases,
counties in Yunnan, China, most women and it expands her knowledge and opportuni-
children are trafficked for forced marriage ties and improves her ability to translate
or adoption. Rural men are willing to pay her preferences into desired outcomes.
substantial sums for a trafficked bride who Increases in education are positively cor-
can bear children and extend the family line. related with women’s increased bargaining
Families will pay traffickers for infant boys, power (Cochrane 1979; Jejeebhoy 1995).
whom they will adopt as their own (ILO Education creates opportunities for women
2005). Although internal bride trafficking to connect with the world by removing bar-
is frequently reported in China, systematic riers to knowledge and information. Higher
empirical research does not exist. In coun- academic achievement can also facilitate
tries such as Japan and Korea, the majority better economic opportunities and decrease
of human trafficking reported is in the sex economic dependency on others. In Indo-
trafficking industry. In Cambodia, one study nesia, women who obtain an educational
found a strong link between migration from level of secondary school or higher are more
domestic work into commercial sexual exploi- likely than less-educated women to partici-
tation (51 percent of commercially sexually pate in decisions involving their own health
exploited women and girls were previously care, make household purchases, and engage
A G E N C Y : V O I C E A N D I N F L U E N C E W I T H I N T H E H O M E A N D I N S O C I E T Y 159
more regularly in social activities (DHS wife beating is legitimate (MOH [Samoa],
2002–03 data). Bureau of Statistics, and ICF Macro 2010).
Higher education can also facilitate wom- More educated women have greater eco-
en’s entry into politics, whereas little or no nomic opportunity, which in turn increases
formal education can greatly hinder women’s their agency. Women with more education are
participation in politics. In Rudong County more equipped to take on skilled occupations
in China, women involved in local govern- and do better in the labor market, on aver-
ment had a much higher level of education age, than those with little or no education.
than average local female villagers; about Moreover, gender gaps in earnings tend to be
68 percent of them had reached senior high smaller as females move up the skills ladder.
school education levels or above (Wang and Furthermore, education and skills training is
Dai 2010). Where women have low levels invaluable to entrepreneurship. Low levels of
of e ducation—overall, as well as relative to skills and inability to access information have
men—they are even less likely to participate been suggested as hindering women in the
in politics. As a result, their voice, which Solomon Islands from becoming viable entre-
often reflects different preferences than men’s, preneurs (Haque and Greig 2011).
is even less likely to be heard (UNDP 2010). Increases in women’s educational attain-
In some contexts, the legal environment ment and relevant training contribute to
can exacerbate this situation. In Cambodia, increasing women’s participation in leadership
indigenous women’s participation in local roles in the private sector. However, despite
politics remains low because they lack the advancements in educational attainment in
education level and language skills neces- much of the world, qualitative evidence sug-
sary to be active participants. The law in gests that the women continue to face gender-
C ambodia mandates that a person must specific obstacles in the workplace. Female
speak, read, and write Khmer in order to run board members in Hong Kong SAR, China,
for political office (Maffii and Hong 2010). for instance, argue that in order for compa-
Women who are more educated are nies to appoint qualified—well educated and
less likely to experience violence in their trained—women to their corporate boards,
household and hold higher perceptions of there needs to be support for women moving
self-worth with regard to violence against up the career ladder to become board mem-
women. Gender-based violence is more prev- bers (Mahtani, Vernon, and Sealy 2009).
alent among illiterate women, partly because Women’s assets and own income can also
women are more likely to be economically increase women’s agency within and outside
dependent on their husbands and feel they the household in multiple ways. For exam-
have to endure an abusive relationship to ple, power within the household has been
survive. This situation is evidenced in some attributed to individual control over eco-
countries in the Pacific where bride price, nomic resources such as individual incomes,
young age of marriage, and lack of educa- assets, and wealth (Quisumbing and Maluc-
tion for women perpetuate violence; leaving cio 2003; Rammohan and Johar 2009;
the marriage would involve having to repay Thomas and Chen 1994). Evidence from the
the bride price, and the women commonly literature on intrahousehold resource alloca-
have no resources to do so (UNIFEM 2010, tion shows that increases in women’s share
SPC and NSO 2009; SPC, Ministry of Inter- of earned income in the household result in
nal and Social Affairs [Kiribati], and Statis- an allocation of resources that better reflects
tics Division 2010; VWC and NSO 2011). In the preferences of women, and subsequently
Samoa, 48 percent of women with vocational leads to improvements in women’s overall
or higher education agree that a husband is status in the household and society (Ashraf,
justified in hitting or beating his wife, com- Karlan, and Yin 2006; Duflo 2003; Rangel
pared with the 69 percent of women with pri- 2005). Evidence also suggests that a woman’s
mary or lower levels of education who believe ownership and control of her own assets and
1 6 0 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
income are associated with a decreased risk in violence may be transitional phenomena,
of intimate partner violence, at least in the as men and women adjust to new roles. This
medium term (ICRW 2006; Panda and Agar- transition can be aided by a supportive legal
wal 2005; Pronyk et al. 2006; Swaminathan, and regulatory environment.
Walker, and Rugadya 2008). A woman’s Male attributes, attitudes, and behaviors
income can also positively affect the accu- also correlate with gender-based violence.
mulation of assets, which significantly affects Studies in the Pacific Islands of Kiribati, the
her ability to leave an abusive partner, to cope Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu found that the
with shocks, and to invest and expand her most significant risk factors associated with
earnings and economic opportunities (World women experiencing physical and/or sexual
Bank 2011b). Women’s own health has been violence in their lifetime are the character-
found to improve women’s relative positions istics of a woman’s husband or partner. A
in households, even when households experi- woman is significantly more likely to experi-
ence adverse shocks (Aizer forthcoming; Der- ence violence if her husband or partner con-
con and Krishnan 2000). trols her behavior, drinks alcohol or home
Economic empowerment in the form of brews, has affairs with other women, is vio-
employment can also increase agency by lent with other men, or is unemployed (SPC
increasing a woman’s physical mobility. The and NSO 2009; SPC, Ministry of Internal
ability to move freely means greater ability of and Social Affairs, and Statistics Division
women to expand their knowledge, broaden 2010; VWC and NSO 2011). In the Philip-
their networks, and create outlets to exercise pines, husbands from the lowest wealth quin-
collective agency through engagements in tile and with the least educational attainment
unions, professional associations, women’s are the most likely to physically abuse their
groups, and other types of civil society orga- wives (Philippine Commission on Women
nizations. Civil society has worked to create 2012). In Vanuatu, the Solomon Islands and
an environment that enables women to bet- Kiribati, a husband’s lack of employment and
ter exercise their agency as well as a vehicle high alcohol consumption and drug use are
through which women can exercise their col- correlated with a higher likelihood of physi-
lective agency to change rules, regulations, cal and/or sexual intimate-partner violence
laws, and social norms that positively affect (SPC and NSO 2009; SPC, Ministry of Inter-
gender equality. nal and Social Affairs [Kiribati], and Statis-
Improvements in women’s socioeconomic tics Division 2010; VWC and NSO 2011).
characteristics may not be sufficient to increase
their voice and influence in society, however.
Social norms and practices
Progress in women’s economic position can
threaten preexisting social norms with regard Social norms and practices provide power-
to women’s role in the household and society ful undercurrents that influence preferences,
and lead to undesirable outcomes, at least in values, and the social behavior that govern
the short run, including increased violence gender relations and outcomes. Social norms
against women (Hjort and Villanger 2011; that perpetuate gender inequality in voice and
Panda and Agarwal 2005). For instance, in influence can range from explicit to subtle.
Timor-Leste, the proportion of women who They can encourage behavior that on the sur-
have ever experienced physical violence from face seems to reflect choice but in fact can con-
an intimate partner is highest among women strain what is possible for women, whether in
with more than secondary education (46 per- the home or in society (Kabeer 1999).
cent), women belonging to households in Social norms regarding women’s tradi-
the highest wealth quintile (45 percent), and tional role in the household and in society
women who are employed for cash (43 per- affect her social bargaining power. In most
cent) (NSD, Ministry of Finance, and ICF countries in the region and in the world,
Macro 2010). Evidence suggests that increases housework, child rearing, and care of the
A G E N C Y : V O I C E A N D I N F L U E N C E W I T H I N T H E H O M E A N D I N S O C I E T Y 161
elderly are normally considered the respon- male family members to write the ballot for
sibility of a woman, while men are consid- them at an election, or they take the opinion
ered the main financial provider of the fam- of their male family members. In that region
ily. Qualitative evidence from Fiji and Papua of China, many people still think of women
New Guinea shows that girls are expected to as less capable (disuzhi), and norms dictate
work around the house from a very early age, that they should confine their activities to the
while boys have fewer household responsibili- domestic settings. This belief, largely based
ties and are expected to become wage earners on perceptions that have been transmitted
(World Bank 2011e). As discussed in chap- across generations and people, leads people
ter 3, these social norms influence the other to discourage women from voting or partici-
factors that affect agency, such as earnings pating in public office (Wang and Dai 2010).
capacity and asset accumulation, as well as Low female representation and participation
constrain the choices an individual can make. in politics (as well as in leadership positions
In other words, traditional social norms may in the private sector) can reinforce each other,
strongly discourage women from pursuing so that women are less likely to enter poli-
occupations traditionally dominated by men, tics and other leadership positions because
as well as make it difficult for men to take on of social beliefs that men are better leaders
traditionally female roles, thus affecting the than women, and women’s absence prevents
agency of both genders. women from demonstrating their ability to
Female expectations in the household often lead (World Bank 2011c).
mean that women have less time—and thus In most countries and in the Pacific Islands
fewer networks—to exercise influence out- in particular, violence against women is per-
side the home. Other societal expectations, ceived as acceptable or justifiable by both
such as having larger families, can increase men and women. In the Solomon Islands,
women’s time spent in the household and 73 percent of women believe that a husband
minimize other activities in society (Freeman is justified in beating his wife under certain
1997; Pritchett 1994). Focus group discus-
sions in Fiji suggest that although men and
women may agree in principle on the idea of FIGURE 4.16 Many men and women in the region believe that men
equal economic opportunity for both gen- make better political leaders than women
ders, in practice, men are the more feasible
breadwinners, since women have household share of men and women over age 30 who think men
responsibilities that family and society expect make better political leaders
them to attend to first. Female youth in the 80
community of Baulevu stated that men in the 70
household can hold formal jobs more easily
60
than women because women first have the
50
responsibility to care for and feed the chil-
percent
dren as well as tend to other household needs 40
before leaving for work (World Bank 2011e). 30
Gender norms and societal expectations 20
about women’s ability to participate in the 10
public sphere hinder participation. Data from
0
the World Values Survey show that many men
a
ia
ia
d
m
es
ay
and women from across the region believe
in
an
s
ys
na
at
rw
ne
Ch
ala
ail
St
et
No
do
Th
Vi
d
that men make better leaders than women
M
In
ite
Un
(figure 4.16). Women’s participation in vot-
ing has sometimes been compromised by male female
their lack of information. One study shows
that in rural areas of China, women ask their Source: World Values Survey, 2006 and 2007 data.
1 6 2 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
circumstances. 5 In Vietnam, 64 percent of hardship (Heise 2011). In the region, men are
women ages 15 to 49 accept violent treatment subject to a substantial amount of social pres-
from husbands as normal (Vietnam Multiple sure to be the main provider in the household.
Indicator Cluster Survey, 2006 data). Men Therefore if a man’s wife defies traditional
also perpetuate these social norms: 81 per- social norms and starts earning a higher
cent of men in Timor-Leste believe that beat- income than her husband, for instance, this
ing wives is socially acceptable and justifiable situation may challenge the role of the man
under certain circumstances (NSD, Ministry as provider of the family, creating stress and
of Finance, and ICF Macro 2010). These atti- resistance.
tudes and acts of violence may be intensified Deep-seated attitudes that fuel discrimina-
during times of conflict. Violence against tion and enable gender inequality continue
women is believed to have reached its height to be perpetuated in society by being taught
in some areas of the Papua New Guinea to children. Recent studies show that social
Highlands during tribal fighting in 1995–96. attitudes held by both men and women fail
During that time, gang rape of women was to foster an environment conducive to having
often considered to be a normal aspect of equality between men and women. In Kiribati
intervillage conflict (Brouwer, Harris, and and Vanuatu, 56 percent and 50 percent of
Tanaka 1998). women, respectively, believe that a good wife
Long-standing cultural practices, such as must obey her husband at all times. Women
bride price, affect women’s perceptions of in these countries also believe a man should
their roles within marriage, and therefore their show his wife that he is the boss (61 percent
voice. In Vanuatu, about 81 percent of mar- and 40 percent, respectively) (SPC and NSO
riages involve a bride price paid to the family 2009; SPC, Ministry of Internal and Social
of the bride. Over half of women ages 15 to Affairs, and Statistics Division 2010). Chil-
49 in this country believe that, if a bride price dren grow up absorbing these attitudes and
is paid, a wife becomes the husband’s prop- behaviors, accepting them as norms they
erty (VWC and NSO 2011). In both Vanuatu must follow, and girls internalize their subor-
and the Solomon Islands, bride price is signifi- dinate role in the household and lesser status
cantly associated with intimate partner vio- in society (Bourdieu 1977; Kabeer 1999; see
lence (SPC and NSO 2009; VWC and NSO also chapter 2).
2011). In East Asia, paying for a bride is a
tradition across China, Indonesia, Myanmar,
The legal and institutional environment
and Thailand (Anderson 2007). Although the
practice has become less important in Indo- The legal setting and access to justice form the
nesia, in rural China, where the tradition is environment in which men and women can
still practiced, the groom pays for the rights voice and act on their preferences. Whether
to the woman’s labor and reproductive capa- women and men are equally supported under
bilities (Boomgaard 2003). Similar to what is the law and whether their rights are protected
found in the Solomon Islands and Vanuatu, in practice are critical to women’s ability to
many young girls in China grow up with have voice and influence in society directly.
the belief that they will eventually become a This environment also affects voice by affect-
man’s property with little control over their ing the channels through which women build
lives (P. Brown 2003; Zhang 1999). their access to resources and economic oppor-
Social expectations of men’s roles in soci- tunity, which, in turn, affects their voice. The
ety can influence men’s actions and harm law and access to justice are shaped by, but
women’s safety and overall agency. The inci- can also shape, the norms that affect wom-
dence of intimate partner violence is often en’s agency in society.
associated with societal expectations of men’s Equally as important is women’s equal
roles in the home and in society, and can be access to the judiciary system, which can be
exacerbated by male alcoholism and financial influenced by social norms or socioeconomic
A G E N C Y : V O I C E A N D I N F L U E N C E W I T H I N T H E H O M E A N D I N S O C I E T Y 163
characteristics. For example, a legal court against women were aligned with the conven-
may be a day and a half trip away from tion. The organizations then used this infor-
home, yet social norms discourage women mation to advocate for an overhaul of existing
from sleeping outside the household. Or laws or propose new ones to rectify omissions
higher illiteracy rates of elderly women hinder (UNIFEM 2010).
their ability to know their rights. Countries Beyond CEDAW, many countries in the
in East Asia and the Pacific have made vary- region have put in place domestic laws to sup-
ing degrees of progress in guaranteeing and port the advancement of women and gender
enforcing equal rights for men and women. equality (UNDP 2010). In the past 10 years,
As discussed in the previous section and in gender equality laws such Vietnam’s Gender
chapter 2, several countries in the region have Equality Law (2006), the People’s Republic of
plural legal environments, in which the inter- China Law on the Protection of Rights and
action of customary or religious law and stat- Interests of Women (amended in 2005), Lao
utory law means that women’s legal stature PDR’s Law on the Development and Protec-
can vary substantially across ethnic groups, tion of Women (2004), and the Philippines’
even within a country. Magna Carta of Women (2009) have been
adopted with the aim of providing a more
International conventions, national laws, comprehensive approach to addressing gender
and institutions equality. Most countries in the region have
Nearly all countries in the East Asia and also adopted domestic violence legislation
Pacific region have acceded to and ratified over the same period, including Cambodia,
international commitments to reduce gender- China, Indonesia, Korea, Lao PDR, M alaysia,
based discrimination and promote agency for Mongolia, Papua New Guinea, the Philip-
women as laid out by the Convention on the pines, Thailand, Timor-Leste, and Vietnam.
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Papua New Guinea, for example, reformed its
Against Women (CEDAW), with a few excep- criminal code in 2002 to dramatically change
tions. The ratification of CEDAW indicates a its sexual assault regime by introducing grad-
public commitment by governments to abide ing of offenses according to the gravity of
by a set of internationally recognized stan- harm and eliminating marital immunity. Still,
dards regarding gender equality. As of the many countries (mostly Pacific Island states)
end of 2011, only six countries in the world lack adequate legislation for gender equality
have not ratified the CEDAW agreement, (UNDP 2010).
including Palau and Tonga in the Pacific Most countries in the region have equal
(CEDAW 2012). rights under inheritance laws, as discussed
The signing of CEDAW has served as an in chapter 2. Evidence from India suggests
instrument to open up space for people to that women who own a house or land sig-
argue for legal and institutional reform to pro- nificantly reduce their risk of marital vio-
mote women’s agency. In several East Asian lence (Agarwal and Panda 2007). The
countries, legal and institutional reforms came majority of countries in East Asia no lon-
about after the ratification of CEDAW, at the ger differentiate by gender in statutory law.
behest of CSOs and government agencies argu- Cambodia, China, Lao PDR, Mongolia,
ing for the fulfillment of their countries’ inter- Thailand, and Vietnam do not have p lural
national commitments. For instance, individ- roperty
legal systems and have legislation for p
uals, CSOs, and government agencies tasked and inheritance rights that have no discrimi-
with women’s issues in Cambodia, Indonesia, nation against women. However, plural legal
the Philippines, Thailand, and Vietnam used systems exist in Indonesia, Malaysia, the
CEDAW conventions and frameworks as the Philippines, and Singapore, and these laws
basis for promoting women’s participation in discriminate against women in inheritance
local government and for examining whether (see chapter 2 for more details). In the Pacific,
existing laws on violence and discrimination Kiribati and Tuvalu have unequal statutory
1 6 4 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
legislation, and although equal inheritance Important gaps also occur in laws protect-
laws exist in Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Samoa, ing against human trafficking, despite efforts
the Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu, custom- by many countries to pass specific legislative
ary law practices regarding land rights are provisions. Between 2005 and 2008 about 10
recognized by the constitution and may law- countries in Asia and the Pacific (including
fully discriminate against women (Jivan and South Asia) introduced new laws or modified
Forster 2007). Although many areas of the old ones (UNODC 2009). However, some
Pacific region have traditionally had matri- countries still lack comprehensive laws to
lineal land ownership—where land has his- protect men and women vulnerable to traf-
torically been transmitted through mothers’ ficking. Thailand and Vietnam, for example,
lines—in practice, men most often make do not have provisions on the exploitation of
decisions regarding land management (Stege humans. Some progress has been made on
et al. 2008). this front in Indonesia, Malaysia, and the
In regard to gender-based violence, gaps in Philippines, where mandates against exploita-
the law still remain across the region (UNDP tion of women were introduced in the recent
2010). As illustrated in table 4.1, several coun- past (2007, 2007, and 2003, respectively).
tries in the region continue to have legal gaps In Lao PDR, trafficked humans are treated
in the protection of women against gender- as victims who have legal immunity from
based violence. Many of the countries where criminal prosecution for prostitution, and
violence against women is the most prevalent they are provided specific services to reunite
do not have legislation against it, including them with their families, namely legal, medi-
Kiribati, the Marshall Islands, Papua New cal, and counseling services, all imparted by
Guinea, Samoa, the Solomon Islands, Timor- the Lao Women’s Union (U.S. Department of
Leste, and Tuvalu. State 2008).
TABLE 4.1 Legislation against gender-based violence
Domestic Sexual Sexual harassment CEDAW optional
Region/ Country violence assault/rape at workplace CEDAW 1979 (c) protocol 1999 (d)
Pacific
Fiji Yes Yes No 1995 Not signed/Not ratified
Kiribati No Yes No 2004 Not signed/Not ratified
Palau NA NA NA NA Not signed/Not ratified
Papua New Guinea No Yes No 1995 Not signed/Not ratified
Marshall Islands No Yes No 2006 Not signed/Not ratified
Micronesia, Fed. Sts. No No No 2004 Not signed/Not ratified
Samoa No Yes Yes 1992 Not signed/Not ratified
Solomon Islands No Yes No 2002 2002
Tonga NA NA NA Not signed/Not ratified Not signed/Not ratified
Tuvalu No Yes No 1999 Not signed/Not ratified
Vanuatu Yes Yes No 1995 2007
East Asia
Cambodia Yes Yes Yes 1992 Signed
China Yes Yes NA 1980 Not signed/Not ratified
Indonesia Yes Yes No 1984 Signed
Lao PDR Yes Yes NA 1981 Not signed/Not ratified
Malaysia Yes Yes No 1995 Not signed/Not ratified
Mongolia Yes Yes No 1981 2002
Philippines Yes Yes Yes 1981 2003
Thailand Yes Yes Yes 1985 2000
Timor-Leste No Yes Yes 2003 2003
Vietnam Yes Yes No 1982 Not signed/Not ratified
Source: UNDP 2010.
A G E N C Y : V O I C E A N D I N F L U E N C E W I T H I N T H E H O M E A N D I N S O C I E T Y 165
Even when countries have appropriate discriminatory inheritance practices that vary
legislation in place, women may be unpro- substantially across subpopulations within a
tected by the legal system because the laws single country (box 4.1).
remain largely unenforced. A recent study States that adopt a commitment to revise
highlighted that officers in the Fiji Police and develop laws and regulations that pro-
Force Sexual Offences Unit, which was set up mote gender equality create more conducive
in 1995, have unwelcoming attitudes when environments for women to exercise their
dealing with female victims (UNFPA 2010). agency. As women’s labor force participation
The same is true in some areas in C ambodia, has continued to increase, especially in less
where many law enforcement officials are traditional occupations, some governments
either unaware of the existence of the 2005 have been proactive and adjusted their pro-
Law on the Prevention of Domestic Violence tection and antidiscrimination laws. In the
and the Protection of Victims, or continue to Philippines, for example, 85 percent of an
believe that domestic violence is an internal estimated 2.5 million domestic workers are
family problem (CAMBOW 2007). Even in women. Despite their number, until recently
cases where the police or other formal insti- domestic workers were excluded from enjoy-
tutions condemn these acts, they are unable ing the full range of rights guaranteed to
to pursue them further because of inadequate other women in traditional occupations (in
training to respond to the reports or fear of industry) under labor law. A bill is presently
reprisal from the perpetrators, especially in under way to address the gap and to guaran-
cases in which they are people of influence tee women’s right to decent working condi-
(U.S. Department of State 2011). In Vanuatu, tions and protection from abuse, trafficking,
after a long period of lobbying by various and exploitation (ADB et al. 2008).6
CSOs and by the Vanuatu Women’s Center, Over the past few decades, several coun-
in 2008, the government passed the Family tries in the region have put in place temporary
Protection Act, which focused on advancing special measures to promote female participa-
women’s rights. Implementation and enforce- tion in political leadership. Gender quotas set
ment of the law did not occur in more remote a fixed goal for having women in decision-
areas, leaving women unprotected and living making positions, with the aim of at least a
under the previous legal (or traditional) sys- critical minority of 30 to 40 percent (Agarwal
tem (AusAID 2008). 2010a, 2010b). In the political sphere, quotas
Furthermore, the interaction of custom- can be reserved seats (constitutional and legis-
ary practice and statutory law means that lative), legal candidate quotas (constitutional
women’s legal stature can vary substantially and legislative), and political party quotas
across ethnic groups, even within a country. (voluntary). Although reservation of seats reg-
Citizens in East Asian and Pacific countries ulates the number of women elected, the lat-
often face a plurality of legal systems within ter two types of quotas set a minimum for the
a single country. Statutory laws interact— share of women on the candidate lists, either
and often compete—with customary (and as a legal requirement or as a measure written
sometimes religious) laws and practices. In into the statutes of individual political par-
the Pacific Islands, for example, virtually ties. In East Asia, countries including China,
all constitutions state that the constitution Indonesia, Korea, the Philippines, Thailand,
is the supreme law, but they simultaneously and Timor-Leste had reservation systems for
recognize customary law (UNDP 2010). As a the single or lower house, for the upper house,
result, inheritance practices vary substantially or at the subnational level (The Quota Proj-
across the region, from matrilineal systems in ect, 2012 data). Recently, the revised Pacific
most of Micronesia and in parts of Melane- Platform for Action 2005–2015 called for
sia to patrilineal systems in most other Pacific governments in the Pacific subregion to put in
countries. The interaction between custom- place affirmative action measures to enhance
ary and statutory law can even result in women’s participation in politics.
1 6 6 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
BOX 4.1 Gender and land tenure in a plural legal environment: The case of the Solomon
Islands
Land tenure in the Solomon Islands is characterized state legal system requires that the titleholders con-
by multiple, overlapping arenas, norms, and institu- sult with other landowners before dealing in the
tions emanating from customary practice, the state, land, they often fail to do so, limiting women’s roles
and Christianity. The intersection of customary and and participation.
state legal systems allows only a small number of The state legal system also tends to recognize only
individuals, predominantly men, to exert control a small number of individuals with the customary
over customary land. This situation has occurred authority to speak about land inside a public arena,
to the detriment of female landowners, who have thereby turning the customary “right to speak�?
often found themselves excluded from both decision- into effective ownership. A review of court records
m aking processes and the distribution of financial
for West Guadalcanal suggests that the witnesses
benefits from the use of land. and parties to a dispute are predominantly senior
In Guadalcanal Island, customs dictate that male leaders. In addition to these individuals having
women be excluded from discussions about land- greater authority to speak about the land, these rights
related issues that occur in formal and state arenas are compounded by the court system being based on
such as courts or land acquisition hearings. A male Western legal principles and an adversarial system.
child or brother is usually appointed as spokesper- Land disputes are sometimes compared to warfare
son for land-related issues. Women often have less and are matters for men. Women and children are
education and, hence, are considered less able to often advised to stay away from meetings regarding
understand the state legal system and manage land disputes. Hence, as hearings are generally conducted
transactions. Moreover, some inhabitants of Gua- by male chiefs, clerks or judges are also likely to act
dalcanal state that custom dictates that women “no as a further impediment to women’s involvement.
save tok�? (cannot/must not talk) about land, and Development of mechanisms for ensuring trans-
that they must stand behind men when speaking parency and accountability is essential for sustained
about land in the public arena. peace and security. Land programming would ben-
Furthermore, women are limited in their abil- efit from being gender sensitive and from paying
ity to hold land titles. Although people commonly attention to differential impacts on state legal frame-
assert that “women are the real landowners,�? land works and their implementation.
and court records generally show names of a small
number of male leaders as landowners. Though the Source: Monson 2010.
Other countries, though not mandat- 2011–2020 states that women’s participation
ing quotas, have taken a strong stance on should be a 30 percent female-to-male ratio
female representation in government as well in village-level government committees and
as in the private sector. Lao PDR’s National a 50 percent ratio in neighbor committees in
Socio-Economic Development Plan (NSEDP) urban areas, with at least 10 percent of vil-
2011–2015 has stipulated a target to increase lage committee heads being women.
the female staff of high-ranking positions in
government, political parties, and civil soci- Access to justice
ety organizations to at least 15 percent, and Providing access to the justice system—by
to increase women members in the National reducing financial costs, bringing services to
Assembly to more than 30 percent. Other remote areas, and helping overcome social
goals include increasing the number and per- and psychological constraints—is criti-
centage of women in the paid workforce and cal to helping women exercise their agency.
in professional careers (Lao PDR Ministry of Legal reform should not be limited to fixing
Planning and Investment 2011). China’s Out- the laws; it should also extend to ensuring
line for the Development of Chinese Women access to the legal system. Women in poorer
A G E N C Y : V O I C E A N D I N F L U E N C E W I T H I N T H E H O M E A N D I N S O C I E T Y 167
areas can be particularly disadvantaged in monthly per capita income (Sumner and
this regard because, compared with men, Lindsey 2011).
they may have lower education levels, travel
outside their communities less often, have
Institutional reforms and opportunities
fewer resources to pay for the service, and
for women
face higher levels of discrimination once
they reach places such as police stations and Strengthening the capacity of institutions
courts. Moreover, when they do have physi- to enforce the law can improve the prob-
cal access to the justice system, they often ability of the law being adopted and used.
face the risk of being treated unequally. In Once legal reform comes about, institu-
Indonesia, the legal system is vastly underuti- tional capacity needs to be reinforced to
lized by subsets of women because courts and
prevent hindering implementation, access,
police stations are not financially or physi- and enforcement of the law. Moreover,
cally accessible. A recent study in Indonesia institutions’ role as implementers of the
found, for example, that most female heads law can be hindered further by prevailing
of household were unable to access courts to social norms. Evidence from many countries
obtain divorce certificates. The average cost shows that government institutions charged
of a case filed with the religious courts is with implementing laws related to prevent-
about US$90, or four times the monthly per ing discrimination against women and
capita income for those living below the pov- enforcing gender equality initiatives lack
erty line. In civil court, the cost of divorce the human capacity, financial resources,
with a lawyer is US$1,100, or 52 times the and influence to address gender issues. For
TABLE 4.2 Political affirmative action in East Asia and the Pacific
Country Year Quota Quota type Results
China 2007 Legislated quotas for the single Reserved seats, 22% women 637 of 2,987 seats (21%) held
or lower house by women in 2008 election
Indonesia 2008 Legislated quotas for the single Quota of one in three 101 of 560 seats (18%) held
or lower house candidates on a political party by women in 2009 election
list to be women
Korea, Rep. 2004 Legislated quotas for the single Political party quota of 50% 44 of 299 seats (15%) held
or lower house; legislated quotas women on candidate lists for by women in 2008 election
at the subnational level; voluntary proportional representation
quotas adopted by political in elections; recommendation
parties for political parties to include
30% women candidates
Philippines 1991 Legislated quotas at the Women to be one of three 62 of 280 seats (22%) held
subnational level; voluntary sectoral representatives that by women in 2010 election
quotas adopted by political sits in every municipal, city,
parties (Philippine Democratic and provincial legislative
Socialist Party, 25% quota for council
women)
Thailand n.a. Voluntary quotas adopted by The Democratic Party has 79 of 500 of seats (16%)
political parties. a target of 30% women held by women in the 2011
candidates for election elections
Timor-Leste 2006 and Legislated quotas for the single Modification of the Electoral 18 of 65 seats (28%) held by
2011 or lower house Law to require that 33% of women in 2007 election
the candidates of each party
be female (from 25%)
Source: The Quota Project, 2012 data.
1 6 8 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
instance, in a report to the CEDAW Com- participation in society. They mobilize
mittee in 2009, the government of Papua women to be active participants in their com-
New Guinea identified the lack of structures munity (and in political party–related activi-
for promoting gender equality as a challenge ties) and work to protect women’s rights and
to carrying out the tasks outlined in inter- interests.
national commitments. Similarly, the Lao
PDR National Strategy for the Advancement
Collective agency: Women’s
of Women in 2006 and Vietnam National
organizations and the space for civic
Strategy for the Advancement of Women
action
in 2010 cited low capacity of their national
institutions as a problem, and asked for help Civil society functions both as an indicator
to strengthen those institutions—through of voice and participation and as a lever to
training and more resources—to make them create the conditions that enable women to
more effective. To address the constraints change the legal environment, public priori-
in institutional capacity, countries such as ties, and social norms. It also can facilitate
the P hilippines and Vietnam worked on dialogue and cooperation between parties
improving their institutional structures and that can influence the other determinants
reinforcing mandates already in place to of agency. Collective agency through civil
promote women’s agency and subsequently society does not necessarily need to focus on
promote gender equality (box 4.2). women- specific issues, but instead, it provides
Several countries use a dvocacy orga- a forum in which men and women can exer-
nizations that are part of government to cise voice on any issues they care about.
proactively address women’s issues. The Lao
Civil society organizations, social move-
Women’s Union and the Vietnam Women’s ments, and civic activists have helped
Union are two examples of organizations expand women’s agency by magnifying
formed to promote information sharing their voice in public forums and strengthen-
among women, educate women at all lev- ing women’s influence. Having a collective
els of society, and promote women’s active voice, through mass movements, is critical
BOX 4.2 Strengthening state mechanisms for gender equality
Gender equality laws in the region also focus on making 95 percent of the budget gender-responsive.
the improvement of existing gender equality struc- The law will be subject to an annual audit by the
tures. The Philippine Magna Carta for Women, for Commission on Audit.
example, strengthened the mandate of the Philip- Vietnam’s Law on Gender Equality emphasized
pine Commission on Women as the primary policy- state responsibility to promote gender equality by
making and coordinating body on women and g ender identifying a state management agency to unify
equality concerns, and emphasized the placement efforts by all of the government’s gender equal-
of qualified women in all government departments ity entities as well as responsibilities of agencies to
and their attached agencies. These measures include mainstream gender in their work. Moreover, Arti-
bringing local government units, government-owned cles 20–22 of the law outline a process for integrat-
and -controlled corporations, and other govern- ing gender into legislation. A designated National
ment instrumentalities into discussions of how best Assembly Committee for Social Affairs, together
to ensure a gender balance in their workforce. The with other parliamentary committees, shall verify
Magna Carta for Women strengthened the gender the integration of gender equality issues in the draft
and development focal points by increasing resources law and ordinances by drafting agencies.
and support. The government will evaluate the
increased allocation based on the law’s influence in Source: UNDP 2010.
A G E N C Y : V O I C E A N D I N F L U E N C E W I T H I N T H E H O M E A N D I N S O C I E T Y 169
in the process of influencing policy, culture, In matters related to increasing women’s
and social environments. Grassroots move- role in policy making, intense lobbying
ments have been instrumental in chang- efforts by gender-focused CSOs and civic
ing attitudes and behaviors that maintain activists have prompted changes in social
gender inequalities, such as those that behavior and engaged the commitment of
limit women’s participation in politics, by politicians. Institutional factors such as
promoting new ideas and actively sharing parliamentary frameworks, coupled with
information in the mainstream. In Indone- societal norms, continue to hinder women’s
sia, in 1997, a group of women got together entrance onto the political stage (UNDP
to protest policies in response to the crisis 2010). For instance, the Center for Asia-
that made them unable to afford powdered Pacific Women in Politics—based in the
milk for their children. The group, known Philippines with subregional offices in Fiji,
as Voice of Concerned Mothers (Suara Ibu Korea, Mongolia, and Nepal—is an active
Pedulu), was the first group led by women advocate for increasing the roles of women
in the country since the beginning of in politics. This and other similar CSOs
Suharto’s New Order (Robinson and Bes- actively lobby for expanding the capacity of
sell 2002). These protests flourished and women in d ecision-making roles and work-
evolved into a collective voice representing ing toward gender equity in representation.
mothers throughout the country. Its success In the Pacific, patterns showed decreasing
prompted wider protests against the govern- participation of women in politics, prompt-
ment, which contributed not only to ending ing the group Women’s Rights and Advo-
the Suharto regime but also to creating new cacy in the Pacific (WRAP) to recommit
space for women to participate actively in their lobbying efforts to promote women
the post-Suharto period (Rinaldo 2002). in public office and political leadership
C SOs and citi zen movements have (WRAP 2011).
often facilitated dialogue and cooperation
between ordinary women and those in
public office. In Cambodia, CSOs helped
Policy approaches to promote
promote awareness and political education
gender equality in agency
among women through organizations such The analysis thus far has focused on the state
as the Women’s Media Centre of C ambodia. of agency in the East Asia and Pacific region
Party-affiliated organizations, semigov- and identified the factors that advance or
ernmental unions, as well as autonomous constrain gender equality in agency. Know-
groups have served as incubators for female ing those factors can help to identify specific
leaders to run for office or become appoin- policies and programs to strengthen wom-
tees in key government positions. These en’s voice and influence in practice. What
gender grassroots movements worked effec- follows is an initial discussion, based on the
tively in promoting the participation of evidence presented, about policy priorities
women in local politics through informa- for promoting gender equality in agency.
tion dissemination campaigns. They con- Measures to increase women’s endowments
centrated much of their efforts throughout and economic opportunity, such as those
Cambodia producing written and graphic described in previous chapters, contrib-
awareness materials—explaining women’s ute to strengthening their voice within the
rights, responsibilities, and the process for household and in society. Educated women
participating—and encouraging women to in good health, with assets and income, are
play an active role in politics. Currently, better able to act on their preferences and
an increasing number of women organize influence outcomes that affect themselves
forums at provincial levels to champion and others in society. In addition, several
gender-related causes and to pressure politi- other policy approaches can directly pro-
cians into action (Singh 2009). mote women’s agency.
1 7 0 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
This section addresses the following fac- of the positive effects of changing the cur-
tors: (a) supporting initiatives to transform riculum is available for adults in Thailand,
gender norms and practices, (b) strengthen- where gender sensitivity was integrated
ing the legal and institutional environment, into the curriculum in the Chulalangkorn
(c) increasing women’s access to justice, medical school. Evaluation of the program
(d) enabling women’s participation in poli- showed that respondents were more aware
tics and policy making, (e) pursuing a multi- of gender issues and tended to apply gender
pronged approach to reducing gender-based concepts and concerns to their work and
violence, and (f) creating space for women’s personal lives (WHO GWH 2007).
collective agency. Provisions of information through televi-
sion programming can also play a critical
role in changing social norms, especially with
Supporting initiatives to transform
respect to fertility and gender-based violence.
gender norms and practices
Evidence shows that people can be prompted
Social norms are not static, and several fac- to rethink gender roles in society when they
tors can influence them. The preferences that are exposed to new information and experi-
men and women express at the individual ences that challenge existing norms. In Bra-
and household level as well as in the pub- zil, despite strong traditional norms in favor
lic sphere are in part determined by their of having many children, increased exposure
socially constructed gender roles. Individual to the opposite behavior by popular women
experiences as well as large-scale political in soap operas led to a measurable decline
and economic processes are capable of bring- in fertility (Chong and La Ferrara 2009; La
ing about dramatic, and often rapid, social Ferrara, Chong, and Duryea 2008). In India,
change. China’s 1949 Communist Revolu- increased exposure to television contributed
tion, for example, had the effect of reduc- to decreased acceptance of wife beating,
ing gender inequalities to an unprecedented lower fertility rates, and noticeable shifts
extent (Bian, Logan, and Shu 2000; Whyte away from son preference (Jenson and Oster
and Parish 1984; Wolf 1985). Moments of 2008).
social change and structural transformation Policies that promote women’s voice and
create opportunities for people to rethink participation in public settings may have pos-
their roles and choices. In East Asia, the pro- itive impacts for future generations. Recent
cess of rapid urbanization that is currently evidence from India shows that the use of
under way brings with it the possibility of political reservation policies improved not
newly defined roles for men and women. As only how people view female politicians but
more women participate in remunerative also how they view their own children and
activities, rigid social norms are challenged. their future opportunities, as well as how
The education system can be a vital source children view their own ambitions (Beaman
to change gender inequality by promoting et al. 2012).
social norms from a young age. The inte-
gration of gender equality principles into
Strengthening the legal and
the school and professional curricula can
institutional environment
tackle the value system of children early on
and challenge discriminatory social norms. As discussed earlier, although countries have
In Indonesia, a recent project evaluated the made some advances, they must continue to
textbooks used in various classes and found improve the legal protections of women to
that they contained gender-biased mate- ensure that they have equal rights under the
rial; the researchers identified messages that law. Apart from legal reforms, institutions
ignored or condoned sexual harassment, must have the capacity to enforce the law
gender-based violence, and gender-based and provide adequate services. This section
stereotypes (Utomo et al. 2009). Evidence presents some of the policies and programs
A G E N C Y : V O I C E A N D I N F L U E N C E W I T H I N T H E H O M E A N D I N S O C I E T Y 171
that countries should continue to pursue. refuses to uphold judgments in their favor
These strategies have contributed to improv- largely on the basis of their gender. Govern-
ing the environment for women by enabling ments must make financial and personnel
them to exercise agency in their own house- investments to ensure that public sector per-
hold and community, and have helped to sonnel have the administrative capacity to
decrease gender-based violence in countries enforce the law and are able to follow gender
and communities. equality principles. Police forces in several
countries in the region—including Indonesia,
Actively participate in international treaties Malaysia, and Thailand—have been criticized
that promote gender equality for being too passive in investigating traffick-
The ratification of international treaties such ing and enforcing antitrafficking laws (U.S.
as CEDAW and the Beijing Declaration and Department of State 2011). Gender training
Platform for Action signals governments’ regarding gender-related matters, including
commitment to gender equality. Through human trafficking, should be mandatory
active participation, governments help policy for all law enforcement personnel, including
makers, CSOs, individuals, and development judges, lawyers, police officers, mediators,
agencies strengthen their position, enabling and social workers.
them to call for further reforms of the civil
and criminal laws to make them consistent
Increasing women’s access to justice
with international standards.
After ratifying international conventions Countries should take steps to make the judi-
against the discrimination of women, the cial system more accessible to women so that
government’s next step is to review the laws women can exercise their agency in the courts
and the way institutions function to ensure when needed. For instance, mobile courts,
that they actively promote equality between such as those in rural areas of China and
the genders under the law, actively promote Indonesia, provide a solution to the problem
nondiscrimination based on individual char- of accessibility and security for women who
acteristics, and legally empower the state to wish to exercise their rights in the legal sys-
eliminate all discrimination based on gen- tem but lack transportation. Technology can
der. In cases in which overall legal reform help extend basic legal services; for instance,
is not possible, governments should iden- basic legal transactions can use telephone
tify priority areas. For instance, in contexts hotlines and websites. For women with few
where women’s agency in the household economic resources, governments can waive
is weak, reforms can focus on marriage, or subsidize the costs of legal aid to ensure
divorce, maintenance laws, and the protec- access to the judicial system.
tion of women from g ender-based violence.
Governments should also commit to under-
Enabling women’s participation in
taking regular assessments to make sure the
politics and policy making
laws are upheld, fill legal gaps, and monitor
progress toward gender equality. In countries Countries may adopt affirmative action
where plural systems of law coexist, govern- policies if the context requires it. In both
ments should continuously assess customary the private and public sectors, voluntary
practices to ascertain whether they curtail or mandatory affirmative action poli-
women’s agency and develop strategies to cies in many countries have increased the
address them. representation of women throughout institu-
tions, from entry-level positions to manage-
Strengthen the capacities of institutions to ector
rial posts. In many countries, private s
enforce the law companies actively pursue these policies on
The judicial system fails women when it is their own; in other countries, public sec-
reluctant to pursue crimes against them and nstitutions take the lead in promoting
tor i
1 7 2 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
gender-based temporary special measures to violence in their communities (Fiji Women’s
signal to the rest of the labor market. In pol- Crisis Centre 2012).
icies, the range of affirmative action mecha-
nisms also varies. Quotas, for example, can Creating space for women’s collective
be in the form of constitutional changes to agency
reserve a certain number of government
posts for women, both through legislative Collective action has drawn private life into
and (formal or informal) political party the public arena, identifying and address-
quotas. Quotas can be used informally or ing gender bias in statutory, religious, and
be formally mandated at the subnational or customary law (UNRISD 2005). It has also
national levels (Dahlerup 2006). Countries reduced the hold of social norms that block
should evaluate the suitability of affirmative greater gender equality. During the debate in
action measures well before embarking on Cambodia, which led to passage of the 2005
their implementation. Affirmative action Law on Prevention of Domestic Violence
measures can open doors for women in pol- and Protection of Victims, the draft law was
itics and public office and enable them to denounced for being antagonistic to Khmer
move into positions of power. Affirmative culture. Parliamentarians criticized it for
action measures can also help to transform “providing women with too many freedoms
people’s views about the efficacy of female and rights, which will cause them to be so
political leaders by increasing the number happy with their freedom that they do not
of women participating in electoral politics. respect ancient Cambodian customs. . . . A
However, under such measures, the percep- cake cannot be bigger than the cake pan (as
tions that women are less qualified may per- cited in Frieson 2011).�? The Cambodia Com-
sist and, in some cases women may hesitate mittee of Women, a coalition of 32 nongov-
to take such positions because of concern ernmental organizations, persistently lobbied
they’ll be perceived as less capable. the government and the Ministry of Women’s
Affairs to secure the legislation’s passage
(World Bank 2011c) .
Pursuing a multipronged approach to
reducing gender-based violence
Notes
Reducing gender-based violence requires
Civic activism is defined as the set of practices
1.
action on a number of fronts: efforts to among citizens which demand greater involve-
increase women’s voice within the household; ment and scrutiny of public decisions and out-
enactment and enforcement of appropriate comes and is often used as a proxy for agency.
legislation and strengthening of women’s Examples of civic activism are memberships in
access to justice; provision of adequate sup- civil society organizations, petitions, protests,
port services for victims of violence; and and peaceful demonstrations.
use of the media to provide information on Demographic and health survey data for the
2.
women’s rights, to increase social aware- countries studied in this chapter are available
ness and to shift social norms with respect through MEASURE DHS, ICF International,
to violence. The Fiji Women’s Crisis Centre, Calverton, MD. http://www.measuredhs.com/.
NSD [Timor-Leste], Ministry of Finance, and
for example, provides crisis counseling as
ICF Macro 2010; NIS and DGH [Cambodia]
well as legal, medical, and other support to 2011; BPS (Statistics Indonesia) and ORC
women and children who have experienced Macro 2003.
gender-based violence. The crisis centre How individual civil society organizations
3.
encourages male advocacy through pro- (CSOs) interact with government varies greatly
grams that train men from police, military, within countries; distinct paths evolved in the
community and religious agencies to more relationship over time among more developed
easily recognize and prevent gender-based countries in East Asia. In Korea, prior to 1990,
A G E N C Y : V O I C E A N D I N F L U E N C E W I T H I N T H E H O M E A N D I N S O C I E T Y 173
the relationship between the government and ———. 2010b. Gender and Green Governance:
civil society was not close in part because their The Political Economy of Women’s Presence
goals did not seem to be aligned. After 1990, within and beyond Community Forestry.
the relationship changed because the govern- New York: Oxford University Press.
ment sought to find common ground with Agarwal, Bina, and Pradeep Panda. 2007.
CSOs (Kim 1998). The role of civil society in “Toward Freedom from Domestic Violence:
Japan also continues to evolve; it had a limited The Neglected Obvious.�? Journal of Human
role in the 1990s because of a cumbersome Development 8 (3): 359–88.
regulatory framework that made entry of new Aizer, Anna. Forthcoming. “The Gender Wage
CSOs and operations of existing ones diffi- Gap and Domestic Violence.�? American
cult (Amemiya 1999; Yamaoka 1999). A new Economic Review.
legal framework was put forth in 2006, which Amemiya, Takako. 1999. “Japan.�? In Philanthropy
prompted some positive changes, especially in and Law in Asia: A Comparative Study of the
the relationship between the government and Nonprofit Legal Systems in Ten Asia Pacific
CSOs (Lowry 2008). Societies, edited by Thomas Silk, 131–62. San
4. Psychological and emotional violence is defined Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
by acts or threats of acts, such as shouting, Anderson, Siwan. 2007. “The Economics of
controlling, intimidating, humiliating, and Dowry and Brideprice.�? Journal of Economic
threatening the victim. This type of violence Perspectives 21 (4): 151–74.
may include coercive tactics. Ashraf, Nava, Dean Karlan, and Wedley Yin.
5. Circumstances include if she does not do her 2006. “Tying Odysseus to the Mast: Evidence
housework to his satisfaction, if she disobeys from a Commitment Savings Product in the
him, if she refuses to have sex with him, if she Philippines.�? Quarterly Journal of Economics
asks him whether he has other girlfriends, if he 121 (2): 635–72.
suspects that she is unfaithful, and if he finds AusAID. 2008. “Vanuatu Country Report.�?
out that she has been unfaithful. ht tp: //w w w.ausaid.gov.au / P ublications
6. The Kasambahay bill is still awaiting Senate /Documents/ResVAW_vanuatu.pdf.
approval as of mid-June 2012. See http:// Ban, Radu, and Vijayendra Rao. 2009. “Is
www.pia.gov.ph/news/index.php?article Deliberation Equitable? Evidence from
=231339654008. Transcripts of Village Meetings in South
India.�? Policy Research Working Paper 4928,
World Bank, Washington, DC.
References Beaman, Lori, Esther Duflo, Rohini Pande, and
A DB (A si a n D e velopm e nt B a n k), C I DA Petia Topalova. 2012. “Female Leadership
(Ca nad ia n I nter nat iona l Development R a i s e s A s p i r at io n s a n d E du c at io n a l
Agency), European Commission, National Attainment for Girls: A Policy Experiment in
Commission on the Role of Filipino Women India.�? Science 335: 582–86.
(NCRFW), United Nations Children’s Fund Bian, Yanjie, John R. Logan, and Xiaolong Shu.
(UNICEF), United Nations Development 2000. “Economic Reform and the Gender
Fund for Women (UNIFEM), and United Wage Gap in China.�? I n Re - D rawing
Nations Population Fund (UNFPA). 2008. Boundaries: Work, Household, and Gender
Paradox and Promise in the Philippines: A in China, edited by Barbara Entwisle and Gail
Joint Country Gender Assessment. http:// E. Henderson, 111–33. Berkeley: University of
w w w.adb.org /docu ments /paradox-and- California Press.
promise-philippines-joint-country-gender- Boomgaard, Peter. 2003. “Bridewealth and Birth
assessment. Control: Low Fertility in the Indonesian
Agarwal, Bina. 2009. “Gender and Forest Archipelago, 1500–1900.�? Population and
Conservation: The Impact of Women’s Development Review 29 (2): 197–214.
Participation in Community Forest Governance.�? Bourdieu, P. 1977. Outline of a Theory of Practice.
Ecological Economics 68 (11): 2785–99. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
———. 2010a. “Does Women’s Proportional BPS (Statistics Indonesia) and ORC Macro. 2003.
Strength Affect Their Participation? Gov Indonesia Demographic and Health Survey
erning Local Forests in South Asia.�? World 2002–2003. Calverton, MD: BPS and ORC
Development 38 (1): 98–112. Macro.
1 7 4 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
Brouwer, Elizabeth C., Bruce M. Harris, and DHS (Demographic and Health Surveys).
Sonomi Tanaka, eds. 1998. Gender Analysis MEASURE DHS, ICF International, Calverton,
in Papua New Guinea. Washington, DC: MD. http://www.measuredhs.com/.
World Bank. Duf lo, Esther. 20 03. “Grandmothers and
Brown, Eleanor. 2007. Out of Sight, Out Granddaughters: Old-Age Pensions and
of Mind? Child Domestic Workers and Intrahousehold Allocation in South Africa.�?
Patterns of Trafficking in Cambodia. Geneva, World Bank Economic Review 17 (1): 1–25.
Switzerland: International Organization for Ely, Robin J. 1995. “The Power in Demography:
Migration. Women’s Social Constructions of Gender
Brown, Philip. 2003. “Dowry and Intrahousehold Identity at Work.�? Academy of Management
Bargaining: Evidence from China.�? Working Journal 38: 589–634.
Paper 608, William Davidson Institute, Enterprise Surveys (database). World Bank,
University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Wa s h i n g t o n , D C . h t t p : / / w w w. e n t e r
CAMBOW (Cambodian Committee of Women) prisesurveys.org.
20 07. Viole nce Again st Wome n: How Fehringer, Jaya, and Michelle J. Hindin. 2009.
Cambodian Laws Discriminate Against “Like Parent, Like Child: Intergenerational
Women. Phnom Penh, Cambodia. Transmission of Partner Violence in Cebu,
CEDAW (Convention on the Elimination of All Philippines.�? Journal of Adolescent Health
Forms of Discrimination Against Women). 44 (4): 363–71.
2012. http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/ Fiji Women’s Crisis Centre. 2012. “Male Advocacy
cedaw/. on Women’s Human Rights.�? http://www
Chattopadhyay, Raghabendra, and Esther Duflo. .fijiwomen.com/index.php?option=com_conte
2004. “Women as Policy Makers: Evidence nt&view=article&id=94&Itemid=115.
from a Randomized Policy Experiment in Fiszbein, Ariel, and Norbert Schady. 2009.
India.�? Econometrica 72 (5): 1409–43. “Conditional Cash Transfers: Reducing
Chong, Alberto, and Eliana La Ferrara. 2009. Present and Future Poverty.�? Policy Research
“Television and Divorce: Evidence from Series, World Bank, Washington, DC.
Brazilian Novelas.�? Journal of the European Freeman, Richard. 1997. “Working for Nothing:
Economic Association 7 (2–3): 458–68. The Supply of Volunteer Labor.�? Journal of
Cochrane, S. H. 1979. Fertility and Education. Labor Economics 15 (1): S140–66.
What Do We Really Know? Baltimore: Johns Frieson, Kate 2011. “Cambodia Case Study:
Hopkins University Press. Evolut ion towa rd G e nd e r E qu a l it y.�?
Cohen, Philip, and Matt Huffman. 2007. Background paper for the World Development
“Working for the Woman: Female Managers Report 2012, World Bank, Washington, DC .
and the Gender Wage Gap.�? American Ganster-Breidler, Margaret. 2010. “Gender-Based
Sociological Review 72: 681–704. Violence and the Impact on Women’s Health
Costello, Marilou, and John B. Casterline. 2002. and Well-being in Papua New Guinea.�? DWU
“Fertility Decline in the Philippines: Current Research Journal 13.
Status, Future Prospects.�? Paper prepared for Haddad, Lawrence, John Hoddinott, and Harold
the Expert Group Meeting on Completing Alderman, eds. 1997. Intrahousehold Resource
the Fertility Transition, Population Division, Allocation in Developing Countries: Models,
United Nations, New York, March 11–14. Methods, and Policy. Baltimore: International
CWDI (Corporate Women Directors International). Food Policy Research Institute and Johns
2010. “CWDI/IFC 2010 Report: Accelerating Hopkins University Press.
Board Diversity.�? CWDI and International Haque, Tobias, and Froniga Greig. 2011.
Finance Corporation (IFC), Washington, DC. “Increasing the Participation of Women
Dahlerup, Drude. 2006. “Introduction.�? In Entrepreneu rs in the Solomon Islands
Women, Quotas and Politics, edited by Drude Aid Economy.�? World Bank, Washington
Dahlerup, 3–31. London and New York: DC . ht t p: //do c u ment s.worldba n k.org /
Routledge. curated/en/2011/01/13430122/increasing-
Dercon, Stefan, and Pramila Krishnan. 2000. “In participation-women-entrepreneurs-solomon-
Sickness and in Health: Risk Sharing within islands-aid-economy.
Households in Rural Ethiopia.�? Journal of Haspels, Nelien, Zaitun Mohamed Kasim,
Political Economy 108 (4): 688–727. Constance Thomas, and Deirdre McCann.
A G E N C Y : V O I C E A N D I N F L U E N C E W I T H I N T H E H O M E A N D I N S O C I E T Y 175
2001. “Action against Sexual Harassment Jensen, Robert, and Emily Oster. 2009. “The
at Work in Asia and the Pacific.�? Technical Power of TV: Cable Television and Women’s
report prepared for the ILO/Japan Regional Status in India.�? Quarterly Journal of
Tripartite Seminar on Action against Sexual Economics 124 (3): 1057–94.
Harassment at Work in Asia and the Pacific, Jivan, Vedna, and Christine Forster. 2007.
Penang, Malaysia, October 2–4. Translating CEDAW into Law: CEDAW
Heise, Lori. 2011. “What Works to Prevent Legislative Compliance in Nine Pacific
Partner Violence? An Evidence Overview.�? Countries. Suva, Fiji: UNDP Pacific Centre
Department for International Development and UNIFEM Pacific Regional Office.
(DFID) Working Paper, DFID, London. Kabeer, Naila. 1999. “Resources, Agency,
Hjort, J., and E. Villanger. 2011. “Backlash: Achievements: Reflections on the Measurement
Female Employment and Domestic Violence.�? of Women’s Empowerment.�? Development
Technical report, preliminary working paper. and Change 30 (3): 435–64.
World Bank, Washington, DC. Kennedy, Elissa, Natalie Gray, Peter Azzopardi, and
Hultin, Mia, and Ryszard Szulkin. 2003. “Wages Mike Creati. 2011. “Adolescent Fertility and
and Unequal Access to Organizational Power: Family Planning in East Asia and the Pacific:
An Empirical Test of Gender Discrimination.�? A Review of DHS Reports.�? Reproductive
Admini strative Scie nc e Q u ar te rly 4 4: Health 8: 11. doi:10.1186/1742-4755-8-11.
453–72. Kim, H. 1998. Study on the Civil Society and
ICRW (International Center for Research on Non-Governmental Organizations in Korea.
Women). 2006. Property Ownership and Seoul: Yonsei University, Dong-Su Yon Ku,
Inheritance Rights of Women for Social Institute of East and West Studies.
Protection: The South Asia Experience. Labani, Sepideh, Carla Zabaleta Kaehler, and
Washington, DC: ICRW. Paula de Dios Ruiz. 2009. “Gender Analy
ILO (International Labour Organization). 2005. sis of Women’s Political Participation in
“The Mekong Challenge. Analysis Report 7 South-East Asian Countries: Bangladesh,
of the Baseline Survey for the TICW Project Cambodia, the Philippines, Indonesia, Sri
Phase II in Yunnan Province.�? The Mekong Lanka, East Timor and Vietnam.�? Enjambra
Sub-regional Project to Combat Trafficking in Contra la Explotación Sexual. http://www
Children and Women, International Labour .bantaba.ehu.es /obs /files /view/G ender_
Office, Bangkok. analysis_of_women’s_political_participation
———. 2008. “Women’s Entrepreneurship .pdf?revision_id=79226&package_id=79202
Development in Aceh:Gender and Entre La Ferrara, Eliana, Alberto Chong, and Suzanne
preneurship Together (GET Ahead) Training Duryea. 2008. “Soap Operas and Fertility:
Implementation: Impact Assessment.�? ILO Evidence from Brazil.�? RES Working Paper
Jakarta Office, Jakarta, Indonesia. 4573, Inter-American Development Bank,
———. 20 09. “Operational I ndicators of Washington, DC.
Trafficking in Human Beings: Results from Lao PDR Ministry of Planning and Investment.
a Delphi survey Implemented by the ILO and 2011. “Seventh Five-Year National Socio-
the European Commission.�? ILO, Geneva, Economic Development Plan 2011–2015.�?
Switzerland. http://w w w.wpro.who.int /countries/ lao/
Imai, Katsushi, and Per A. Eklund. 2008. LAO20112015.pdf.
“Women’s Organizations and Social Capital Lewis, Ione, Bessie Maruia, and Sharon Walker.
to Reduce Prevalence of Child Malnutrition 2008. “Violence against Women in Papua
in Papua New Guinea.�? Oxford Development New Guinea.�? Journal of Family Studies 14:
Studies 36 (2): 209–33. 183–197.
ISD (Indices of Social Development) database. L ow r y, C a m eron . 2 0 0 8 . “C iv i l S o c ie t y
International Institute of Social Studies in Engagement in Asia: Six Country Profiles.�?
The Hague. http://w w w.indsocdev.org / Manuscript prepared for the Asia-Pacific
home.html. Governance and Democracy Initiative, East-
Jejeebhoy, Shireen. 1995. Women’s Education, West Center, Washington, DC.
A utonomy, R e produc tive Behav ior: Maffii, Margherita, and Sineath Hong. 2010.
Experiences from Developing Countries. “Political Participation of Indigenous Women
Oxford: Clarendon Press. in Cambodia.�? Asien 114–15 (April): 16–32.
1 7 6 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
Mahtani, Shalini, Kate Vernon, and Ruth NSO (National Statistics Office) [Philippines] and
Sealy. 2009. Women on Boards: Hang Seng ICF Macro. 2009. Philippines Demographic
Index 20 09. Community Business and and Health Survey 2008. Calverton, MD:
Cranfield School of Management. http:// NSO and ICF Macro.
www.communitybusiness.org /images/cb/ Panda, Pradeep, and Bina Agarwal. 2005.
publications/2009/WOB.pdf. “Marital Violence, Human Development and
Mason, Karen Oppenheim. 2005. “Measuring Women’s Property Status in India.�? World
Women’s Empowerment: Learning from Development 33 (5): 823–50.
Cross-National Research.�? In Measuring PARLINE database on national parliaments.
Empowerment: Cross-Disciplinar y Inter-Parliamentary Union. http://www.ipu
Perspectives, edited by D. Narayan, 89–102. .org/wmn-e/world.htm.
Washington, DC: World Bank. PEKKA (Perempuan Kepala Keluarga [Women
Mason, Karen Oppenheim, and Herbert L. Headed Household Empowerment Program]).
Smith. 2003. “Women’s Empowerment and Accessed 2012. http://www.pekka.or.id/8
Social Context: Results from Five Asian /index.php.
Countries.�? Paper presented at the workshop Philippine Commission on Women. 2012. http://
on “Measu ri ng E mpowerment: Cross- pcw.gov.ph /statistics/201205/statistics-
Disciplinary Perspectives,�? World Bank, violence-against-filipino-women.
Washington, DC, February 4–5. Pritchett, Lant H. 1994. “Desired Fertility and
McElroy, Marjorie B. 1990. The Empirical the Impact of Population Policies.�? Population
Content of Nash-Bargained Household and Development Review 20 (1): 1–55.
Behavior. Journal of Human Resources 25(4): Pronyk, Paul, James Hargreaves, Julia Kim,
559–83. Linda Morison, Godfrey Phetla, Charlotte
MOH (Ministry of Health) [Samoa], Samoa Watts, Joanna Busza, and John Porter. 2006.
Bureau of Statistics, and ICF Macro. 2010. “Effect of a Structural Intervention for the
Samoa Demographic and Health Survey 2009. Prevention of Intimate-Partner Violence
Apia, Samoa: Ministry of Health, Samoa. and HIV in Rural South Africa: A Cluster
Available from the MEASURE DHS website Randomized Trial.�? Lancet 2368 (9551):
http://www.measuredhs.com/publications/ 1973–83.
publication-fr240-dhs-final-reports.cfm. Quisumbing, Agnes R., and J. Maluccio. 2003.
Monson, Rebecca. 2010. “Women, State Law “Resources at Marriage and Intra-household
and Land in Peri-Urban Settlements on Allocation: Evidence from Bangladesh,
Guadalcanal, Solomon Islands.�? Briefing note. Ethiopia, Indonesia, and South Africa.�?
World Bank, Washington, DC. Oxford Bulletin of Economics and Statistics
Morrison, Andrew, Mary Ellsberg, and Sarah 65: 283–327.
Bott. 20 07. “Addressing Gender-Based The Quota Project (database). International IDEA,
Violence: A Critical Review of Interventions.�? Stockholm University, and Inter-Parliamentary
World Bank Observer 22 (1): 25–51. Union. http://www.quotaproject.org/.
Morrison, Andrew, and Maria Beatriz Orlando. Rammohan, Anu, and Meliyanni Johar. 2009.
2004. The Costs and Impacts of Gender- “The Determinants of Married Women’s
Based Violence in Developing Countries: Autonomy in Indonesia.�? Feminist Economics
Methodological Considerations and New 15 (4): 31–55.
Evidence. Washington, DC: World Bank. Rangel, Marcos. A. 2006. “Alimony Rights and
NIS (National Institute of Statistics) [Cambodia Intrahousehold Allocation of Resources:
Ministry of Planning], and DGH (Directorate Evidence from Brazil.�? Economic Journal 116
General for Health) [Ministry of Health]. (July), 627–58.
2011. Cambodia: Demographic and Health Rand, John, and Finn Tarp. 2011. “Does Gender
Survey 2010—Final Report. Calverton, MD: Influence the Provision of Fringe Benefits?
MEASURE DHS. Evidence from Vietnamese SMEs.�? Feminist
NSD (National Statistics Directorate) [Timor- Economics 17 (1): 59–87.
Leste], Ministry of Finance [Timor-Leste], and Rinaldo, Rachel. 2002. “Ironic Legacy: The
ICF Macro. 2010. Timor-Leste Demographic New Order a nd I ndone sia n Women’s
and Health Survey 2009–10. Dili, Timor- Groups.�?Outskirts 10. http://www.chloe.uwa
Leste: NSD and ICF Macro. .edu.au/outskirts/archive/volume10/rinaldo.
A G E N C Y : V O I C E A N D I N F L U E N C E W I T H I N T H E H O M E A N D I N S O C I E T Y 177
Robinson, Kathy, and Sharon Bessell. 2002. Thomas, Duncan. 1990. “Intra-household
“Introduction to the Issues.�? In Women in Resource Allocation: An Inferential Approach.�?
Indonesia: Gender, Equity and Development, Journal of Human Resources 25 (4): 635–64.
edited by K. Robinson and S. Bessell, 1–12. ———. 1992. “The Distribution of Income and
Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Expenditures within the Household.�? Annales
Studies. d’Economie et de Statistique 29: 109–36.
Sen, Amartya. 1992. “Missing Women.�? British ———. 1995. “Like Father, Like Son, Like
Medical Journal 304: 587–88. Mother, Like Daughter, Parental Resources
———. 1999. Development as Freedom. Oxford, and Child Height.�? Papers 95-01, RAND
U.K.: Oxford University Press. Reprint Series.
SIGI (Social Institutions and Gender Index). Thomas, Duncan, and Chien-Liang Chen. 1994.
Poverty Reduction and Social Development “Income Shares and Shares of Income.�? Labor
Unit, OECD Development Centre. http:// and Population Working Paper 94-08, RAND
genderindex.org/. Corporation, Santa Monica, California.
Singh, Umakant. 2009. “Women and Men United UN (United Nations). 1993. “Declaration on the
to End Violence against Women and Girls: Elimination of Violence against Women,�?
Four Years Impact Evaluation Report 2005– December 20, http://www.un.org/documents/
2009.�? Women’s Media Centre of Cambodia, ga/res/48/a48r104.htm.
Phnom Penh, Cambodia. ———. 2006. “In-Depth Study of All Forms
SPC (Secretariat of the Pacific Community), of Violence against Women: Report of the
Ministry of Internal and Social Affairs Secretary-General.�? A/61/122/Add.1, July 6.
[Republic of Kiribati], and Statistics Division UN General Assembly, New York.
[Republic of Kiribati]. 2010. Kiribati Family UNDP (United Nations Development Programme).
Health and Support Study: A Study on 2005. Community Capacity Enhancement
Violence against Women and Children. Strategy Note. New York: UNDP. http://www
Nouméa, New Caledonia: SPC. .undp.org/content/undp/en/home/librarypage/
SPC (Secretariat of the Pacific Community) and hiv-aids/community-capacity-enhancement-
NSO (National Statistics Office) [Solomon strategy-note/.
Islands]. 2009. Solomon Islands Family ———. 2010. Asia-Pacific Human Development
Health and Safety Study: A Study on Violence Report: Power, Voice and Rights: A Turning
against Women and Children. Nouméa, New Point for Gender Equality in Asia and the
Caledonia: SPC. Pacific. Colombo, Sri Lanka: Macmillan.
Stege, Kristina, Ruth Maetala, Anna Naupa, and U NFPA (United Nations Population Fund).
Joel Simo. 2008. “Land and Women: The 2006. State of the World Population 2006: A
Matrilineal Factor: The Cases of the Republic Passage to Hope: Women and International
of Marshall Islands, Solomon Islands and Migration. http://www.unfpa.org/swp/2006/
Vanuatu.�? Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat, english/introduction.html.
Suva, Fiji. ———. 2010. “An Assessment of the State of
Sumner, Cate, and Tim Lindsey. 2011. “Courting Violence Against Women in Fiji.�? Suva as cited
Reform: Indonesia’s Islamic Courts and Justice in CEDAW/C/FIJI/2-4 p. 50, Jan 28, 2010.
for the Poor.�? International Journal for Court UNIFEM (United Nations Development Fund
Administration (December). for Women). 2010. “E nd i ng Violence
Swain, P. 2000. “Development, Globalization, A ga i nst Women a nd G i rls: Ev idence ,
Civ i l S o ciet y a nd Non- G over n ment a l Data and Knowledge in the Pacific Island
Organizations in the Pacific.�? Background Countries. Literature Review and Annotated
paper prepared for the Stakeholders Workshop Bibliography.�? UNIFEM Pacific Regional
on NGO Capacity Building, Port Vila, Office, Suva, Fiji.
Vanuatu, November 6–8. UNODC (United Nations Office on Drugs and
Swaminathan, Hema, Cherryl Walker, and Crime). 2009. “International Framework for
Margaret A. Rugadya, eds. 2008. Women’s Action to Implement the Trafficking in Persons
Prope r t y R ight s, H I V an d A I DS an d Protocol,�? United Nations, New York.
Domestic Violence: Research Findings from UNRISD (United Nations Research Institute
Two Districts in South Africa and Uganda. for Social Development). 2005. “Women
Cape Town, South Africa: HSRC Press. Mobilizing to Reshape Democracy.�? In
1 7 8 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
Gender Equality: Striving for Justice in an Whyte, Martin King, and William L. Parish.
Unequal World, edited by UNRISD, 167–80. 1984. Urban Life in Contemporary China.
Geneva: United Nations. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
U.S. Department of State. 2008. Laos Trafficking Wolf, Margery. 1985. Revolution Postponed:
in Persons Report 2008. Washington, DC: Women in Contemporary China. Stanford,
U.S. Department of State. California: Stanford University Press.
———. 2011. Trafficking in Persons Report 2011. World Bank. 2011a. “Vietnam Country Gender
Washington, DC: U.S. Department of State. Assessment.�? World Bank, Washington, DC.
Utomo, Iwu, Peter McDonald, Terence Hull, http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/
Ida Rosyidah, Tati Hattimah, Nurul Idrus, en /2011/11/15470188/vietnam-country-
Saparinah Sadli, and Jamhari Makruj. 2009. gender-assessment.
“Gender Depiction in Indonesian School Text ———. 2011b. Defining Gender in the XXI
Books: Progress or Deterioration.�? Australian Century: Conversations with Men and Women
Demographic and Social Research Institute, Around the World (qualitative assessment
Australian National University, Canberra. dataset). World Bank, Washington, DC. http://
Vietnam: Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey. 2006. go.worldbank.org/CD8RN24BP0.
World Bank, Washington, DC. http://microdata ———. 2011c. World Development Report
.worldbank.org/index.php/catalog/31. 2012: Gender Equality and Development.
V WC (Vanuatu Women’s Center) and NSO Washington, DC: World Bank.
(National Statistics Office). 2011. Vanuatu ———. 2011d. “Reproductive Health at a Glance:
National Survey on Women’s Lives and Family Timor-Leste.�? World Bank, Washington, DC.
Relationships. Port Vila, Vanuatu: VWC. WRAP (Women’s Rights and Advocacy in the
Wa ng , Z heng x u , a nd Wei na Da i. 2010. Pacific). 2011. “Promoting Gender Equity
“Women’s Participation in Rural China’s Self- in the Pacific: Recommendations for Pacific
Governance: Institutional, Socioeconomic, Island Forum Leaders,�? WRAP Reports,
and Cultural Factors in a Jiangsu Country.�? WRAP, Wellington, New Zealand.
Discussion Paper 69, China Policy Institute, Ya m aoka , Yosh i nor i. 1999. “Japa n.�? I n
University of Nottingham, U.K. Philanthropy and Law in Asia , edited by
W HO GW H (World Health Organization, Thomas Silk, 163–98. San Francisco: Jossey-
Department of Gender, Women and Health). Bass.
2007. “Integrating Gender into the Curricula Zhang, Heather. 1999. “Female Migration
for Health Professionals.�? Meeting Report, and Urban Labour Markets in Tianjin.�?
December 4–6. WHO, Geneva. Development and Change 30 (1): 21–41.
Gender and the Region’s
Emerging Development 5
Challenges
T
he world is more integrated now than (a) globalization and integration, (b) migra-
it has ever been in its history, bring- tion, (c) urbanization, (d) aging populations,
ing regions together economically, and (e) information and communication tech-
socially, and culturally. The East Asia and nology (ICT). Each of these trends involves a
Pacific region is one of the most dynamic in number of gender-related challenges but also
the world and has been at the forefront of presents new and encouraging prospects for
the trend toward greater global integration. women. Policy makers in the region will have
Over the course of two decades, many coun- to manage these challenges while simultane-
tries in the region have changed the struc- ously fostering new opportunities:
ture of their economies and have gradually
opened to greater inflows and outflows of • Globalization. The trend toward greater
people, goods, and physical capital. Techno- global economic integration, which has
logical advances have changed production been particularly marked in the East
processes in all sectors, from better market Asia and Pacific region, has the potential
access in agriculture to mechanization in to increase economic opportunities for
manufacturing. The region has seen shifts women and to narrow the gender wage
in the geographic patterns of settlement and gap. However, globalization also raises
work as the center of economic activities the likelihood that shocks will be trans-
has moved from rural to urban areas and mitted from country to country through
as international and intranational migra- integrated markets. Many studies, includ-
tion has increased. Rapid declines in fertility ing those from the recent global financial
and mortality are anticipated to change the crisis, have found that these shocks have a
region’s demographic profile—in some coun- gender-differentiated effect along a wide
tries, the proportion of the population over range of outcomes, including human capi-
age 65 is already larger than the proportion tal investment, labor force participation,
that are 15 and under. earnings, and mortality.
This chapter examines how the follow- • M ig ra t i o n . T he e c onom ic g row t h
ing five key trends are affecting the men and
experienced in the region over the past
women of the East Asia and Pacific region: three decades has spurred significant
179
1 8 0 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
m
ovements of p eople within and across Globalization
c ountries in search of better economic
opportunities. Women make up nearly Globalization presents opportunities as well
half of these migrants in the East Asia as challenges for reducing gender inequality.
and Pacific region. Migration can provide The opening up of domestic economies to
women with more and better economic specialization spurred by international trade
opportunities, but it can also put them at may increase economic opportunities and
greater risk for exploitation, abuse, and women’s empowerment, but this trend also
human trafficking. brings with it an increased risk that shocks
• U rbanization. Unprecedented increases will be transmitted from country to country
in migration to urban areas have taken through increasingly integrated markets.
place in recent decades as men and
women move in search of jobs. Urban- Growth in trade and capital flows
ization can transform women’s lives in East Asia and the Pacific
through improved access to infrastruc-
ture, education, and health services and Developing countries all over the world are
a wider range of economic opportunities. experiencing structural change at a rapid
Women’s ability to take advantage of pace. Since 1987, the share of both male and
these opportunities depends on whether female employment in manufacturing and
gender-sensitive infrastructure and ser- services in developing countries has grown
vice delivery have been considered and faster than in developed countries, reflecting
whether they are able to balance their changes in the global distribution of produc-
home and work lives. tion and labor (World Bank 2011b). These
• A ging. The population of the East Asia trends have been mirrored in the East Asia
and Pacific region is aging rapidly, in and Pacific region (chapter 3).
many countries at a faster pace than in the Behind these changes in economic struc-
rest of the world. Women, both the elderly ture lie the powerful global forces of eco-
and the young, are likely to face particular nomic and social integration and economic
challenges as a result of this demographic reforms. In many countries in the region,
change. Although women tend to live lon- reforms during the 1990s and early 2000s
ger than men, they have fewer economic laid the foundation for institutional change
assets and resources and are less likely to and rapid growth. The export of goods and
be covered by formal social security sys- services as a proportion of gross d omestic
tems. They are also more likely to be care- product (GDP) rose from 17 percent in
givers to the elderly than men. 1980 to 43 percent in 2008. However, these
•
I nformation and communication tech- flows are volatile. The recent financial cri-
nology (ICT). Advances in information sis has caused exports to fall to 35 percent
and communication technologies are of GDP in the region. Within the region,
revolutionizing the ways in which men the ratio of exports to GDP varies widely.
and women in the region are exposed to For example, in Vietnam, this ratio has
ideas, share knowledge, and network. increased hugely over time, from 7 percent
ICTs can empower women by opening in 1986 to over 70 percent in the late 2000s,
new economic opportunities, break- while in Indonesia, the ratio has remained
ing down information barriers, chang- between 20 and 40 percent over the past
ing social norms, and enabling collective three decades.1
action. Evidence suggests that women in
the region may still have less access to
Globalization and gender
information technology than men, reduc-
ing their ability to harness their transfor- These trade and capital flows have generated
mative potential. new employment and income-generation
G E N D E R A N D T H E R E G I O N ’ S E M E R G I N G D E V E L O P M E N T C H A L L E N G E S 181
opportunities within the region, particularly small fraction of the female workforce.
for women. 2 However, these flows have also Among female workers ages 15–34, who are
been associated with greater economic vola- the most likely to be employed in the manu-
tility, because global or regional macroeco- ector, e
facturing s mployment in the garment
nomic shocks—such as the Asian financial industry is substantial in some countries in
crisis of 1997–98, the food and fuel crisis the region, from approximately 8 percent
of 2004 and 2008, and the global financial of 15- to 34-year-old females in Indonesia
crisis—can spread more rapidly throughout to over 15 percent in Vietnam ( figure 5.3).
the world. This section explores the ways in Employment p atterns have shifted over time
which globalization has changed the lives of
men and women in the region. FIGURE 5.1 Women are more likely to work in export-oriented
firms than in non-export-oriented firms
Globalization and increased economic
opportunities for women a. percentage of workers that are female, by region
Women have played an important role in 60
the expansion of export-oriented manu-
facturing during the process of economic 50
development and structural transformation
40
(Standing 1999; Wood 1991). Increases in
trade and mobile capital have expanded job
percent
30
opportunities in the East Asia and Pacific
region, particularly for women who make 20
up a large proportion of the labor force in
the export-oriented manufacturing sector 10
in the region and around the world (World
Bank 2011b). 0
Export-oriented firms are more likely to
ic
sia
be d
Af and
sia
ca
cif
ib an
fri
lA
hA
an
a
Pa
ric
nA
ar ca
rth st
hire women than non-export-oriented firms,
ra
ut
No Ea
d
e C eri
nt
ra
an
So
e
m
Ce
ha
both across the world and within the region
dl
ia
A
Sa
id
d
As
tin
an
M
b-
th
(figure 5.1). The East Asia and Pacific region
st
La
Su
pe
Ea
ro
is second only to Europe and Central Asia
Eu
in the proportion of female workers work-
ing in the export-oriented sector. Within b. percentage of workers that are female,
East Asia, the fraction of female workers by country in the East Asia and Pacific region
is substantially higher in export-oriented 70
firms than in non-export-oriented firms,
60
with Indonesia as a key exception in this
regard (figure 5.1b). 50
Female workers predominate in certain
40
percent
export-oriented sectors, such as the gar-
ment sector. These sectors have grown 30
substantially and quickly in recent years.
20
Figure 5.2 depicts employment in Viet-
nam’s textile and apparel sectors, which 10
grew significantly bet ween 20 0 0 and
0
2008. Women are more likely to work Cambodia China Indonesia Thailand
in these sectors than men in C ambodia, exporter non-exporter
Indonesia, the Lao People’s D emocratic
Republic, and Vietnam, although overall Source: Enterprise Surveys database, 2002–05 data.
garments and textiles account for only a Note: The data are not available for examining similar patterns in Pacific countries.
1 8 2 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
FIGURE 5.2 Employment in textile and apparel in Vietnam grew from the East Asia and Pacific region sug-
substantially between 2000 and 2008 gests that with the exception of I ndonesia,
electronics production does not appear to be
employment, thousands an overwhelmingly female area of work.
1,000 The experience of developed countries
900 in the region shows that the demand for
800 female labor in export-oriented industries
700
declines as countries transition from labor-
intensive to capital-intensive manufactur-
600
ing. In Korea, women constituted 70 per-
thousands
500 cent of workers in export processing zones
400 in 1990 compared to 42 percent of employ-
300 ees in manufacturing overall (Kusago and
200 Tzannatos 1998), a substantial rise over the
28 percent of women employed in manufac-
100
turing in 1972 (Seguino 1997). However,
0 the dominance of females in the export-
2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008
oriented sector has declined since heavy
textile apparel total
chemical and manufacturing industries,
Sources: Frederick and Staritz 2011.
such as steel, cars, and shipbuilding, began
to increasingly replace light manufacturing
industries (Kong 2007). In Taiwan, China,
a concerted shift toward capital- or technol-
FIGURE 5.3 Women predominate in the garment sector in four
ogy-intensive exports in the late 1970s and
East Asian countries
early 1980s was accompanied by a steady
decline in the share of female wage workers
percentage of the labor force in the garment sector,
18 ages 15–34, by gender
in the manufacturing sector until the mid-
1990s (Berik 2000).
16
A lt hou g h wo m e n a r e e x t e n s ive ly
14 employed in the sectors that are expanding
12 as a result of increased trade opportunities
10 in many East Asian and Pacific countries, as
percent
sectors become more technology, skill, and
8
capital intensive, employers may ultimately
6 replace female workers with more highly
4 skilled men ( Gamberoni and Reis 2011;
2 Tejani and M ilberg 2010). For example,
0
in Malaysia, only 40 percent of the work-
Indonesia, 2009 Lao PDR, 2008 Cambodia, 2008 Vietnam, 2006 ers in the Special Economic Zones are now
male female female, down from 60 percent two decades
ago (IFC 2008). S everal possible explana-
Sources: World Bank staff estimates using Cambodia Socioeconomic Survey (CSES) (NIS Cambodia), tions for this include (a) differences in the
2008 data; Indonesia National Labor Force S urveys (SAKERNAS) (BPS Indonesia), 2009 data; Lao level and content of men’s and women’s edu-
Expenditure and Consumption Survey (LECS) (LSB Lao PDR), 2008 data; VHLSS (GSO Vietnam), 2006
data. cation; (b) discrimination and gender segre-
gation in higher skilled jobs; (c) tight female
in the electronics industry. In earlier waves labor markets that can force female wages to
of export-orientated growth in Japan, the rise; and (d) the view that men deserve more
Republic of Korea and Taiwan, China, the secure employment and are less likely to
labor force in electronics was predominantly leave paid work to fulfill domestic responsi-
female. Analysis of recent household data bilities�? (Seguino and Grown 2006, 8; Berik
G E N D E R A N D T H E R E G I O N ’ S E M E R G I N G D E V E L O P M E N T C H A L L E N G E S 183
forthcoming; G amberoni and Reis 2011; manufacturing sector in Mexico increased the
Tejani and M ilberg 2010). school dropout rate (Atkin 2010).
The wages of men and women respond
differently to trade liberalization and export- Gender-related challenges of globalization
oriented growth, depending on (a) the type Despite expanding economic opportuni-
of growth seen, (b) a country’s compara- ties for women, globalization poses chal-
tive advantage, and (c) institutional and lenges in the form of increased exposure to
policy-related factors (Berik, van der Meu- externally driven shocks and in the type and
len Rodgers, and Zveglich 2004; Black and quality of work conducted by women in the
Brainerd 2002; Oostendorp 2009; Seguino export-oriented sector. Externally driven
2000). 3 During periods of export-oriented shocks have had a negative effect on women
growth, gender wage gaps narrowed in in a number of outcomes related to health,
Korea while they widened in Taiwan, China education, and employment.
(Seguino 2000). The difference in patterns Men and women work in different occu-
is attributed to increasing capital mobility pations and industries, so they tend to be
in Taiwan, China, which moved capital out affected differently by economic shocks. In
of labor- and female-intensive industries, addition, because crises vary in the sectors
whereas regulations in Korea limited the they affect and in their propagation mecha-
movement of capital (Seguino 2000). Similar nisms, the employment and wage effects on
evidence from Bangladesh indicates that a men and women also vary across crises. For
movement up the value chain in the Bangla- example, in the Philippines, the food and
deshi garment industry had negative repercus- fuel crisis of 2008 affected employment and
sions for female workers, who are less likely wages in different ways than the financial
to work in the more skill-intensive occupa- crisis of 2009 (Menon and van der Meulen
tions (Frederick and Staritz 2011). In Taiwan, Rodgers forthcoming). Following the food
China, and in Korea, the wage gap between and fuel crisis, more unskilled workers lost
men and women widened in sectors with their jobs than skilled workers, whereas
strong trade competition between 1980 and skilled workers suffered more than unskilled
1999 (Berik, van der Meulen R odgers, and workers during the financial crisis. Women’s
Zveglich 2004). In Taiwan, China, greater likelihood of employment dropped more than
export orientation adversely affected both that of men during both crises but, although
men’s and women’s wages, but it reduced most of the decline for men came from fall-
gender wage inequality because male employ- ing wage employment, women lost work in
ees faced a greater wage penalty than female both wage employment and self-employment.
workers did (Berik 2000). In Cambodia, analysis showed that the finan-
The expansion of labor market opportuni- cial crisis resulted in labor market churning,
ties as a result of trade liberalization may also in which high job destruction was followed
encourage investment in education among by an even larger creation of low-quality
young women. For example, the expansion jobs. Women accounted for the greatest share
of call centers and other economic opportu- of job losses but also the largest share of jobs
nities for women linked to globalization have created (Bruni et al. 2012).
increased female educational investment in Across the world, as well as in the East Asia
India (Munshi and Rosenzweig 2004; Oster and and Pacific region, both women’s employ-
Millet 2010; Shastry 2010). The evidence sug- ment and the total number of hours that
gests that the relationship between investment women work tend to increase during periods
in education and labor market opportunities of economic crisis (Frankenburg, Smith, and
depends on the skill bias of export-oriented Thomas 2000; Lim 2000; Tork and Mason
growth and that growth in low-skill inten- 2009). 5 Using data from 63 developing and
sive opportunities may in fact reduce educa- transition countries, Bhalotra and Umana-
tional investment. Growth in the unskilled Aponte (2010) found that a 10 percent drop
1 8 4 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
in a country’s GDP is associated with a 0.74 1 percent decline in per capita GDP being
percentage point increase in women’s work associated with a 10 to 15 percent increase
participation.4 Those authors also found in infant mortality on average. However,
that, in the East Asia and Pacific region, the the effect on females is approximately twice
employment of rural women and m arried the effect on males—a 1 percent decline in
women with a child under the age of five was per capita GDP increases the mortality rates
more sensitive to cyclical variation than other of boys by 0.27 per thousand born, whereas
women, possibly because they tend to be it raises that of girls by 0.53 per thousand.
closer to their subsistence requirements. The quality and quantity of women’s and
Women’s employment in the East Asia girls’ diets are also more likely to have been
and Pacific region may be disproportionately disproportionately affected by the food
affected by crises because of perceptions and financial crisis than those of men and
that they should leave job opportunities for boys (Jones et al. 2009). In addition, ten-
male workers. In Korea, more women than sions in households increase during peri-
men dropped out of the labor force and ods of economic stress. During the finan-
became “discouraged�? workers during the cial crisis of 2009, both men and women
1997–98 crisis (Kim and Voos 2007). The reported an increase in the number of argu-
increase in dropouts was concentrated among ments between husbands and wives related
young, single women and outweighed the to their limited financial resources, which
increased labor force participation of mar- sometimes led to violence (Turk and Mason
ried women who entered the labor market to 2009).6
maintain their family’s income (Kang 1999, Evidence from macroeconomic crises sug-
cited in Kim and Voos 2007). The major- gests that, although children’s school enroll-
ity of employers targeted women workers ment declines in response to these shocks,
for voluntary resignation, especially if those the gender differences are small relative to
women were from double-income families or their overall impacts (Sabarwal, Sinha, and
were married. Anecdotal evidence suggests Buvinic 2010). In Indonesia and the Philip-
that women in some sectors in Korea, such pines, the 1997–98 crisis was associated
as banking, were forced to resign from their with declines in children’s school enroll-
permanent positions and were then rehired as ment or increases in child labor (Franken-
temporary employees (Kim and Voos 2007). berg, Beard, and Saputra 1999; Lim 2000;
The disproportionate dismissal of female Thomas et al. 2004). In the Philippines,
employees during the crisis occurred partly the enrollment of female children declined
because of employers’ perception that hiring slightly at the elementary level in 1998–99,
female workers cost them more than hiring whereas male enrollment increased substan-
male workers (Kong 2007) and partly because tially during that year (Lim 2000). At the
employers viewed men as the main family same time, child labor among boys ages 10 to
breadwinners and hence believed that women 14 increased in both urban and rural areas,
should step aside (Kim and Park 2006). and labor force participation rates of girls
Female health has been found to be more increased only marginally. In Indonesia, real
susceptible to shocks than male health, education expenditures as well as the share
both in the region and elsewhere (Strauss of the household budget spent on schooling
and Thomas 2008). Females are more likely declined between 1997 and 1998 (Thomas
to suffer from physical and mental health et al. 2004). Households spent more on the
deteriorations during periods of crisis education of young men (ages 15–19) than
(Dercon and Krishnan 2000; Frankenberg
young women and mobilized the money to
et al. 2008; Friedman and Thomas 2007). do so by reducing their expenditures on the
Data from 59 developing countries show education of younger male and female chil-
a large negative association between per dren (ages 10–14) and of older females (ages
capita GDP and infant mortality, with a 15–19).
G E N D E R A N D T H E R E G I O N ’ S E M E R G I N G D E V E L O P M E N T C H A L L E N G E S 185
Finally, globalization poses challenges in positions and more likely to be employed
the type and quality of work conducted by in temporary positions or in the informal
women in the export-oriented sector. Gen- sector than men. Furthermore, experience
der segregation continues to exist. Women from developed countries in the region
are less likely to be employed in managerial suggests that, as economies develop and
or professional positions and are more likely industries move up the value chain, female
to be in part-time or informal subcontracted employment in the export-oriented sector
jobs (Seguino 2000).7 Older female work- may decline as so-called male industries
ers also face barriers in these industries. emerge.
For example, in Shenzhen, the largest of the Policies that reduce gender gaps in eco-
Special Economic Zones (SEZs) in China, nomic opportunities, and in particular in
female workers under 25 years of age make labor force participation and gender based
up 90 percent of workers in garment and occupational and industrial segregation, are
electronics plants (Summerfield 1995, cited necessary to ensure that women are able to
in Davin 2004). This bias may be because fully benefit from the economic opportu-
firms in these zones often use single-sex dor- nities brought about by greater globaliza-
mitories to accommodate migrant workers, tion. Since women are disproportionately
a situation that is incompatible with mar- employed in the export-orientated sector
riage and family formation (Davin 2004; and in special economic zones, there may
Ngai 2004). be scope for p olicy makers to promote the
Many studies have suggested that employ- creation of zone-level social services that are
ment in Export Processing Zones (EPZs) is sensitive to women’s needs.
characterized by unsafe working conditions Greater economic integration also entails
and the suppression of labor rights; however, risks, notably an increased exposure to
studies do not make clear whether workers employment shocks, which will have gender-
in these zones are worse off than their rural differentiated impacts. To address these
and urban counterparts (Murayama and risks, policy makers need to design social
Yokata 2008). Governments set the legal protection programs that adequately account
framework for employment practices in for the different risks faced by female and
SEZs, which may have the same labor stan- male workers. Recognizing the gender-
dards as those in the country as a whole or differentiated impacts of labor market pro-
may be unique to the SEZs. For example, in grams and policies enacted to mitigate crises
the Philippines, all national laws officially will lead to better policy making. Evidence
apply in EPZs. In practice, however, the from the region suggests that gender blind
Philippines Economic Zone Authority, often policies enacted in response to shocks may
allows firms in the EPZ to circumvent these have gender differentiated impacts.
laws (McKay 2006).
Migration
Implications for policy related
The movement of people, both on a national
to globalization
and international scale, has increased across
The expansion of employment opportuni- the world in the past two decades because of
ties in the East Asia and Pacific region due improvements in transportation technology
to globalization has been associated with and infrastructure (World Bank 2008).
greater female access to income and rising Worldwide, women account for almost half
empowerment, particularly among young of all international migrants, rising from
rural female migrants. However, challenges below 47 percent of migrants in 1960 to
remain for women working in these sectors. 49 percent in 2010 (UNPD 2008). Studies
As in the rest of the economy, women are have noted a shift in the motive for migration
less likely to be employed in managerial among female migrants. Previously, women
1 8 6 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
predominantly migrated for marriage or as the international migration from the region
dependents of spouses or other male family as a whole (Guzmán 2006; UN 2001, cited
members who worked abroad. Increasingly, in Hugo 2003).
women are migrating independently to This section examines the following
improve their economic opportunities and in the context of the East Asia and Pacific
breadwinner for
to fulfill the role of primary region: (a) emerging migration trends and
their families (Sørensen 2005). gender, (b) the socioeconomic characteris-
tics of male and female migrants, (c) factors
influencing female migration, (d) the mixed
Migration and gender
impact of migration on women’s status, and
The economic growth experienced in the East (e) the mixed impact of migration on those
Asia and Pacific region over the past three who stay behind.
decades has spurred a significant intrare-
gional movement of people. Evidence of these Gender-differentiated migration trends in
flows is highly visible within the region— the East Asia and Pacific region
from the 200 million people travelling across The often informal and undocumented
China to be with their families for the Lunar nature of female migration in the region has
New Year to the substantial cross-border resulted in significant information gaps, but
migration flows seen in the Greater Mekong three salient facts have emerged in recent
Subregion (World Bank 2008). Economic years. First, the numbers of women migrat-
booms in East Asian cities have created labor ing are increasing . At the turn of the 21st
force shortages, which have been met by a century, the number of female migrants in
growing supply of migrant labor as people the region is estimated to have surpassed
have moved to urban areas to improve the that of male migrants (Lee 2005). In Fiji and
well-being of their families and communities. Tonga in 2005, approximately 50 percent of
The flow of migrants to several cities in the migrants were female (World Bank 2006b).
region has become increasingly female, and The bulk of female migrants in the region
women comprise a significant proportion of come from Indonesia and the Philippines.
Thai women are underrepresented among
legal migrants but dominate among irregu-
FIGURE 5.4 The share of international female migrants has lar migrants or those presumed to be traf-
increased over time in Indonesia and Vietnam
ficked. Thailand has also been an important
destination for irregular migrant women,
800 flow of migrant workers per year, thousands
such as M yanmar and Lao women work-
700 ing as domestic workers (Piper 2009). More
600 than half of the Lao migrants and close to
500 half of the Cambodian migrants to Thailand
thousands
400 are women (World Bank 2006c).
300 Second, the proportion of women in the
200 migrant population is increasing . A study
100
in China covering six provinces found that,
between 1995 and 2000, the migration rates
0
for women increased twice as quickly as
2000
2002
2004
2006
2007
2000
2002
2004
2006
2007
2000
2002
2004
2006
2007
those for men (de Brauw et al. 2002). The
Indonesia Philippines Vietnam annual proportion of women migrating, of
Indonesian workers, reached approximately
male female 80 percent in 2007, an increase from about
70 percent in 2000 (figure 5.4). In Vietnam,
Source: World Bank forthcoming.
Note: Figure is based on data from the Indonesia Ministry of Manpower, the Philippines Overseas
women constituted 57 percent of individu-
Employment Administration, and the Vietnam Ministry of Labor, Invalids and Social Affairs. als who had migrated internally or who were
G E N D E R A N D T H E R E G I O N ’ S E M E R G I N G D E V E L O P M E N T C H A L L E N G E S 187
international migrants in the previous five likely than men to work in export-oriented
years (Pierre 2011). industries, where employers perceive them
Third, female migrants who used to to have a comparative advantage.9 China’s
migrate out of the region are increasingly Pearl River Delta region is one of the most
finding opportunities to migrate within the popular destinations for internal rural
region . Although the most frequent destina- migrants. Young rural migrant women
tion for female migrants from Indonesia is constitute 65 to 70 percent of the region’s
Saudi Arabia, more and more of these women labor force because they are favored by the
are finding employment in other Asian coun- region’s transnational clothing, textile, toy,
tries such as Hong Kong SAR, China; Malay- electronic, and other labor-intensive manu-
sia; Singapore; and Taiwan, China. This facturing and processing firms (Gaetano
trend differs from those of Indonesian male and Jacka 2004).
migrants. Although the majority of male A rapid increase in demand for domestic
migrants find work in Malaysia, many are workers has occurred as a result of urban-
now going to Saudi Arabia (Nguyen and Pur- ization and an expansion of the middle class
namasari 2011). in many countries in the world. Women
migrate to work abroad as domestic work-
Socioeconomic factors characterizing male ers in response to gender-specific labor
and female migrants demand. Female migrant workers from
The socioeconomic factors that character- East Asian and Pacific countries are also
ize male and female migrants in the region employed as d omestic workers in other
appear to be similar. Migrants, both male regions, including the Middle East, North
and female, are young and relatively low- America, and Western Europe. Approxi-
skilled but are not necessarily among the mately 1 m illion migrant domestic work-
least educated in their country of origin ers are in Saudi A rabia, with the majority
(Jampaklay et al. 2009; World Bank 2006c; coming from Indonesia, the Philippines, and
World Bank, forthcoming).8 The exception Sri Lanka. In 2003, an estimated 200,000
to this trend is the Philippines, where both migrant domestic workers were found in
male and female migrants tend to be older Hong Kong SAR, China, and 155,000 were
and highly educated (Cabegin and Alba found in Malaysia. In S ingapore, one of
2011). High-skilled female migration dif- every seven households employs a domestic
fers from low-skilled migration: the destina- worker, the majority of whom are migrants
tion countries for this type of migration are (UNFPA 2006).
usually high-income developed countries in More women are moving independently for
North America and Western Europe. Female educational and employment reasons. When
migrants participate in all types of migra- migration is not restricted, many women
tion. They can be found among both inter- choose to migrate to obtain new skills,
nal and international migrants and within increase their income, and broaden their edu-
temporary and permanent flows; they can cation. In Vietnam, approximately 14 per-
be regular or irregular migrants. cent of male and female migrants migrate to
attend school; since females are more likely
Factors influencing female migration to migrate, they constitute a larger fraction of
A combination of factors have influenced those migrating for schooling (Pierre 2011).
the feminization of migrant flows in the Women are overrepresented in the brain
region. The perceived comparative advan- drain, which may be a consequence of their
tage of women in growing industries has unequal access to labor markets in developing
led to an increase in female labor demand countries. Econometric estimates show that
and to the expansion of labor opportunities emigration of highly skilled women is higher
for women in both the formal and informal the poorer the country of origin (Dumont et
sectors in urban areas. Women are more al. 2007). Although this can be beneficial to
1 8 8 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
the individual in terms of opportunities, the cities experience more autonomy and
female brain drain can be detrimental to the
independence than they did at home (Zhang
economic growth of source countries. 1999). Migrant women who return home
The informal sectors of cities have many may act as role models to other women
opportunities for women as well as men, pro- by transferring or demonstrating newly
moting rural to urban migration. The infor- acquired skills, ideas, attitudes, and knowl-
mal labor sector in Cambodia has absorbed edge (Hugo 2005; UNFPA 2006). Migrants
female migrants from rural areas in work employed as domestic workers in Chiang
such as street peddling, manual labor, domes- Mai and Mae Sot, T hailand, expressed the
tic service, and garbage collection (UNIFEM desire to establish businesses based on the
2005). Male migrants conduct different, new skills that they’ve learnt when they
generally brawn-intensive, types of work, return home (Punpuing et al. 2005). The
including construction, mining, fishing, and women of rural Anhui and Sichuan, China,
logging. who participated in circular migration
In recent decades, the sex and entertain- returned home having adopted the urban
ment industries in Asian cities and in cross- norm of desiring only one child; they also
border areas have grown substantially. experienced lower rates of domestic violence
Almost all women involved in these industries than women who did not migrate. These
are rural-to-urban migrants with circular, women also believe that women should be
or temporary, patterns of migration (Hugo able to choose a marriage partner and that
2003). Global tourism, which has been pro- divorce is acceptable (Connelly et al. 2010).
moted as a national policy in countries such Empowerment may arise in the form of
as Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and participation in collective organizations,
Thailand for decades, is cited as the pri- including nongovernmental organizations and
mary reason for the rapid growth of the sex labor associations that lobby for gender equal-
and entertainment industry (Hugo 2005). ity. In the past 15 years, domestic workers in
Cambodia and Lao PDR also now face this Hong Kong SAR, China, have been active
social challenge. in organizing and participating in political
protests that concern not only local migrant
The mixed impact of migration on women’s workers’ rights but also global, transnational,
position in households and communities and human rights (Constable 2009).
Migration can increase a woman’s empow- Migration provides women with increased
erment, economic opportunity, knowledge, economic opportunities, which can improve
and skills, as well as increase her participa- the standard of living of the migrants and
tion as an active member of society. Through their families. For many female rural-to-
these channels, a woman can contribute urban migrants in China, their migration
to economic growth, increase the well- is the first time they earn wages and choose
being of her family, and have an intergen- how to spend them (Connelly et al. 2010). In
erational effect by acting as a role model for Cambodia, the porous border to Thailand
other women and girls.10 However, female allows Khmer female migrants to sell home
migrants are more likely to be at risk of and farm products in Thailand’s markets at
exploitation, abuse, and human trafficking higher prices, where the per capita GDP is 12
than male migrants. times that of Cambodia. Khmer women also
Many women become empowered when engage in paid and formal employment as
they move from rural to urban areas and shop assistants, fruit sellers, and sweet sellers
away from familial and rural community for mostly Thai employers. This largely circu-
social controls. Increased autonomy, access lar and nonpermanent migration ranges from
to information, and status can empower day migration to stays of two to three weeks
women to create new identities for them- at a time (UNIFEM 2005). Econometric evi-
selves. Rural migrant women in Chinese dence that combines a survey of Indonesian
G E N D E R A N D T H E R E G I O N ’ S E M E R G I N G D E V E L O P M E N T C H A L L E N G E S 189
maids and factory workers in Malaysia with The largest segregated occupation, and
data from the Indonesia Family and Life Sur- one of the most isolating, is domestic work.
vey shows that these young female migrants Indonesian domestic workers employed in
may gain an additional US$80 to US$130 per Malaysia typically work 16- to 18-hour
month compared with their earnings if they days, seven days a week, without holi-
stay in Indonesia. These income gains are as days (Human Rights Watch 2004). In the
high as five times their income in Indonesia Chiang Mai and Mae Sot provinces of
(Tan and Gibson 2010). Thailand, almost 98 percent of domestic
Migrants contribute to the economic devel- workers worked for more than 12 hours a
opment of their destination countries through day (UNESCAP 2007). Over half of these
their competencies and skills. Furthermore, domestic workers were subject to verbal
they contribute to the economic development abuse, 10 percent experienced physical
of the sending countries through remittances abuse, and 14 percent stated that they expe-
and increased experience and knowledge rienced some form of sexual harassment
upon returning. Female migrants can improve (Punpuing et al. 2005).12 In addition to
the well-being of family members at home these abuses, domestic workers frequently
and potentially foster economic growth. had their freedom of movement and their
In Indonesia, the proportion of households communication with the outside world lim-
receiving remittances from female migrants ited by their employers.
between 2000 and 2007 far exceeded the One of the greatest vulnerabilities women
proportion receiving remittances from male and girls face is trafficking for prostitution
migrants. Their contribution to their family and forced labor. A highly profitable and
back home—in remittances as a percentage growing industry, human trafficking is the
of per capita consumption among recipient third most lucrative illicit business in the
households—also surpassed that of male world after arms and drug trafficking, and it
migrants from 2000 to 2007 (Nguyen and is a substantial source of organized crime rev-
Purnamasari 2011).11 enue (ILO 2008; UNFPA 2006). The Interna-
In destination areas, women are particu- tional Labour Organization (ILO) estimates
larly vulnerable to exploitation because of that at least 2.5 million trafficking victims
their status as migrants and because they are currently being exploited worldwide and
are women. Women are more likely to be that another 1.2 million are trafficked annu-
found in occupations where they are subject ally, both across and within national bor-
to labor exploitation and health risks, which ders. Asia and the Pacific regions account
can make migration detrimental to a wom- for over half of these trafficked victims—an
an’s well-being. Furthermore, women’s prog- estimated 1.36 million (ILO 2008).13 Women
ress in empowerment may be negated upon often arrive in destination countries such as
returning to their home community.
M alaysia through legal channels but with-
Gender-based labor segregation channels out a job. These women become particularly
migrant women into occupations that may vulnerable to trafficking because of financial
subject them to physical and psychologi- hardship and limited information.
cal abuse as well as labor exploitation and Male and female migrants often have
human rights violations (Yamanaka and jobs that subject them to health risks. The
Piper 2005). Many female migrants in the prevalence of female temporary migrants’
region, both documented and undocumented, work in the sex and entertainment indus-
work as live-in maids, caregivers, entertain- tries increases their likelihood of acquiring
ers, sex workers, and other service employees HIV. In China, male migrants and non-
(Yamanaka and Piper 2003). Labor legisla- migrants have similar rates of casual and
tion generally does not cover these occupa- commercial sex; however, female tempo-
tions, leaving female migrants vulnerable to rary migrants have rates of casual and com-
exploitation. mercial sex 14 and 80 times the rates for
1 9 0 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
female nonmigrants, respectively (Yang and taking on most of the added hours in farm
Xia 2005). Male migrants, who dominate work. This additional obligation seems to be
industries such as mining and construction, a persistent effect and comes at the cost of
face increased health risks, including risk of fewer hours in local off-farm work, with no
death, partly as a result of lax occupational signs of increased decision-making responsi-
safety regulations. In China, between 2001 bilities over the household’s farming activi-
and 2005, an average of 6,222 workers ties. However, men who are left behind do
died in coal mining accidents each year; the not experience this reallocation (Mu and
majority of the workers were migrants (IOM van de Walle 2009).
2009). Other effects of working in mines Migration affects the employment of
develop over time: pneumoconiosis, a lung those left behind. In the Philippines, hav-
disease caused by dust inhalation, accounts ing a migrant in the household reduces
for 83 percent of all occupational disease the labor force participation and hours
recorded in China (Ministry of Health fig- worked of nonmigrant relatives of both
ures, Su 2005, as cited in IOM 2009). men and women, who substitute income
Migrants’ gains in female empowerment for more leisure (Rodriguez and Tiongson
in the destination area may not have last- 2001). In Indonesia, migration reduces
ing impacts once women return to rural the working hours of remaining house-
areas. Context matters in determining hold members by 33 hours per week if the
empowerment outcomes, as shown in many migrant is male. This negative relationship
studies. Mason and Smith (2003, 2) com- is not observed for households with female
pare autonomy measures across five Asian migrants (Nguyen and P urnamasari 2011).
countries and argue that “community is a Furthermore, in I ndonesia, female migra-
far stronger predictor of women’s empow- tion may reduce the labor force participa-
erment than are individual traits�? (see the tion of children ages 6–18 by 17 percentage
discussion in chapter 4). Evidence from points (Nguyen and Purnamasari 2011).
China suggests that rural women migrants This impact is not seen with male migra-
who return home experience a decrease in tion. Anecdotal evidence from the Pacific
empowerment because of the existing com- Islands of Fiji, Samoa, and Tonga suggests
munity patriarchal inequality factors rather a similar phenomenon. Regular remittances
than individual characteristics (Connelly et from female migrants such as nurses, teach-
al. 2010). ers, domestic workers, and caregivers have
induced those who receive r emittances
The mixed impact of migration on those to increase their leisure time by resigning
who stay behind from their jobs or dropping out of school.
Migrants’ spouses, children, parents, and This response can be a problem because it
communities are also affected by their implies a total dependence on remittances
absence, and the evidence shows that the (UNESCAP 2007).
impact is mixed. Women and girls who are The responsiveness of investment in
left behind may face more financial hard- education tends to vary according to the
ships, difficulties disciplining children, less sex of the migrant. In Indonesia, migra-
access to food, as well as loneliness and isola- tion may have a slightly positive impact
tion. Frequently, women who are left behind on school enrollment among households
must engage more in income-generating with male migrants. By comparison, migra-
activities to compensate for the income lost tion does not appear to have strong effects
by the migrant relative if the latter does not on children’s schooling among households
send adequate remittances or remittances on with female migrants, perhaps because the
a regular basis. Women left behind in rural absence of mothers often makes it harder to
China experience a substantial reallocation monitor children’s activities (Nguyen and
of traditional farm labor, with older women Purnamasari 2011).
G E N D E R A N D T H E R E G I O N ’ S E M E R G I N G D E V E L O P M E N T C H A L L E N G E S 191
Implications for policy related Urbanization
to migration
Urbanization has increased across the world
The number of female migrants in the East and, for the first time in world history, the
Asia and Pacific region is now estimated urban population accounts for more than
to have surpassed that of male migrants. globally
50 percent of the world’s population
Women have benefited from being more (figure 5.5). At the global level, the Latin
likely than men to be employed in growing America and Caribbean region has the high-
export-oriented industries such as cloth- est rate of urbanization in the world, which
ing, textile, toy, and electronics manufac- is expected to reach close to 90 percent by
turing, and they are more likely to provide 2050. Since 1950, countries in the East Asia
services that are in demand, such as live-in and Pacific region have experienced popula-
maids or caregivers. By increasing a wom- tion shifts away from rural areas to urban
an’s economic opportunities and ability to centers. Individuals in developing countries,
generate income, migration can increase in search of better economic and social
her empowerment, economic opportunities, opportunities, are attracted to urban areas.
knowledge, and skills, thus also improv- With their concentration of population and
ing the well-being of her family. It can also economic activities, cities make a major con-
increase her participation as an active mem- tribution to countries’ national incomes. As
ber of society and make her a role model for economic activity becomes concentrated,
other women and girls. However, migrant local welfare in urban areas may improve,
women are more likely than men to work although remote areas tend to lag behind
in occupations where they may be subject to until development proceeds and living stan-
labor exploitation and health risks, or, even dards converge (World Bank 2008).
worse, physical and psychological abuse. Urbanization affects all aspects of life,
These occupations are generally not covered from the family and community networks
by labor legislation, leaving female migrants that people rely on to the economic activi-
vulnerable to exploitation. The biggest dan- ties conducted by men and women. Access
ger women migrants face, especially those
with no job and little money, is trafficking FIGURE 5.5. The urban population now accounts for more than
for prostitution and forced labor, a huge and 50 percent of the world’s population
growing illegal industry that exploits vul-
nerable women. percentage of the population in urban areas
Improved laws, safety nets, and knowledge 100
transfers can all help to mitigate the vulnera- 90
bilities experienced by migrant women. Some 80
specific policy recommendations include 70
improving the legal and social protections of 60
percent
female migrants, strengthening the monitor- 50
ing and credibility of labor recruitment agen- 40
cies, and developing and providing welfare 30
and support services to assist female migrants. 20
Governments in both sending and receiving 10
countries should actively address the issue of 0
1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 2020 2030 2040 2050
human trafficking through prevention, pro-
tection, and prosecution. Gender-sensitive East Asia and Pacific Europe and Central Asia
training for people involved in the migration Latin America and Middle East and North Africa
the Caribbean
process will increase their ability to identify South Asia Sub-Saharan Africa
and assist abused female migrants and those
trafficked or at risk of being trafficked.
Source: UN DESA Population Division 2010.
1 9 2 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
FIGURE 5.6 Urbanization is expected to be rapid in East Asia in rural areas, where more limited access
to water, sanitation, and energy increases
percentage of the population in urban areas female time spent on basic life-sustaining
100
activities, as discussed in chapter 3.
90
80 This section analyzes urbanization
70
patterns and how they affect men and women
60 in the region. It then discusses the opportuni-
percent
50 ties and challenges that men and women face
40
in urban settings and highlights some policy
30
20 priorities for tackling these challenges.
10
0
Trends in urbanization in the East Asia
50
60
70
80
90
00
10
20
30
40
50
and Pacific region
19
19
19
19
19
20
20
20
20
20
20
Cambodia China Indonesia
Malaysia Mongolia Philippines Although the rate of urbanization differs
Vietnam across countries in the region, one observa-
tion remains clear: in all developing countries
Source: UN DESA Population Division 2010. in the East Asia and Pacific region, the frac-
tion of the population living in urban areas is
FIGURE 5.7 The rates of urban growth are predicted to vary expected to grow over the next half century.
substantially across countries in the Pacific Figure 5.6 illustrates trends in the propor-
tion of the population living in urban areas
percentage of the population in urban areas for East Asia. The growth of the urbanized
100 population is substantial: in 1950, 12 percent
90 of the Chinese population was living in urban
80 areas, and by 2000 this number had risen to
70 36 percent and is estimated to increase to 73
60
percent by 2050. Urbanization in the Pacific
percent
50
40
varies substantially across countries (figure
30 5.7). In Palau, over 90 percent of the popula-
20 tion is expected to be living in urban areas
10 by 2050; in contrast, less than 30 percent are
0 expected to do so in Papua New Guinea.
50
60
70
80
90
00
10
20
30
40
50
19
19
19
19
19
20
20
20
20
20
20
Fiji Marshall Islands Urbanization and gender
Micronesia, Fed. Sts. Palau
Papua New Guinea Samoa Urban areas provide many opportunities for
Vanuatu men and women: health care, education, and
financial services are better developed and
Source: UN DESA Population Division 2010. easier to access, and labor markets present a
broader range of employment opportunities
to urban labor markets is likely to affect than in rural areas. This section discusses
female participation in the formal labor mar- the opportunities and challenges of urban-
ket as well as the composition of productive ization from a gender perspective in three
work conducted (Moser 1993). Urbanization dimensions: economic opportunities, service
is also likely to alter the time use patterns delivery, and agency.
of both men and women and, in particu-
lar, to reduce the time spent on housework Economic opportunities
for women. Gender differences in the time Like their male counterparts, women have
devoted to nonmarket activities are greater access to more economic opportunities in
G E N D E R A N D T H E R E G I O N ’ S E M E R G I N G D E V E L O P M E N T C H A L L E N G E S 193
urban areas than in rural areas. Urban labor FIGURE 5.8 In most East Asian and Pacific countries, urban areas
markets offer a wide variety of occupations, have better access to improved sanitation
from manufacturing and services to clerical
activities.14 percentage of the population with access to
100 improved sanitation, 2005
Limited access to child-care services may 90
limit women’s ability to take advantage of 80
these opportunities, however. A study on 70
gender differences in labor market behavior 60
percent
50
in Mongolia found that women spend about
40
twice as much time on household duties as 30
men, independent of whether they partici- 20
pate in the labor market, and that the num- 10
ber of young children decreases female labor 0
ia
es
a
na
sia
market participation in urban areas (World
s.
i
ds
at
ng
d
St
n
i
ne
bo
rib
Ch
an
pi
To
d.
do
ilip
m
Isl
Bank 2011a). The economic restructuring of
Ki
Fe
Ca
In
on
Ph
ia,
m
es
the 1990s, in which Mongolia reduced state-
lo
on
So
icr
sponsored child-care provision, may partially
M
explain the time burden on women. Although rural urban
a set of policies was passed to increase chil-
dren’s enrollment in kindergarten, only about Source: World Development Indicators (WDI) database.
half of the children ages 2 to 6 were enrolled
in a kindergarten in 2007, and urban areas FIGURE 5.9 Rural areas have lower access to improved water
face serious constraints in available schools sources than urban areas in the majority of countries in the
region
(World Bank 2011a).
percentage of the population with access to
Service delivery improved water, 2005
100
Public services are less expensive to provide 90
in urban areas than in rural areas, because 80
of population density and economies of scale 70
(UNFPA 2007). Figures 5.8 and 5.9 show 60
percent
50
the percentage of the rural and urban popu- 40
lations with access to improved sanitation 30
facilities and water sources. In rural areas 20
in Cambodia, only 15 percent of the pop- 10
0
ulation had access to improved sanitation
ia
lau
ea
m
a
oa
u
DR
in
at
l
in 2005, in contrast to urban areas, where
na
go
in
m
Pa
Ch
oP
nu
Gu
et
Sa
on
Va
La
Vi
60 percent had access (figure 5.8). Similarly,
M
ew
aN
in Mongolia, only 45 percent of the rural
pu
Pa
population had access to safe water sources, rural urban
whereas 94 percent of the urban population
did (figure 5.9). Source: WDI database.
Access to improved water and sanitation
services is particularly important for women, economic opportunities by limiting access
who are often responsible for the collection, to home-based income-generating activities
management, and use of the domestic water such as food production and sale, livestock
supply. Increasing access to improved water raising, and other service-oriented business
sources is likely to reduce women’s time activities (Noel, Soussan, and Barron 2007).
spent on domestic water management and Poor sanitation can cause the spread of infec-
to allow more time for other activities. Inad- tious diseases such as cholera, polio, or hepa-
equate access to water may reduce women’s titis. Finally, evidence from outside the region
1 9 4 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
shows that improving water sources increases melting pot of people and ideas, which
girls’ school attendance (Koolwal and van de change traditional ways of life, structures,
Walle, forthcoming). and norms. The density and diversity of
Transportation is crucial for ensuring that the urban population can increase wom-
urban populations are able to benefit from en’s access to networks and to information
the social and economic potential of urban (World Bank 2008). Evidence from Indo-
areas. Women and men have different trans- nesia indicates that urban women are more
port needs and patterns. Women’s transport likely to be the sole decision makers on a
needs and commuting patterns are associated number of household matters than rural
with responsibilities in the household as well women (Rammohan and Johar 2009).
as income-generating activities. Studies show Some dimensions of women’s agency
that women in urban areas travel frequently may, however, be more restricted in urban
in off-peak times and conduct multiple stops areas. Violence in urban areas may be more
on a single trip. In contrast, men tend to use pronounced because traditional and cul-
transport at peak times for reaching work tural norms are less likely to guide behav-
(World Bank 2010b). Women’s commuting ior and neighborhood networks are less
patterns also vary over their life cycle and developed (Blank 2008; UNFPA 2007).
according to their reproductive and domestic Exploitative occupations such as sex work
duties.15 are also more likely to be found in urban
In urban areas, transport systems may areas. For instance, in the capital of Papua
particularly benefit men since they are often New Guinea, a large fraction of unemployed
focused on the major routes to and within young women engage in sex work to bolster
the city (World Bank 2010b). Pricing struc- their incomes (Blank 2008). Although urban
tures during peak times are also likely to children have better access to education in
encourage longer trips relative to multiple Cambodia, security concerns for daughters
short trips. Given the pricing structures of traveling to school were found to be higher
urban transport, and that men use transport among parents in urban areas than in rural
for income-generating activities, transporta- areas (ADB 2004).
tion costs can constrain women’s mobility if
the intrahousehold distribution of transport
Implications for policy related
expenditure is skewed toward financing trips
to urbanization
for those earning incomes outside the house-
hold (World Bank 2010b). Growing urbanization in the East Asia
Safety and cultural concerns may also and Pacific region has presented women
limit women’s access to certain modes of with increased economic opportunities and
transport. Evidence from Cambodia sug- greater empowerment. However, evidence
gests that female garment workers experi- shows that women in urban areas continue
ence security concerns, principally from to sort into sectors that yield lower incomes
accidents, robberies, threats, and sexual and that are more likely to be informal,
assaults, during their commute to and from despite the more extensive opportunities.
work (World Bank 2006a). Cultural con- The choices of women’s economic activities
cerns, such as men and women sharing a are constrained in part by limited access to
single crowded vehicle, may also constrain affordable child care. Cultural concerns in
women’s access to communal transport some countries in the region may also limit
(World Bank 2010b). women’s access to certain modes of trans-
port, thus making it more difficult for them
Agency to commute. Women also face higher secu-
Urbanization can contribute to changing rity risks than men do in urban areas, par-
norms and may alter women’s roles within ticularly from exploitation, sexual abuse,
the society and households. Cities are a and assault.
G E N D E R A N D T H E R E G I O N ’ S E M E R G I N G D E V E L O P M E N T C H A L L E N G E S 195
Whether women will be able to take full already increasing in many middle income
advantage of the wide range of opportunities countries in East Asia and the Pacific. For
available to them in urban areas will depend example, fertility rates have dropped signifi-
on whether the services and infrastructure cantly in Mongolia and Vietnam, and depen-
exist in these cities to enable them to do so. dency ratios have increased dramatically in
Thus, policy makers need to ensure that their middle-income countries, including China,
child care, education, infrastructure, trans- Indonesia, and Thailand, and in countries
portation, and water and sanitation policies in the Pacific, namely Fiji, Timor-Leste, and
take into account women’s specific social Tonga.16 Dependency ratios are expected to
and cultural needs. They should also adopt continue increasing and, given that women
rigorous laws and policies to protect women live longer than men, female dependency
in urban areas from the risk of violence and ratios will likely exceed male dependency
exploitation, as discussed in the migration ratios in the future (figures 5.10).
section above.
Population aging and gender
Aging populations Life expectancy at birth has improved for
The world’s population is aging. By 2045, both men and women since the 1990s.
the number of people age 60 years and older Reduced fertility and a decreased risk of
will exceed the number of those under the maternal mortality have contributed to the
age of 15 for the first time in history (UN improvements in life expectancy of women
2007). In Asia, this process is estimated to in many parts of the world (World Bank
people
be even faster; the milestone of elderly 2011b). Although the gender gap in life
outnumbering children will be reached five
years earlier, in 2040 (UN 2007). As a group,
Asians age 64 and above are expected to FIGURE 5.10 The old age dependency ratio is expected
more than triple, from 207 m illion in 2000 to increase for both men and women in the next two
to 857 million in 2050. This demographic decades; the female ratio will exceed the male ratio
change is likely to have significant repercus- in the future
sions for economic development, the qual-
ity of life, and the role of public policy. In dependency ratio (65 and above) by gender
addition, population aging is likely to have 0.16
a gender-differentiated effect among both 0.14
older and younger cohorts. Several notewor- 0.12
dependency ratio
thy challenges face the East Asia and Pacific 0.10
region in managing these rapid demographic 0.08
changes, notably how the aging popula-
0.06
tion will maintain its standard of living,
0.04
the types of formal and informal supports
that are needed to do so, the impact on the 0.02
working-age population, and the impact on 0
health care and other services. 2010 2030 2010 2030 2010 2030 2010 2030 2010 2030
Papua New Lao PDR Mongolia China Thailand
Guinea
Trends in population aging in the East
Asia and Pacific region male female
The high-income economies in East Asia are Source: HNPStats (Health Nutrition and Population Statistics) database, Population Projection,
experiencing rapid population aging. Most World Bank.
Note: Old age dependency ratio of males and females is defined as the ratio of the male and
emerging countries in the region have also female population 65 years of age and above over the working-age population (15–64 years of age)
begun this process; dependency ratios are of both genders.
1 9 6 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
FIGURE 5.11 The gender gap in life expectancy at birth is lower in their different life histories (Hooyman 1999;
the East Asia and Pacific region than in many other regions INSTRAW 1999). Even as gender gaps con-
tinue to close for today’s youth, the gender
life expectancy at birth, by region gaps of the past are embodied in today’s
90
80 adults through less schooling, different work
70 experiences, lower rates of pension coverage,
60 and less control over assets, among other
50 things. Women’s social arrangements within
years
40
the family and the community are different,
30
20 and they tend to outlive their spouses. There-
10 fore, a careful examination of the implica-
0 tions of an aging society must consider the
1990
2000
2009
1990
2000
2009
1990
2000
2009
1990
2000
2009
1990
2000
2009
1990
2000
2009
perspectives of both women and men.
East Asia Europe Latin Middle South Sub- The debate is open as to whether men or
and the and America East and Asia Saharan women are more likely to suffer from being
Pacific Central and the North Africa less vested in the labor market and in formal
Asia Caribbean Africa
social security mechanisms such as pensions,
male female since women are more likely to be vested in
familial relations. Mothers’ closer relation-
Source: WDI database.
ships with their children might lead to larger
intrafamily transfers later in life (Aboderin
FIGURE 5.12 Life expectancy at birth in the region has improved
2004). Their abilities in home production
for both men and women since 1990, although gender gaps have
widened in some countries might outlast men’s abilities in the workforce,
and psychologically they may be better able
life expectancy at birth, by country
to handle old age, both because it poses a
90
smaller disruption to their previous roles and
80
70 because they tend to establish a broader and
60 deeper array of friendships than men.
50 Gender differences in consumption pov-
years
40 erty and housing quality are small among
30 the elderly in many East Asian countries
20
(table 5.1) (Friedman et al. 2003; Knodel
10
0
2009; Knodel and Chayovan 2008; Masud,
1990 2009 1990 2009 1990 2009 1990 2009 1990 2009 1990 2009 Haron, and Gikonyo 2008). In countries
where data at the individual level are avail-
Timor- Lao PDR Mongolia Philippines China Thailand able, elderly men systematically report higher
Leste
levels of individual income than elderly
male female women (Masud, Haron, and Gikonyo 2008;
Ofstedal, Reidy, and Knodel 2004). This is
Source: WDI database. consistent with women’s lower participa-
tion in the workforce: women are less likely
expectancy is lower in the East Asia and to earn income from work or to draw pen-
Pacific region than in many other regions sions during old age. However, differences in
(figure 5.11), it has widened for many individual incomes do not appear to translate
countries in the past two decades. In some into significant differences in measures of
countries, the widening gender gap in life material well-being at a household level; that
expectancy is substantial, for example, in is, elderly women are not more likely than
Mongolia (figure 5.12). elderly men to live in poor households.
Older women have different access to Marital status, notably widowhood,
resources than older men, in part because of tends to play a greater role than gender in
G E N D E R A N D T H E R E G I O N ’ S E M E R G I N G D E V E L O P M E N T C H A L L E N G E S 197
TABLE 5.1 Evidence shows no systematic gender FIGURE 5.13 Women ages 65 and above are far more likely to
differences in consumption poverty among the be widowed than men
elderly, regardless of family status
percentage of widowers and widows among population
Percentage of elderly individuals (65 and over) living
80 age 65 and above, by gender
under US$1.25 per day
Marital 70
Country status Male Female Total
60
Married 29.3 33.0 30.4
Indonesia 50
Widowed 24.7 28.0 27.4
percent
Married 8.2 8.5 8.3 40
Cambodia
Widowed 17.6 9.8 11.1
30
Married 27.3 27.9 27.5
Lao PDR
Widowed 26.4 28.8 28.3 20
Married 13.9 13.2 13.6
Philippines 10
Widowed 12.4 11.9 12.0
Married 0.1 0.1 0.1 0
Thailand
Widowed 0.1 0.2 0.2
sia
a
DR
s
m
te
d
ne
di
an
na
es
ne
oP
bo
pi
25.9 18.9 24.1
ail
Married
-L
et
do
ilip
m
La
or
Vi
Th
Timor-Leste
In
Ca
Tim
Ph
Widowed 27.9 23.1 24.6
Married 11.6 14.9 12.9 male female
Vietnam
Widowed 8.6 14.9 13.8
Source: World Bank staff estimates using CSES (NIS Cambodia), 2008 data; SUSENAS (BPS Indonesia),
Source: World Bank estimates based on East Asia and Pacific household
2009 data; LECS (LSB Lao PDR), 2008 data; Mongolia LSMS (NSO Mongolia), 2007–08 data; Philippines
poverty monitoring database.
Family Income and Expenditures Survey (NSCB Philippines), 2006 data; Thailand Household Socio-
Note: Bolded numbers are statistically significant differences between
Economic Survey (NSO Thailand), 2009 data; Timor-Leste Survey of Living Standards (SLS) (NSD Timor-
male- and female-headed households and between widowed and
Leste) 2007, data; and VHLSS (GSO Vietnam), 2008 data.
married households at the 10 percent level.
determining the well-being of elderly men 2008; Knodel and Zimmer 2009; Ofstedal,
and women. Women are far more likely than Reidy, and Knodel 2004). However, no sys-
men to be widows (figure 5.13). In Cambo- tematic evidence shows that widows and
dia, the percentage of women who have lost widowers are consistently likely to be poorer
a spouse is more than triple that of men, and than married elderly individuals (table 5.1),
women are also less likely to have living chil- although they are more likely to perceive
dren than their male counterparts (Knodel income inadequacy or lower rates of satis-
2009). In T hailand, 80 percent of elderly faction with their economic status in many
men are living with their spouses, compared countries in the region, including Indonesia,
to only about half of elderly women (Knodel Malaysia, Thailand, and Vietnam (Friedman
and Chayovan 2008). In Indonesia, Cambodia et al. 2003; Knodel and Chayovan 2008;
and Timor Leste, the differences are dramatic. Masud, Haron, and Gikonyo 2008; Ofstedal,
ndonesia and Cambodia, approximately
In I Reidy, and Knodel 2004).
65 percent of elderly women are widowed com- Elderly women have access to fewer per-
pared to approximately 20 percent of men; in sonal income sources and less-diversified
Timor-Leste, 73 percent of elderly women are income portfolios than elderly men. The lack
widowed compared to 30 percent of men. of association between gender and poverty
Marital status is the most important cor- in the elderly population is partly because
relate of household circumstances among the women, and in particular unmarried women,
elderly. Across the region, unmarried elderly are more likely to receive money from chil-
are more likely than married elderly to live dren and other relatives than men and less
with their children and receive support from likely to have their own sources of income
their children, either directly through trans- (Masud, Haron, and Gikonyo 2008). Fur-
fers or through their living arrangements thermore, men’s income is more dispersed
(Friedman et al. 2003; Knodel and Chayovan across a number of sources than women’s
1 9 8 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
income (Ofstedal, Reidy, and Knodel 2004). their families. In Vietnam, one study showed
Women’s greater reliance on transfers from that having a disabled household member
informal support networks is likely to place increased the cost of living over 11 percent
them in a more tenuous position, both within (Braithwaite and Mont 2009), and adjusting
their families and in society. for these differences would raise the pov-
As migration and urbanization continue erty rate of households with disabled mem-
and fertility declines, there is concern that bers significantly.19 This is more likely to be
informal safety nets may decline and that an issue for women—the rate of disability
transfers and care from children will erode Vietnam is 8.5 percent for women com-
in
(UNESCAP 2004; World NGO Forum on pared to 6.6 percent for men, with the gap
Ageing 2002).17 A decline in transfers is explained to a significant measure by the dif-
likely to have a gender-differentiated impact, ference in longevity (Mont and Cuong 2011).
since elderly women are more likely than Finally, the elderly and, in particular, wid-
elderly men to receive support from children ows might be especially vulnerable to shocks.
and other family members. Evidence sug- Men and women have different capacities to
gests that attitudes of respect and responsi- cope with economic shocks given differences
bility toward the elderly population may also in incomes and asset endowments. However,
be changing in parts of the region. Studies evidence from six provinces in Thailand
have reported that children from single- and Vietnam suggests that rural households
child families in China are less committed headed by widowed, divorced, or single
to elder care in more recent generations than women are not more likely to be affected by
in previous ones (Wang 2010; Zhan 2004). shocks than their male counterparts (Klasen,
People in the baby boom generation have Lechtenfeld, and Povel 2011).
been found to have more positive attitudes
toward the elderly than those in more recent
Caregiving and its repercussions for
generations, regardless of gender (Xie, Xia,
working-age women
and Liu 2006).18
Older women are worse off than their Population aging may have a gender-
male peers along a number of nonconsump- differentiated effect among the working-age
tion dimensions, many of which are associ- population because the increasing depen-
ated with their age. They are less educated, dency ratios, particularly when accompanied
have fewer assets, and are more likely to by falling fertility rates, will raise the bur-
be illiterate (Knodel 2009; Long and Pfau den of caregiving. Gender differences in the
2008); they also have lower access to care time spent caring for the elderly imply that
(Knodel 2009; Long and Pfau 2008; Mag- women are more likely to accommodate the
nani and Rammohan 2009) and more increased demand for nonmarket time. 20
health problems (Chen and Standing 2007). Within households, younger women are
Some of these differences are likely to per- likely to bear a greater responsibility for car-
sist without targeted reform, whereas others ing for elderly parents than younger men,
are likely to narrow over time. For example, which may reduce the time they spend on
since education gender gaps have declined income-generating activities.21 Data from the
over time across birth cohorts, these dif- region suggests that although working age
ferences are likely to be smaller among the women spend more time on housework and
future elderly population. caring than men, women residing with elderly
Because women live longer than men, the members do not necessarily spend more time
evidence suggests that they are also more on these activities than women who do not
likely to suffer from disabilities. The barriers reside with elderly members ( figure 5.14).
to participating in social life for the elderly This may reflect a compensating grandpar-
directly affect their quality of life, but such ent effect in households with children: elderly
barriers also impose additional costs on household members contribute to caring for
G E N D E R A N D T H E R E G I O N ’ S E M E R G I N G D E V E L O P M E N T C H A L L E N G E S 199
children, which thereby leaves the total time FIGURE 5.14 Women’s time devoted to housework and caregiving
that younger women spend on housework and activities is not significantly greater in households with elderly
caring unchanged or diminished. For example, members
staff analysis of household data from Timor-
Leste finds that living with elderly members 5 number of hours spent on housework and caring activities
per day by working-age men and women (15–64)
increases the time devoted to housework and
4
caring activities by 40 minutes a day among
women without young children (NSD Timor- 3
hours
Leste 2007). In contrast, in households with
young children the presence of elderly mem- 2
bers reduces the time devoted by younger 1
women to housekeeping and caring activities,
who spend 30 fewer minutes on these activi- 0
ties than women with children who do not male female male female male female
live with elderly members. Cambodia, 2004 Lao PDR, 2008 Timor-Leste, 2007
households with an elderly member
Implications of aging populations for households without an elderly member
gender policy
The population of the East Asia and Pacific Source: World Bank staff estimates using CSES (NIS Cambodia), 2004 data; LECS (LSB Lao PDR), 2008
data; and Timor-Leste SLS (NSD Timor-Leste) 2007.
region is aging rapidly, in many countries
at a faster pace than that in the rest of
the world. This demographic change will programs can protect women from destitu-
likely have significant repercussions for tion and reduce their reliance upon familial
women since they live longer than men but transfers. For example, joint annuities and
have access to fewer economic assets and survivor pensions are likely to be effective
resources and are less vested in formal social means to compensate and secure women’s
security systems. Although women are more incomes in their old age. Finally, policy mak-
likely to have access to informal caregiving ers may consider ways to strengthen elder care
and support systems, traditional systems of to ensure that younger women do not face the
caregiving are evolving and exposing more disproportionate burden of care giving.
elderly individuals to lower levels of familial
support. Because older women are less likely
than men to be covered by insurance or to
Information and communication
have accumulated assets, the burden of their
technologies
care is still likely to fall on younger women. The literature contains little evidence on how
Policy makers can address the burden of access to and use of ICTs vary by gender.
aging in several ways. Policies to close gender Therefore, this section provides predomi-
gaps in access to human and physical assets nantly anecdotal or project-specific global
will affect both older and younger women, evidence on the gender implications of the
with implications for gender gaps among spread of ICTs.
future generations of older women. Policies The exponential growth of information
that focus on ensuring that health care and and communication technologies in the
social security systems cover those most in developed and developing world is widely
need are likely to benefit both elderly men and lauded as the defining economic and social
women. The design of old-age security sys- force of the late 20th and early 21st centuries.
tems becomes particularly important in the ICTs encompass a plethora of technological
context of the rapid demographic transition advances, including radio, cell phones, com-
and cultural change occurring in many coun- puters, e-mail, social networking sites, and
tries in the region. Old-age income security the Internet. Figures 5.15 and 5.16 show
2 0 0 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
FIGURE 5.15 Internet use has increased substantially in the East America and the Caribbean and Europe and
Asia and Pacific region and around the developing world Central Asia in both of these indicators and
since 2000 ties with the Middle East and North Africa.
The spread of ICTs has increased access to
40 internet use in developing regions information by enhancing knowledge sharing
35
and gathering and by changing business prac-
tices and production structures. ICTs have
internet users per 100 people
30 affected many aspects of men’s and women’s
25 lives, from economic opportunities and health
20 outcomes to women’s empowerment.
15
10 ICTs and Gender
5 The reach of technology, at the national level,
0 has been growing in parts of the East Asia
2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 and Pacific region. In 2000, the majority
East Asia and Pacific Europe and Central Asia of countries in the region had fewer than 2
Latin America and Internet users per 100 people, with the excep-
Middle East and North Africa tion of Malaysia, where there were already
the Caribbean
South Asia Sub-Saharan Africa 20 Internet users per 100 people. Internet
usage increased substantially in a number of
Source: WDI database. countries over the 2000s. By 2009, Malay-
sia had approximately 58 Internet users per
FIGURE 5.16 The number of cell phone subscribers per 100 people 100 people, and China had overtaken Thai-
in the East Asia and Pacific region has grown substantially since land as the country with the second great-
2000 est number of Internet users—28 per 100
people—followed very closely by Vietnam,
cell phone subscribers in developing regions with 27 users per 100 people (figure 5.17).
140
However, rapid growth of Internet use has
cell phone subscribers per 100 people
120 not occurred in all countries. In Kiribati,
100 Lao PDR, Papua New Guinea, and the Solo-
mon Islands, Internet use is still close to its
80 levels in 2000. Similar but starker patterns
60 can be seen for cell phone use. In 2000, the
level was fewer than 5 cell phones per 100
40
people in many countries in the region, and
20 in the rest of the countries, with the excep-
tion of Malaysia and New Caledonia, it was
0
2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 fewer than 20 cell phones per 100 people
East Asia and Pacific Europe and Central Asia
(figure 5.18). By 2009, the number of cell
Latin America and phone subscribers had risen, along with dis-
Middle East and North Africa
the Caribbean parities between countries. In Kiribati and
South Asia Sub-Saharan Africa the M arshall Islands, the number of cell
phones per 100 people was still below 10,
Source: WDI database. whereas in Samoa, which started from a
base similar to the other Pacific countries,
the rapid expansion of access to the Internet the number of cell phones per 100 people
and ownership of cell phones in developing had risen to 84.
countries around the world. The East Asia Where gender-disaggregated data are
and Pacific region falls behind both Latin available, they indicate gender differences in
G E N D E R A N D T H E R E G I O N ’ S E M E R G I N G D E V E L O P M E N T C H A L L E N G E S 201
access to ICTs in the East Asia and Pacific FIGURE 5.17 Internet use has grown quickly in many countries in
region. Figure 5.19 displays the proportion of the region but has grown slowly in others
male and female subscribers to mobile phones
in the population. Many regions across the 65 Internet use, by country
world show a gender gap in cell phone sub- 60
Internet users per 100 people
55
scriptions. Furthermore, gender differences 50
in access to technology are greater among 45
40
certain subgroups of the population. In other 35
words, gender is likely to interact with socio- 30
economic characteristics such as income, 25
20
education, location, and social and cultural 15
constraints to determine access to technology 10
5
(Huyer and Hafkin 2007). 0
In China, the number of Internet users 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009
has increased from approximately 20 million China Kiribati
Lao PDR Malaysia
users in 2000 to over half a billion in 2011, Papua New Guinea Solomon Islands
a remarkable increase over time (CNNIC Thailand Vietnam
2011). Although the fraction of female users
has risen since 2000, data suggest that men Source: WDI database.
were more likely than women to be Internet
users in China in the early to mid-2000s (fig- FIGURE 5.18 The number of cell phone subscribers in the
ure 5.20). More recent data suggest that the population has grown across most of East Asia but has remained
gap between the number of men and the num- limited in some Pacific countries
ber of women using the internet in China has
broadened as Internet use has risen: in 2011, cell phone subscribers, by country
120
287 million men used the internet in China
cell phone subscribers per
compared to 226 million women (CNNIC 100
2011). In percentage terms, however, the gen- 80
100 people
der gap has narrowed: in 2011, women made 60
up 44 percent of users, up from 30 percent of
40
users in 2000 (CNNIC 2011).
ICTs can improve the welfare of both men 20
and women in several different ways and 0
can also have gender-differentiated effects 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009
by reducing constraints, such as time and Cambodia China
transportation, that influence the decisions of Kiribati Malaysia
Marshall Islands New Caledonia
women (Melhelm and Tandon 2009). First,
Samoa Philippines
ICTs can enhance women’s economic oppor-
tunities by reducing the transaction costs of
Source: WDI database.
reaching markets. Second, the widespread dis- Note: The data points for Kiribati are closely matched by those of the Marshall Islands and show as
semination of information on how men and a single line.
women live their lives in other parts of the
world may gradually change attitudes about may particularly benefit women, since evi-
gender norms and roles. Third, access to tele- dence suggests that they face greater time and
vision, radio, and the Internet enables men and transportation constraints in accessing basic
women to increase their knowledge and train- public services.
ing through distance learning. Finally, rural ICTs can enhance women’s economic
populations can use ICTs to gain access to opportunities by increasing their access to
better health care through increased access to markets through reduced information barri-
medical advice. These final two opportunities ers and time and transportation constraints,
2 0 2 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
FIGURE 5.19 Women in the region are less likely to be mobile television programs—have been used for
phone subscribers than men decades in the developing world to provide
advisory services to farmers in agricultural
90 percentage of the population that are areas (Goyal 2010), and telecommunication
cell phone subscribers, by gender centers and Internet kiosks allow farmers
80
to access e-learning programs and search
70 for agriculture-related information (Aker
60 2011). 23 Although reducing information
50
barriers and transaction costs is likely to
percent
affect the economic opportunities of both
40 men and women, it is likely to have a greater
30 effect on women, whose economic decisions
20
are more likely to be constrained by transac-
tion costs because of their multiple roles in
10 households. For example, the e-Homemak-
0 ers initiative in Malaysia reduces barriers
for women entering the labor market; the
ic
rld
sia
ca
pe
pe
Af and
M ribb and
cif
fri
ro
ro
hA
wo
So ca
n
Pa
initiative promotes home-based entrepre-
nA
rth st
Eu
Eu
a ca
id ea
ri
ut
No le Ea
d
e C ri
ra
rn
rn
an
e
th Am
ha
neurship and reduces time constraints by
te
ste
d
ia
es
Sa
Ea
As
tin
W
b-
allowing women to work from home and to
st
La
Su
Ea
females males
telework using ICTs.
Second, female empowerment and auton-
Source: World Bank estimates using GSMA Development Fund, the Cherie Blair Foundation, and Vital
Wave Consulting, 2010.
omy may be raised through the representation
of lifestyles, autonomy, and gender roles in
other parts of the world.24 One of the earliest
examples of the power of entertainment-edu-
FIGURE 5.20 Internet use has grown for both men and women in
cation to change behavior occurred in Mex-
China, although a persistent gender gap in access remains
ico in 1977. The soap opera Acompaname
promoted family planning, a socially sensi-
number of Internet users, by gender
90 tive topic at the time. The program is credited
80
to have increased both awareness and use of
birth control among Mexicans (Singhal and
70
Internet users (millions)
Rogers 1999). In another example, approxi-
60
mately 150 million individuals gained access
50 to cable television service in India between
40 2001 and 2006 (National Readership Stud-
30 ies Council 2006, cited in Jensen and Oster
20 2009). This development had a large and swift
10
effect on attitudes toward domestic violence
and women’s participation in household deci-
0
2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 sion making (Jensen and Oster 2009). Studies
female male have also found that exposure to cable televi-
sion increased school enrollment for girls (but
Source: CNNIC (China Internet Network Information Center) Internet Statistics. not for boys) and decreased fertility, an out-
come that was associated with the increase in
in particular those in rural areas. For exam- female autonomy (see chapter 4).
ple, cell phones allow farmers to get better In societies in which social customs limit
prices, by benefiting from market arbitrage interactions between males and females,
opportunities (Aker 2010; Jensen 2007). 22 television may reduce stereotypes by increas-
Traditional technologies—such as radio and ing interaction or knowledge of others. For
G E N D E R A N D T H E R E G I O N ’ S E M E R G I N G D E V E L O P M E N T C H A L L E N G E S 203
example, in Rwanda, a radio program aimed Implications for policy related to ICTs
at discouraging blind obedience and pro-
ICTs can enhance the lives and economic
moting independent thought and collective
opportunities of women in many ways. The
action in problem solving was found to have
widespread dissemination of information
increased listeners’ willingness to express
in the media on how men and women live
dissent and changed the ways in which com-
their lives in other parts of the world may
munal problems were resolved (Paluck and
gradually change gender norms and roles,
Green 2009).
thus giving women in many countries the
Technology can also be used to give
chance to live less restricted, more empow-
women more control over their money and
ered lives. Technology can enhance women’s
their actions. For example, in B angladesh
economic opportunities as well as give them
before mobile phones were common, a
more control over their money. However, for
migrant husband’s relatives had greater con-
this to happen, women must have access to
trol over his remittances than his wife did;
these technologies, and the little evidence
the advent of cell phones has allowed closer
that is available shows that women are lag-
communication between husband and wife
ging behind men in their access to and use of
on how best to use the remittances (Schuler,
ICTs. This gap implies that women may be
Islam, and Rottach 2010).
less able to reap the direct benefits of hav-
Third, education programs conducted
ing access to, for example, distance-learning
through ICTs can help to overcome the con-
opportunities and online agricultural exten-
straints faced by women in higher educa-
sion services. More research is needed to
tion by allowing them to pursue their edu-
explore whether and why women in the East
cation on a more flexible basis than normal
Asia and Pacific region may be failing to
programs allow. It also has the potential
benefit from these technologies to the same
to increase access to higher education for
extent as men.
women living in restrictive social situations,
who may not be able to travel or live away
from home to engage in higher education. 25 Notes
Cell phones can also be used to increase adult
literacy. Because sending text messages is 1. Exports as a proportion of GDP fell to
cheaper than making voice calls, cell phone 68
percent in Vietnam in 2009 due to the
users have a financial incentive to send text global financial crisis, and in Indonesia they
rose to over 50 percent during the Asian crisis
messages and, thus, practice their reading
in the late 1990s.
and writing skills.26 2. According to neoclassical trade theory, trade
Finally, ICTs can also be used to improve liberalization should encourage countries to
the provision and quality of health care ser- specialize in the production of goods in which
vices. In remote communities where access to they have a comparative advantage. Trade
high-quality medical care is limited, women liberalization can lead to the expansion of
often have less access to health care than men employment in labor-intensive industries in
(see chapter 2). Therefore, increasing access to developing economies. Since women are over-
health care through ICTs may diminish exist- represented in labor-intensive sectors, trade
ing health care disparities, but only if women liberalization may benefit women by increas-
are able to access ICTs to the same degree as ing demand for their skills more than those
of men, thereby reducing pay differentials
men. For example, Sehat First provides health
between men and women. International trade
care and pharmaceutical services across Paki- can also affect women’s relative pay by reduc-
stan through telehealth centers where local ing the power of producers to discriminate
clinic staff can seek advice from qualified phy- against female employees, which producers
sicians and specialists to whom they would do by paying women less for the same work
not normally have had access (Sehat case as men (Becker 1957; Berik, van der Meulen
study, cited in Melhem and Tandon 2009). Rodgers, and Zveglich 2004; Schultz 2003).
2 0 4 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
3. One cannot draw strong conclusions from 9. Within the growing export–based, large-
the literature relating trade liberalization scale manufacturing and assembly activities
and wage gaps because gender-differentiated in Asian cities, particularly in the garment
employment impacts after trade liberalization sector, studies have suggested that employ-
are also likely to directly affect productivity ers prefer women because they accept lower
in the wage sector (Schultz 2003). wages, are considered more easily controlled,
4. The results of the analysis by Bhalotra and and are considered better able to undertake
Umana-Aponte (2010) indicate that, in Africa, tasks that involve delicate and intricate finger
women lose employment during recessions work as well as repetitive tasks (Hugo 2003).
but, in South Asia, East Asia and the Pacific, 1 0. Female migration is complex and context-
and Latin America and the Caribbean, wom- specific, and studies show that the effect of
en’s employment increases during recessions. migration on women’s position is neither
This suggests that households use female wholly positive nor wholly negative. Parrado,
employment as a financial coping strategy. Flippen, and McQuiston (2005) argue that
5. Evidence shows multiple examples of women migration entails a large change in “struc-
working harder during crises in East Asian tural context.�? Depending on the “context
and Pacific countries. In Indonesia, the 1997– of reception, the degree of labor market seg-
98 economic crisis increased employment mentation and the extent to which migrants
among women, whereas male employment are isolated in the receiving society, migration
rates fell. These additional female workers may mitigate or reinforce patriarchal gender
were predominantly employed in the infor- inequality�? (Parrado et al. 2005, page 8).
mal sector (Frankenberg, Smith, and Thomas 11. This increase is in part due to the greater num-
2003). During the 1997–98 East Asian crisis, ber of female migrants than male migrants
the initial difference between the total num- from Indonesia. The difference in per capita
ber of hours worked by men and by women consumption between households with male
widened, meaning that women were increas- migrants and female migrants at the outset
ingly overworked and men underworked in is not statistically significant, indicating that
the Philippines (Lim 2000). Turk and Mason the difference is not because female migrants
(2009) reported that, during the 2009 finan- come from poorer households. No hard evi-
cial crisis, many women worked longer dence suggests that female migrants earn more
hours to maintain their household income. In than male migrants; instead, female migrants
Thailand and Vietnam, women searched for from Indonesia likely earn more now than
additional work to supplement their primary in the past because of high demand for their
job, with child care sometimes being taken labor in the Gulf countries.
over by elderly household members or older
12. The numbers may actually be higher because
children. respondents are often reluctant to report this
6. Mongolia is an exception. Women reported form of abuse.
an improvement in their domestic relation-
13. Human trafficking estimates may underrep-
ships because men were working such long resent actual numbers because of the elusive-
hours that they had little time left for fighting ness of the industry.
(Turk and Mason 2009).
14. Work opportunities may, however, be low-
7. For example, in Vietnam’s apparel sector, skilled and precarious and may not be covered
better jobs with higher skill levels are largely by formal labor market regulations. Many
held by male workers while sewing jobs are women in urban areas are self-employed in
largely done by female workers (Kabeer and the informal sector and in activities that yield
Tran 2003). low incomes (UNFPA 2007).
8. In internal rural to urban migration in China, 15. In Indonesia, men and women ages 15–19
differences in socioeconomic factors by gen- were commuting in equal numbers; beyond
der do seem to exist. Migrant women tend the age of 30, however, the fraction of female
to be less educated than rural migrant men, commuters decreased (Rachmad, Adji, and
owing to their lower average age and to gen- Handiyatmo 2010). The change in commut-
der inequalities in educational attainment ing pattern implies that, during childbearing
across rural China (Jacka 2009, cited in IOM years, women’s labor force participation con-
2009). centrates in or around the home.
G E N D E R A N D T H E R E G I O N ’ S E M E R G I N G D E V E L O P M E N T C H A L L E N G E S 205
16. Age dependency ratio is the ratio of elderly
broadcast. Svensson and Yanagizawa (2009)
dependents (those older than 65) to the work- found that better-informed farmers were able
ing-age population (ages 15–64). to bargain for higher farm-gate prices on their
17.
However, some question this conclusion surplus production.
(Aboderin 2004; Hermalin 2003). Effects 23. Within the region, three self-employment initia-
may differ across countries, depending on tives demonstrate how ICT access can enhance
the interplay between culture, the economy, economic opportunities, particularly of women
and the geography of development. A recent (Melhem and Tandon 2009). In the Philippines,
study in Thailand, for example, shows that the Sharing Computer Access Locally and
as children migrate to the city, they do not Abroad project has set up c omputer livelihood
abandon their rural elders (Knodel 2009). As centers to help give underprivileged young peo-
noted earlier, some evidence from China sug- ple access to employment opportunities. The
gests a generational shift in support may be
project is reported to have resulted in increased
occurring. Internet access and greater self-esteem and self-
18. However, this divergence in views occured
confidence, and 60 percent of the beneficiaries
only in higher income groups. No genera- were women. In Malaysia, the e-Homemakers
tional differences existed among the lower initiative aimed to boost home entrepreneur-
income groups. ship by increasing the self-esteem of mothers.
19. Qualitative evidence from Cambodia also In Fiji, the Foundation for Rural Integrated
illustrates how disability status increases vul- Enterprises and Development aims to increase
nerability. In a 2008 World Bank participatory economic empowerment in marginalized com-
poverty and gender assessment in Siem Reap munities through three programs that focus on
province, of the 107 households ranked in a income generation, saving, and governance.
participatory wealth ranking exercise by male The program uses the Internet to market prod-
and female villagers in Dour Dantrei village, ucts developed by the participants of the pro-
5 were identified as headed by disabled men, gram, the majority of whom are women.
with 4 of the 5 ranked as “poor�? or “very
24. Exposure to television can also have less
poor�?—a poverty rate of 80 percent of dis- positive outcomes. For example, it can
abled households, compared to a poverty rate increase discontent within marriages, result-
of 50 percent for all households (Kuriakose ing in divorce. In Brazil, exposure to soap
and Kono, 2008). operas that feature modern values such as
20. Studies in the United States have consistently female empowerment and emancipation have
found that daughters play a central role in increased rates of separation and divorce
the more time-intensive day-to-day care of (Chong and La Ferrara 2009). In Indonesia,
elderly parents, whereas sons take on a more greater exposure to television and radio was
managerial role (Dwyer and Coward 1992; found to reduce social capital, as measured
Ofstedal, Knodel, and Chayovan 1999). by lower participation in social organizations
21. In China evidence shows that the effect of and lower self-reported community-level
caring for elderly parents on women’s labor trust (Olken 2009).
market experience depended on whether the
25. For example, in the United Kingdom, the
parents being cared for were the woman’s Open University, which broadcasts lectures
parents (where the effect was insignificant) over the television and Internet, enables
or her in-laws (where the effect was substan- men and women to study on an individually
tial), suggesting the important role of culture determined schedule. In the United States,
on family relations and obligations (Liu et al. 60 percent of the students over age 25 who
2008). Cultural differences also affect cross- are engaged in distance learning are women
generational support across different regions (Kramarae 2001).
in Indonesia and Vietnam (Friedman et al. 26. A cell phone–based literacy and numeracy
2003; Kreager and Schroder-Butterfill 2009). program implemented in Niger was found
22. For example, in Uganda, the Market to increase adults’ math test scores, with the
Information Service Project collected data on greatest increases being achieved by younger
the prices of the main agricultural commodi- participants, who can acquire new skills using
ties in major market centers and distributed ICT more easily than older people (Aker,
this information to local radio stations to Ksoll, and Lybbert. 2010).
2 0 6 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
References Depression.�? American Economic Review
73 (3): 257–76.
Aboderin, Isabella. 2004. “Intergenerational Bhalotra, Sonia R., and Marcela Umana-Aponte.
Family Support and Old Age Economic 2010. “The Dynamics of Women’s Labour
S e c u r it y i n S ub - S a h a ra n A f r ic a: T he Supply in Developing Countries.�? I Z A
Importance of Understanding Shifts, Processes Discussion Paper 4879, Institute for the Study
and Expectations.�? In Living Longer: Ageing, of Labor (IZA), Bonn, Germany.
Development and Social Protection, edited by Black, Sandra, and Elizabeth Brainerd. 2002.
Peter Lloyd-Sherlock. United Nations Research “I mp or t i ng E qu a l it y? T he I mpac t of
Institute for Social Development (UNRISD) Globalization on Gender Discrimination.�?
and Zed Books. Industrial and Labor Relations Review 57 (4):
A DB (Asian Development Bank). 2004. A 540–59.
Fair Share for Women: Cambodia Gender Blank, Lorraine. 2008. “Rapid Youth Assessment
Assessment. Phnom Penh, Cambodia: United in Port Moresby, Papua New Guinea.�?
Nations Development Fund for Women September 4. http://siteresources.worldbank
(U N I F E M), World Bank, A DB , United .org/INTEAPREGTOPSOCDEV/Resources/
Nations Development Programme (UNDP), 080904PNGUYEPPNGRapidYouthAssessm
and the U.K. Department for International ent.pdf.
Development (DFID). BPS (Badan Pusat Statistik). Indonesia National
Aker, Jenny. 2010. “Information from Markets Labor Force Survey (SAKERNAS). Jakarta,
Near and Far: Mobile Phones and Agricultural Indonesia.
Markets in Niger.�? American Economic ———. Indonesia National Socioeconomic
Journal: Applied Economics 2 (3): 46–59. Survey (SUSENAS). Jakarta, Indonesia.
———. 2011. “Mobile Phones and Economic ht tp: //dds.bps.go.id /eng /about us.
Development in Africa.�? Journal of Economic php?id_subyek=29&tabel=1&fl=3.
Development 24 (3): 207–32. Braithwaite, Jeanine, and Daniel Mont. 2009.
Aker, Jenny, Christopher Ksoll, and Travis “Disability and Poverty: A Survey of World
Lybbert. 2010. “ABC, 123: The Impact of a Bank Poverty Assessments and Implications.�?
Mobile Phone Literacy Program on Educational ALTER, European Journal of Disability
Outcomes.�? Working Paper 223, Center for Research 3: 219–32.
Global Development, Washington, DC. Bruni, Lucilla, Andrew Mason, Laura Pabon,
At k i n , Dav id . 2011. “E ndogenou s S k i l l and Carrie Turk. 2012. “Gender Impacts of
Acquisition and Manufacturing in Mexico.�? the Global Financial Crisis in Cambodia.�?
Paper presented at the “3rd IZA Workshop: Photocopy, World Bank.
Child Labor in Developing Countries,�? Mexico Cabegin, E., and M. Alba. 2011. “More or Less
City, June 1. Consumption? The Effect of Remittances
B e c k e r , G a r y S . 1 95 7. E c o n o m i c s o f on Filipino Household Spending Behavior.�?
Discrimination . Chicago: University of Unpublished manuscript, University of the
Chicago Press. Philippines, Manila.
Berik, Gunseli. 2000. “Mature Export-Led CNNIC (China Internet Network Information
Growth and Gender Wage Inequality in Center) Internet Statistics. Beijing, China.
Taiwan.�? Feminist Economics 6 (3): 1–26. http://www1.cnnic.cn /en /index /0O/index
———. For thcom ing. “G ender A spects of .htm.
Trade.�? In Trade and Employment: From ———. 2011. “Statistical Survey Report on the
Myths to Facts , edited by M. Jansen, R. Internet Development in China. 29th Survey
Peters, and J. M. Salazar-Xirinachs. Geneva: Report.�? Beijing, China. http://www1.cnnic
International Labour Organization–European .cn/en/index/0O/index.htm.
Commission. Chen, Lanyan, and Hilary Standing. 2007.
Berik, Gunseli, Yana van der Meulen Rodgers, and “Gender Equity in Transitional China’s
Joseph E. Zveglich. 2004. “International Trade Healt hca re Polic y Reforms.�? Fe mini st
and Gender Wage Discrimination: Evidence Economics 13 (3–4): 189–212.
from East Asia.�? Review of Development Chong, Alberto, and Eliana La Ferrara. 2009.
Economics 8 (2): 237–54. “Television and Divorce: Evidence from
Bernanke, Ben S. 1983. “Nonmonetary Effects of Brazilian Novelas.�? Journal of the European
the Financial Crisis in Propagation of the Great Economic Association 7 (2–3): 458–68.
G E N D E R A N D T H E R E G I O N ’ S E M E R G I N G D E V E L O P M E N T C H A L L E N G E S 207
Connelly, Rachel, Kenneth Robert, Zhenzhen Papers: Morocco.�? Background paper for
Zheng, and Zhenming Xie. 2010. “The Impact Sewing Success? Employment and Wage
of Migration on the Position of Women in Rural Implications of the End of the Multifibre
China.�? Feminist Economics 16 (1): 3–41. Arrangement , World Bank, Washington,
Constable, Nicole. 2009. “Migrant Workers and DC.
the Many States of Protest in Hong Kong.�? Friedman, Jed, John Knodel, Bui The Cuong, and
Critical Asian Studies 41 (1): 143–64. Truong Si Anh. 2003. “Gender Dimensions of
Davin, Delia. 2004. “The Impact of Export- Support for Elderly in Vietnam.�? Research on
Oriented Manufacturing on the Welfare Aging 25 (6): 587–630.
Entitlements of Chinese Women Workers.�? In Friedman, Jed, and Duncan Thomas. 2007.
Globalisation, Export-Oriented Employment “Psychological Health before, during and after
and Social Policy: Gendered Connections, a Crisis: Results from Indonesia, 1993–2000.�?
edited by Shahra Razavi, Ruth Pearson, and Policy Research Working Paper 4386, World
Caroline Danloy. London: Palgrave. Bank, Washington, DC.
de Brauw, Alan, Jikun Huang, Scott Rozelle, Gaetano, Arianne, and Tamara Jacka, eds. 2004.
Linxiu Zhang, and Yigang Zhang. 2002. “The On the Move: Women and Rural-to Urban
Evolution of China’s Rural Labor Markets Migration in Contemporary China. New York:
During the Reforms.�? Journal of Comparative Columbia University Press.
Economics 30 (2): 329–53. Gamberoni, Elisa, and José Guilherme Reis.
Dercon, Stefan, and Pramila Krishnan. 2000. “In 2011. “Gender-Informing Aid for Trade: Entry
Sickness and in Health: Risk Sharing within Points and Initial Lessons Learned from the
Households in Rural Ethiopia.�? Journal of World Bank.�? Economic Premise Note 62,
Political Economy 108 (4): 688–727. World Bank, Washington, DC.
Dumont, Jean-Christophe, John P. Martin, and Goyal, Aparajita. 2010. “Information, Direct
Gilles Spielvogel. 2007. “Women on the Move: Access to Farmers, and Ru ral Market
The Neglected Gender Dimension of the Brain Performance in Central India.�? American
Drain.�? IZA discussion paper No. 2920. Institute Economic Journal: Applied Economics 2 (3).
for the Study of Labor, Bonn, Germany. doi:10.1257/app.2.3.22.
Dwyer, Jeffrey, and Raymond Coward. 1992. GSMA Development Fund, the Cherie Blair
“Gender and Family Care of the Elderly: Foundation, and Vital Wave Consulting. 2010.
Research Gaps and Opportunities.�? In Gender, “Women & Mobile: A Global Opportunity:
Families, and Elder Care, edited by Jeffrey W. A Study on the Mobile Phone Gender Gap in
Dwyer and Raymond T. Coward, 151– 62. Low- and Middle-Income Countries.�? London,
London: Sage. GSMA.
Enterprise Surveys (database). World Bank, GSO Vietnam (General Statistics Office of
Washington, DC. http://data.worldbank.org/ V ie t n a m). V ie t n a m Hou s ehold L iv i ng
data-catalog/enterprise-surveys. Standards Surveys. General Statistics Office,
Frankenberg, Elizabeth, Victoria Beard, and Hanoi, Vietnam. http://www.gso.gov.vn.
Mudu Saputra. 1999. “The Kindred Spirit: Gu zmán, Juan Carlos. 20 06. “Trends in
Ties Between Indonesian Children and Their International Migration: Is There a Feminization
Parents.�? Southeast Asian Journal of Social of Migration Flows?�? Unpublished manuscript,
Sciences 27 (2): 65–86. Gender and Development Group, World Bank,
Frankenburg, Elizabeth, Jed Friedman, Thomas Washington, DC.
Gillespie, Nicholas I ng wersen , Rober t Hermalin, Albert. 2003. “Theoretical Perspectives,
Pynoos, Iip Umar Rifai, Bondan Sikoki, Alan Measurement Issues, and Related Research.�?
Steinberg, Cecep Sumantri, Wayan Suriastini, In The Well-Being of the Elderly in Asia: A
and Duncan Thomas. 2008. “Mental Health Four-Country Comparative Study, edited by
in Sumatra after the Tsunami.�? American Albert Hermalin, 101– 41. Ann Arbor, MI:
Journal of Public Health 98 (9): 1671–77. University of Michigan Press
Frankenberg, Elizabeth, James P. Smith, and HNPStats (Health Nutrition and Population
Duncan Thomas. 2003. “Economic Shocks, Statistics) database, World Bank, Washington,
Wealth, and Welfare.�? Journal of Human DC. http://databank.worldbank.org.
Resources 38 (2): 280–321. Hooyman, Nancy. 1999. “Research on Older
Frederick, Stacey, and Cornelia Staritz. 2011. Women: Where Is Feminism?�? Gerontologist
“Background Global Value Chain Country 39 (1): 115–18.
2 0 8 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
Hugo, Graeme. 2003. “Urbanisation in Asia: An Asia: What Does the Crisis Change?�? Paper
Overview.�? Paper prepared for the “Conference presented at the Conference on the Impact of
on A frican M ig ration in Compa rative the Global Economic Slowdown on Poverty
Perspective,�? Johannesburg, South Africa, and Sustainable Development in Asia and the
June 4–7. Pacific, Hanoi, Vietnam, September 28–29.
———. 2005. “Migration in the Asia-Pacific Kabeer, Naila, and Tran, T.V.A. 2003. “Global
Region,�? paper prepared for the Policy Analysis Production, Local markets: Gender, Poverty
and Research Programme of the Global and Export Manufacture in Vietnam,�?
Commission on International Migration, Institute of Development Studies, Brighton.
Geneva. Kang, E. 1999. ‘‘Economic Crisis and Trend of
Human Rights Watch. 2004. “Help Wanted: Female Labour Market Change.’’ Trend and
Abuses against Female Migrant Domestic Prospect 40: 89–111 (in Korean).
Workers in Indonesia and Malaysia.�? Human K i m , A nd rew, a nd I n nwon Pa rk. 20 0 6 .
Rights Watch, New York. “Changing Trends of Work in South Korea:
Huyer, Sophia, and Nancy Haf kin. 2007. The Rapid Growth of Underemployment and
Engendering the Knowledge Society: Measuring Job Insecurity.�? Asian Survey 46 (3): 437–56.
Women’s Participation. Montreal: Orbicom. Kim, Haejin, and Paula Voos. 2007. “The Korean
IFC (International Finance Corporation). 2008. Economic Crisis and Working Women.�?
“Special Economic Zones: Performance, Journ al of Conte mporar y A sia 37 (2):
Lessons Learned and Implications for Zone 190–208.
Development.�? IFC Financial and Private Klasen, Stephan, Tobias Lechtenfeld, and Felix
Sector Development, Washington, DC. Povel. 2011. “W hat about the Women?
ILO (International Labour Organization). 2008. Female Headship, Poverty and Vulnerability in
“Women’s Entrepreneurship Development Thailand and Vietnam.�? Discussion Paper 76,
in Aceh: Impact Assessment.�? ILO, Jakarta, Courant Research Centre Poverty, Equity and
Indonesia. Growth, Göttingen, Germany.
INSTRAW (International Research and Training Knodel, John. 2009. “Is Intergenerational
Institute for the Advancement of Women). Solidarity Really on the Decline? Cautionary
1999. Ageing in a Gendered World: Women’s Evidence from Thailand.�? Seminar on “Family
Issues and Identities. Santo Domingo, Support Networks and Population Ageing,�?
Dominican Republic: INSTRAW. Doha, Qatar, June 3–4.
IOM (International Organization for Migration). Knodel, John, and Napaporn Chayovan. 2008.
2009. Gender and Labour Migration in Asia. “Population Ageing and the Well-Being of
Geneva: IOM. Older Persons in Thailand.�? United Nations
Jacka, Tamara. 2009. “The Impact of Gender Population Fund (UNFPA), New York.
on Rural-to-Urban Migration in China.�? In Knodel, John, and Zachary Zimmer. 2009.
Gender and Labour Migration in Asia, edited “Gender and Well-Being of Older Persons
by IOM, 263–292. Geneva: IOM. in Cambodia.�? Research Report 09-665,
Jampaklay, Aree, John Bryant and Rita Litwiller University of Michigan, Population Studies
2009. “Gender and migration from Cambodia, Center, Ann Arbor, MI.
Laos and Myanmar to Thailand,�? in Gender Kong, Mee-Hae. 2007. “Rethinking Women’s
and Labour Migration in Asia, edited by IOM, Status and Liberation in Korea.�? http://unpan1.
193–216. Geneva: IOM. un.org/intradoc/groups/public/documents/
Jensen, Robert. 2007. “The Digital Provide: APCITY/ U NPAN007144.pdf , Retrieved
Information (Technology), Market Performance September 9, 2011.
and Welfare in the South Indian Fisheries Kong, Mee-Hae. 2007. “Rethinking Women’s
Sector.�? Quarterly Journal of Economics Status and Liberation in Korea.�? Unpublished
122 (3): 879–924. paper. http://unpan1.un.org/intradoc/groups/
Jensen, Robert, and Emily Oster. 2009. “The public/documents/APCITY/UNPAN007144.
Power of TV: Cable Television and Women’s pdf.
Status in India.�? Quarterly Journ al of Koolwal, Gayatri, and Dominique van de
Economics 124 (3): 1057–94. Walle. Forthcoming. “Access to Water,
Jones, Nicola, Rebecca Holmes, Hannah Women’s Work, and Child Outcomes.�?
Marsden, Shreya Mitra, and David Walker. E c o n o m i c D e velo p m e n t a n d C ult u ral
2009. “Gender and Social Protection in Change . (Published previously as Policy
G E N D E R A N D T H E R E G I O N ’ S E M E R G I N G D E V E L O P M E N T C H A L L E N G E S 209
Research Working Paper 5302, World Bank, Malaysia.�? Journal of Family Economic Issues
Washington, DC, 2010.) 29: 623–33.
Kramarae, Cheris. 2001. “The Third Shift: McKay, Steven. 2006. “The Squeaky Wheel’s
Wom e n L e a r n i ng O n l i ne .�? A m er ic a n Dilemma: New Forms of Labor Organizing
Association of University Women Educational in the Philippines�? Labor Studies Journal
Foundation, Washington, DC. 30 (4).
Kreager, Philip, and Elisabeth Schroder-Butterfill. Melhem, Samia and Nidhi Tandon, with
2009. “Ageing and Gender Preferences in Claudia Morrell. 2009. Information and
Rural Indonesia.�? CRA Discussion Paper Communication Technologies for Women’s
0905, University of Southampton Centre for Socio-Economic Empowerment. Washington,
Research on Ageing, England. DC: World Bank.
Kuriakose, Anne T., and Satoko Kono. 2008. Menon, Nidhiya, and Yana van der Meulen
“Empowerment of the Poor in Siem Reap Rodgers. Forthcoming. “Impact of the 2008–
EPSR), Cambodia: Preliminary Participatory 2009 Twin Economic Crises on the Philippines
Poverty and Gender Assessment (PPGA).�? Labor Market.�? World Development.
Draft report. World Bank, Washington, DC. Mont, Daniel, and Nguyen Viet Cuong. 2011.
Kusago, Takayoshi, and Zafiris Tzannatos. 1998. “Disability and Poverty in Vietnam.�? World
“Export Processing Zones: A Review in Need Bank Economic Review 25 (2): 323–59. doi:
of Update.�? Social Protection Discussion Paper 10.1093/wber/lhr019.
9802, World Bank, Washington, DC. Mo s er, C . 1993. G e n d e r Pl a n n i ng a n d
Lee, June. 2005. “Human Trafficking in East Development: Theory, Practice and Training.
Asia: Current Trends, Data Collection, and New York: Routledge.
Knowledge Gaps.�? International Migration Mu, Ren, and Dominique van de Walle. 2009.
43: 165–201. “Left behind to Farm? Women’s Labor
Lim, Joesph Y. 2000. “The Effects of the East Asia Re-allocation in Ru ral China.�? Policy
Crisis on the Employment of Women and Men: Research Working Paper 5107, World Bank,
The Philippines Case.�? World Development Washington, DC.
28 (7): 1285–1306. Munshi, Kaivan and Mark Rosenzweig. 2004.
Liu, Lan, Xiao-yuan Dong, and Xiaoying Zheng. “Traditional Institutions Meet the Modern
2010. “Parental Care and Married Women’s World: Caste, Gender, and Schooling Choice in
Labor Supply in Urban China.�? Feminist a Globalizing Economy,�? American Economic
Economics 16 (3): 169–192. Review 96 (4): 1225–52.
Long, Giang Thanh, and Wade D. Pfau. 2008. Murayama, Mayumi, and Nobuko Yokata. 2008.
“The Vulnerability of the Elderly Households to “Revisiting Labour and Gender Issues in
Poverty: Determinants and Policy Implications Export Processing Zones: The Cases of South
for Vietnam.�? VDF Working Paper Series 87, Korea, Bangladesh and India.�? IDE Discussion
Vietnam Development Forum, Hanoi. Paper 174, Institute of Developing Economies,
LSB (Lao Statistics Bureau). Lao Expenditure Chiba, Japan.
a n d C o n s u mp t i o n S u r ve y. V i e nt a n e , Nga i, Pau. 20 0 4. “Women Workers a nd
Lao PDR. http://w w w.nsc.gov.la /index. Precarious Employment in Shenzhen Special
php?option=com_content&view=article&id= E conom ic Z one , C h i na.�? Ge n d e r a n d
50&Itemid=73&lang=. Development 12 (2): 29–36.
Magnani, Elisabetta, and Anu Rammohan. Nguyen, Trang, and Ririn. Purnamasari. 2011.
2009. “Ageing and the Family in Indonesia: “Impacts of International Migration and
An Exploration of the Effect of Elderly Care- Remittances on Child Outcomes and Labor
Giving on Female Labor Supply.�? Journal of Supply in Indonesia: How Does Gender
Income Distribution 18 (3–4): 110–30. Matter?�? Policy Research Working Paper 5591,
Mason, Karen, and Herbert Smith. 2003. World Bank, Washington, DC.
“ Wo m e n’s E mp ow e r m e nt a n d S o c i a l Noel, Stacey, John Soussan, and Jennie Barron.
Context: Results from Five Asian Countries.�? 2007. “Water and Poverty Linkages in Africa:
Unpublished paper, World Bank, Washington, Tanzania Case Study.�? Stockholm Environment
DC. Institute, Stockholm.
Masud, Jariah, Sharifah Azizah Haron, and Lucy NSCB (National Statistical Coordination
Wamuyu Gikonyo. 2008. “Gender Differences Board) Philippines. 2006. Family Income and
in Income Sources of the Elderly in Peninsular Expenditures Survey (FIES) 2006. National
2 1 0 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
Statistical Coordination Board, Makati City, Punpuing, Sureeporn. 2006. “Female Migration
Philippines. http://www.nscb.gov.ph/fies/ in Thailand: A Study of Migrant Domestic
default.asp. Workers.�? In Perspectives on Gender and
NSD (National Statistics Directorate) Timor- Migration. Bangkok: United Nations Economic
Leste. Timor-Leste Survey of Living Standards. and Social Commission for Asia and the
Ministry of Planning and Finance, National Pacific.
Statistics Directorate, Dili, Timor-Leste. http:// P u npu i ng, Su reepor n, T herese Caouet te,
dne.mof.gov.tl/TLSLS/AboutTLSLS/index.htm. Awatsaua Panam, and Khaing Mar Kyaw Zaw
NSO Mongolia (National Statistical Office of 2005. “Migrant Domestic Workers: From
Mongolia). Living Standards Measurement Burma to Thailand.�? Publication 286, Institute
Survey (LSMS). National Statistical Office, for Population and Social Research, Mahidol
Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia. http://www.nso.mn. University, Thailand.
NSO Thailand (National Statistical Office R ach m ad , Sr i H ., A rd i Adji , a nd D end i
Thailand). Thailand Socio-Economic Survey. Handiyatmo. 2010. “Gendered Patterns of
Bangkok, Thailand: National Statistical Office. Urban Commuting with Better Connectivity
http://web.nso.go.th/tnso.htm. in Jakarta Megapolitan Area.�? In Gender,
Ofstedal, Mary Beth, John E. Knodel, and Roads and Mobility in Asia, edited by Kyoko
Napaporn Chayovan. 1999. “Intergenerational Kusakabe. Rugby, U.K.: Practical Action.
Support and Gender: A Comparison of Four Rammohan, Anu, and Meliyanni Johar. 2009.
Asian Countries.�? Southeast Asian Journal of “The Determinants of Married Women’s
Social Sciences 27 (2): 21–41. Autonomy in Indonesia.�? Feminist Economics
Ofstedal, Mary Beth, Erin Reidy, and John 15 (4): 31–55.
E . K nodel. 20 04. “G ender Differences Rodriguez, E. R., and E. R. Tiongson. 2001.
in Economic Support and Well-Being of “Temp ora r y M ig rat ion O ver s e a s a nd
Older Asians.�? Journal of Cross-Cultural Household Labor Supply: Evidence from Urban
Gerontology 19: 165–201. Philippines.�? International Migration Review
Olken, Benjamin. 2009. “Do TV and Radio 35 (3): 709–25.
Destroy Social Capital? Evidence from Sabarwal, Shwetlena, Nistha Sinha, and Mayra
Indonesian Villages.�? American Economic Buvinic. 2010. “How Do Women Weather
Journal: Applied Economics 1 (4): 1–33. Economic Shocks? A Review of the Evidence.�?
Oostendorp, Remco. 2009. “Globalization and Policy Research Working Paper 5496, World
the Gender Wage Gap.�? World Bank Economic Bank, Washington, DC.
Review 23 (1): 141–61. Schuler, Sidney Ruth, Farzana Islam, and Elisabeth
Oster, Emily, and Bryce Millet. 2010. “Do Call Rottach. 2010. “Women’s Empowerment
Centers Promote School Enrollment? Evidence Revisited: A Case Study from Bangladesh.�?
from India.�? Working Paper Series 15922, Development in Practice 20 (7): 840–54.
National Bureau of Economics Research, Schultz, T. Paul. 2003. “Does Globalization
Cambridge, MA. Advance Gender Equality?�? Paper prepared for
Paluck, Betsy L., and Donald P. Green. 2009. the conference “The Future of Globalization:
“Deference, Dissent, and Dispute Resolution: Explorations in Light of Recent Turbulence,�?
An Experimental Intervention Using Mass New Haven, CT, October 10–11.
Media to Change Norms and Behavior in Seguino, Stephanie. 1997. “G ender Wage
Rwanda.�? American Political Science Review Inequality and Export-Led Growth in South
103: 622–44. Korea.�? Journal of Development Studies
Parrado, Emilio A., Chenoa Flippen, and 34 (2): 102–32.
Chris McQuiston. 2005. “Migration and ———. 2000. “The Effects of Structural Change
Relationship Power among Mexican Women.�? and Economic Liberalisation on Gender Wage
Demography 42 (2): 347–72. Differentials in South Korea and Taiwan.�?
Pierre, Gaelle. 2011. “Recent Labor Market Cambridge Journal of Economics 24 (4):
Performance in Vietnam through a Gender 437–59.
Lens.�? Policy Research Working Paper 6056, S e g u i no, S t eph a n ie , a nd C a ren G row n .
World Bank, Washington, DC. 2006. “Gender Equity and Globalization:
Piper, Nicola 2009. “Overview.�? In Gender and M acroeconom ic Polic y for Developing
Labour Migration in Asia , 21–42. Geneva: C ou nt r ie s .�? Jo u r n a l of In t e r n a t i o n a l
IOM. Development 18 (8): 1081–104.
G E N D E R A N D T H E R E G I O N ’ S E M E R G I N G D E V E L O P M E N T C H A L L E N G E S 211
Shastry, Gauri Kartini. 2010. “Human Capital Turk, Carolyn, and Andrew Mason. 2009.
Response to Globalization: Education and “Impacts of the Economic Crisis in East Asia:
Information Technology in India.�? Working Findings from Qualitative Monitoring in
paper, Wellesley College. ht t p: //w w w. Five Countries.�? In Poverty and Sustainable
wellesley.edu/Economics/gshastry/shastry- Development in Asia: Impacts and Responses
ITandEducation.pdf. to the Global Crisis, edited by A. Bauer and
Singhal, Arvind, and Everett M. Rogers. 1999. M. Thant. Manila: Asian Development Bank.
Entertainment-Education: A Communication UN (United Nations). 2007. “Population Estimates
Strategy for Social Change. Mahwah, New and Projections Section.�? Fact Sheet Series A.
Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum. 7 March 2007. UN Department of Economic
Sørensen, Ninna Nyberg. 2005. “Migrant and Social Affairs (DESA) Population Division,
Remittances, Development and Gender.�? DIIS New York.
Brief, Dansk Institut for Internationale Studier, UN DESA (UN Department of Economic and
Copenhagen. Social Affairs), Population Division. 2010.
Standing, Guy. 1999. “Global Feminization World Urbanization Prospects: The 2009
Through Flexible Labor.�? World Development Revision. (CD-ROM). New York: UN.
27 (3): 583–602. UNESCAP (Economic and Social Commission
Strauss, John, and Duncan Thomas. 2008. for Asia and the Pacific). 2004. “Population
“Health over the Life Course.�? In Handbook Ageing, Focus of Regional Seminar in Macau.�?
of Development Economics , edited by T. Population Headliners No. 302, UNESCAP,
Paul Schultz and John A. Strauss, Vol. 4. New York.
Amsterdam: North Holland. ———. 2007. “Perspectives on Gender and
Summerfield, Gale. 1995. “The Shadow Price of Migration, Economic and Social Commission
Labour in the Export-Processing Zones. A for Asia and the Pacific.�? UNESCAP, New
Discussion of the Social Value of Employing York.
Women in Export Processing in Mexico and U N FPA (United Nations Population Fund)
China.�? Review of Political Economy 7 (1): 2006. State of the World Population 2006: A
28–42. Passage to Hope—Women and International
Svensson, Jakob, and David Yanagizawa. 2009. Migration. New York: UNFPA.
“Getting Prices Right: The Impact of the — — —. 2007. State of the World Population 2007:
Market Information Service in Uganda.�? Unleashing the Potential for Urban Growth.
Journal of the European Economic Association New York: UNFPA. http://www.unfpa.org/
7 (2–3): 435–45. swp/2007/.
Tan, Peck-Leong, and John Gibson. 2010. “The UNIFEM (United Nations Development Fund
Impacts of Temporary Emigration of Lower- for Women). 2005. “Good Practices to
Skilled Females on Sending Households in Protect Women Migrant Workers.�? High-
Indonesia.�? Paper presented at the Sixth Level Government Meeting of Countries of
Au st ra la sia n D evelopment E conom ic s Employment, Co-Hosted by the Ministry of
Conference. Labor, Royal Thai Government, and UNIFEM,
Tejani, Shirin, and William Milberg. 2010. East and South-East Asia, Bangkok.
“Global Defem i n i zation? I ndust rial UNPD (United Nations Population Division).
Upgrading, Occupational Segmentation and 2008. Trends in Total Migration Stock, 2008
Manufacturing Employment in Middle- Revision (CD-ROM). http://www.un.org/
Income Countries.�? Working paper, Schwartz esa /popu lation /publications /m ig ration /
C enter for E conom ic Pol ic y A na lysis , migration2008.htm.
New York. Wang, Danning. 2010. “Intergenerational
Thailand Household Socioeconomic Survey 2009, Transmission of Family Property and Family
Thailand Household Socioeconomic Surveys, M anagement i n Urban Ch i na.�? C hin a
National Statistical Office of Thailand, http:// Quarterly 204: 960–79.
web.nso.go.th/tnso.htm Wood, Adrian. 1991. “How Much Does Trade
Thomas, Duncan, Kathleen Beegle, Elizabeth with the South Affect Workers in the North?�?
Frankenberg, Bondan Sikoki, John Strauss, World Bank Research Observer 6 (1): 19–36.
and Graciela Teruel. 2004. “Education in a World Bank. 2006a. “Cambodia: Women and
Crisis�? Journal of Development economics 74: Work in the Garment Industry.�? World Bank,
53–85. Washington, DC.
2 1 2 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
———. 2006b. “Expanding Job Opportunities Xie, Xiaolin, Yan Xia, and Xiaofan Liu. 2006.
for Pac i f ic I sl a nder s t h roug h L ab ou r “Family Income and Attitudes Toward Older
Mobility: At Home and Away.�? World Bank, People in China: Comparison of Two Age
Washington, DC. Cohorts.�? Journal of Family Economic Issues
———. 2006c. “Labor Migration in the Greater 28: 171–82.
Mekong Sub-Region: Synthesis Report Phase Yamanaka, Keiko, and Nicola Piper, eds. 2003.
I,�? World Bank, Washington, DC. “Gender, Migration and Governance in Asia.�?
———. 2008. World Development Report 2009: Special issue, Asian and Pacific Migration
Reshaping Economic Geography. Washington, Journal 12 (1–2).
DC: World Bank. Yamanaka, Keiko, and Nicola Piper. 2005.
———. 2010b. “Mainstreaming Gender in Road “Feminised Cross-Border Migration, Entitle
Transport: Operational Guidance for World ments and Civil Action in East and Southeast
Bank Staff.�? Transport Paper 28, World Bank, A sia.�? B ackg rou nd pap er for G e n d e r
Washington, DC. Equality: Striving for Justice in an Equal
———. 2011a. “Gender Disparities in Mongolian World, Geneva: United Nations Research
Labor Markets and Policy Suggestions.�? Institute for Social Development (UNRISD).
World Bank, Washington, DC. Yang, Xiushi, and Guomei Xia. 2005. “Risky
———. 2011b. World Development Report Sexual Behavior among Female Entertainment
2012: Gender Equality and Development. Workers in China: Implications for HIV/STD
Washington, DC: World Bank. Prevention Intervention.�? AIDS Education
———. Forthcoming. International Migration and Prevention 17 (2): 143–56.
and Development in the East Asia and Pacific Zhan, Heying Jenny. 2004. “Socialization or
Region. Washington, DC: World Bank. Social Structure: Investigating Predictors
World Development Indicators (WDI) database. of Attitudes toward Filial Responsibility
World DataBank, World Bank, Washington, among Chinese Urban Youth from One and
DC. http://databank.worldbank.org. Multiple- Child Families.�? International
World NGO Forum on Ageing. 2002. “Final Journal of Aging and Human Development
Declaration and Recommendations of the 59 (2): 105–24.
World and GOP Forum on Aging.�? Global Zhang, Heather. 1999. “Female Migration
Action on Aging. http://www.globalaging and Urban Labour Markets in Tianjin.�?
.org. Development and Change 30 (1): 21–41.
Promoting Gender Equality in
East Asia and the Pacific: 6
Directions for Policy
T
he evidence presented in the preced- female labor force participation, particu-
ing chapters has shown that growth larly among younger women. Progress
and development cannot by them- toward gender equality in many domains
selves end gender disparities in all their is not automatic. Progress in education,
dimensions. The evidence has also shown health, and labor force participation has
that persistent gender inequalities can exact often been uneven, both within and across
costs on countries’ productivity, income countries. Several East Asian and Pacific
growth, and quality of development. Thus, countries still experience the phenomenon
public policy needs to play a role to reduce of “missing�? girls at birth. Women continue
gender gaps. East Asian and Pacific countries to work in less stable employment with
will benefit from adopting appropriate poli- lower rates of remuneration. They still pos-
cies to promote gender equality in endow- sess weaker voice and influence than men.
ments, in access to economic opportunities, Women remain underrepresented in leader-
and in agency. This chapter examines policy ship positions in business and government.
approaches to addressing the most serious, In a number of countries, gender-based vio-
persistent, and costly gender disparities. In lence remains prevalent.
doing so, it attempts to answer the question: The collection of evidence in this report
How can public policies and investments suggests the following broad outlines of a
promote both gender equality and more regional strategy to promote gender equality
effective development? and more effective development:
To show the types of policies and invest-
ments that can be most productive, this Promoting human development remains
•
report has provided evidence on which a priority where gender gaps in education
dimensions of gender disparity tend to remain large or where health outcomes
close with growth and development in East are poor. Investments in these areas are
Asian and Pacific countries and which do likely to yield high returns.
not. Rapid growth and development in Taking active measures to promote gen-
•
East Asian and Pacific countries have been der equality in economic opportunity can
accompanied by reduced gender inequali- address the disparities that often persist
ties in the areas of education, health, and with development. Such measures can
213
2 1 4 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
often yield positive returns to economic health services are no longer a dominant
productivity, though specific policy priori- concern, special policies and programs may
ties depend on the structure of the econ- be warranted to address large and persistent
omy and on which specific constraints are gender gaps among specific subgroups of the
most binding. population (for example, for poor, indig-
I nitiating active measures to close gender
• enous, or remote communities). Similarly,
gaps in agency across the region—and to current policy priorities for promoting gen-
protect women from discrimination and der equality in economic opportunity will
violence—will contribute to better devel- differ across countries, depending on the
opmental decision making and thus to specific obstacles faced by women and on
development more broadly. the structure of the economy (for example,
Increasing economic integration, increased
• the fraction of the population in agriculture
access to information and communica- or in the informal sector). Some aspects of
tion technologies (ICTs), migration, rapid women’s agency improve with development
urbanization, and population aging all in East Asian countries, but women in the
bring with them new opportunities and Pacific Islands tend to experience a severe
new risks with respect to gender equality. and persistent lack of agency. As a result,
An important role for public policy will closing gender gaps in agency is a policy pri-
be to foster the opportunities while man- ority across the region, and effective mea-
aging the risks. sures will differ as a function of a number of
factors, including local social norms regard-
Interpretation of this proposed strategy ing women’s voice and influence, differences
should consider two points: that policies can in countries’ legal systems, societies’ toler-
simultaneously influence several domains— ance for violence, and so on.
endowments, economic opportunity, and This chapter examines each part of the
agency—and that policies should be context- proposed strategy in turn. To be most effec-
specific. First, policy approaches to promote tive in reducing gender disparities, policy
better outcomes with respect to endowments, makers may need to address both systemic
access to economic opportunities, and agency problems and gender-specific problems. To
are likely to be mutually reinforcing. Individ- the extent possible, the discussion in this
ual outcomes in these areas are often interde- chapter will account for the potential costs
pendent. Basic human capital, for example, as well as the benefits of policies. Such
represents a critical factor in women’s (and trade-offs can be particularly important in
men’s) access to economic opportunity and the context of labor market interventions.
agency. Therefore, policies and investments For example, although raising the minimum
that promote equality in education will also wage may close gender wage gaps among
contribute to enhanced economic opportu- those employed in the formal sector, the
nity and agency. Similarly, measures to close numbers of women the sector can employ
gender gaps in voice and influence will enable may decline. Similarly, affirmative action
women (and men) to be more effective agents policies may help to promote female employ-
on their own behalf, whether in pursuit of ment, but they can also raise questions
education, access to resources, or productive about worker productivity and may be nega-
employment. tively perceived in the workplace. Although
Second, the choice and design of poli- the evidence reviewed and generated for
cies should consider national and local this report helps to answer many questions
realities. The great diversity of the East Asia about gender and development in the East
and Pacific region with respect to gender Asia and Pacific region, many knowledge
inequalities will influence policy priorities. gaps remain. To that end, the chapter con-
For example, even in countries where gender cludes by highlighting a number of areas
disparities in access to basic education and that deserve additional analytical work.
P R O M O T I N G G E N D E R E Q U A L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E P A C I F I C 215
Promoting gender equality in What can be done in this group of coun-
human development tries to provide equal access to education and
reduce maternal mortality? Chapter 2 shows
East Asian and Pacific countries vary in the that demand-side and supply-side factors are
types of challenges they face with respect to responsible for these countries’ poor human
gender equality in endowments, as analyzed capital outcomes. Therefore, the set of edu-
in chapter 2. Where policies may be used cation and health policies can range from
and can have an impact also varies. Using improving service delivery (for example,
that body of evidence as a basis, this section through infrastructure, staffing, incentives,
is organized around four themes: (a) closing and use of information and communication
persistent gender gaps in human develop- technologies) to demand-side interventions
ment, (b) reducing gender streaming in edu- (for example, cash transfers, information
cation, (c) promoting balanced sex ratios at campaigns, and accountability). The exact
birth, and (d) addressing male-specific gen- constraints in each country context will influ-
der issues. Because basic human capital is ence the choice and sequencing of policies.
an important factor for access to economic
opportunity and agency, the discussion below Providing equal access to education
will highlight examples where policies to pro- A few countries in the East Asia and Pacific
mote equality in education also contribute to region still face overall low and gender-
enhanced economic opportunity and agency. unequal access to education, particularly
starting at the secondary level. This problem
requires solutions to increase the demand
Closing persistent gender gaps in
for schooling as well as the capacity and
human development
incentives of the education system. Policies
For the few East Asian and Pacific countries to improve education outcomes in general—
with overall low and unequal gender out- that is, addressing systemic constraints—are
comes in education and health (for example, expected to also improve gender e quality
Cambodia, the Lao People’s Democratic as the enrollment gap between genders
Republic, and Papua New Guinea), promot- narrows.
ing human development remains a policy Supply-side solutions can play an impor-
priority. Education and health outcomes are tant role. Although primary schools are
likely to improve as these countries become widely available in East Asian and Pacific
wealthier, with higher household income, countries, secondary school availability
better service delivery, and better expected is a problem in a few countries, including
employment opportunities. However, coun- Cambodia and Lao PDR. Those countries
tries must act now, because human capital should consider building more schools and
itself is an important engine for growth and improve infrastructure in poor and remote
can have long-term effects on well-being. areas where distance to school has been
For countries with localized gender dispari- identified as a key constraint. These types
ties among certain ethnic groups or low- of interventions, though usually with high
income regions, growth in aggregate is not up-front costs, can have significant impacts
enough to improve outcomes for all sub- on increasing education and future earnings,
populations. Policy makers need to target as shown in an evaluation of Indonesia’s
interventions to these groups. For example, school construction program in the 1970s
the efforts that have successfully improved (Duflo 2000). Supply-side solutions need to
human capital for both genders elsewhere be customized to address the context-specific
in these countries can be replicated for constraints. Making special provisions for
these subpopulations, in combination with girls, such as private female latrines, may
complementary interventions that address be necessary to ease parents’ concern for
their specific constraints. girls’ privacy and safety in school. Particular
2 1 6 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
excluded groups such as ethnic minorities been found to delay girls’ age of marriage and
may need additional support. Teachers who increase their earning opportunities, which in
speak the local language or who come from turn strengthens women’s bargaining power
the relevant ethnic group can serve as role within the household (Baird et al. 2009; IEG
models and relate to the local social norms 2011).
about educating children. Aside from affordability, school enrollment
Innovative use of information and com- may be discouraged by the weak incentives
munication technologies (ICTs) in delivering of service providers and lack of accountabil-
services can enhance learning opportunities ity of the school systems. The 2004 World
for girls and boys and improve the provision Development Report called for improving
of education. The availability of distance accountability in service delivery, and fol-
learning, for example, can circumvent the low-up work has demonstrated the positive
constraints of travel for schooling and deliver impacts of various measures to encourage and
education to youths who have no access to enable parents to hold the school and teach-
formal schooling or who have left the for- ers accountable for their childrens’ schooling
mal system. The Flexible Open and Distance outcomes (World Bank 2003). Evidence on
Education (FODE) program in Papua New this aspect has been abundant in other devel-
Guinea presents an interesting approach. It oping countries but is much needed in the
helps public distance learning centers provide East Asia and Pacific region.1
upper primary- and secondary-level courses
in English, mathematics, science, and social Reducing maternal mortality
sciences. One key component of the project The slow improvements in maternal health
aims to provide FODE centers with appropri- outcomes in several East Asian and Pacific
ate information technology and to train staff countries, including Cambodia, Lao PDR,
members to effectively use that technology parts of Indonesia, and Timor-Leste, suggest
in administration, curriculum development, the importance of improving service delivery.
materials production, and teaching and learn- Access to pre- and postnatal health facilities—
ing activities. especially
including sufficient infrastructure,
Several demand-side solutions have been in rural areas—and improved access to
shown to work effectively. As discussed in sanitation and potable water are fundamen-
chapter 2, parents in low-income families tal to improving maternal mortality rates.
in Cambodia have difficulty covering the Therefore, this report recommends continu-
direct and indirect costs of schooling. One ing efforts to ensure the basic infrastructure
way to expand access is to provide financial and to provide access to safe water. The low
incentives to attend school. In many develop- rate of births attended by skilled profession-
ing countries worldwide, evaluation of the als, especially in poor and rural areas in these
impacts of conditional and unconditional countries, calls for interventions related to
cash transfers indicates a significant gain staffing. Impact evaluation evidence shows
in school enrollment (Fiszbein and Schady that performance-based contracting increases
2009). In Cambodia, a scholarship program staff attendance and, consequently, the use
targeted to girls and a related program tar- of antenatal care, as shown in the case of
geted to boys and girls from low-income Cambodia (see box 6.1). In addition, train-
households led to an increase in school enroll- ing and increased allocation of midwives to
ment of at least 20 percentage points for both villages in Indonesia have increased women’s
genders (Filmer and Schady 2008, 2009). body mass index (BMI) and children’s birth-
Cash transfers and scholarship programs weight and neonatal health (Frankenberg
for school-age girls can also positively influ- and Thomas 2001). However, just having
ence their long-term agency. For example, in more midwives is not enough to ensure and
Malawi and Pakistan, conditional cash trans- sustain service quality. Malaysia’s experience
fers and school scholarship programs have in successfully reducing maternal mortality
P R O M O T I N G G E N D E R E Q U A L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E P A C I F I C 217
BOX 6.1 Reducing maternal mortality rates through improved staffing and quality of
service delivery
Cambodia Basic Health Service Project. In the late and had less training than health center midwives.
1990s, Cambodia initiated a performance-based Also, midwives were found to be attracted to urban
contracting scheme with three service delivery areas. In addition, Shankar et al. (2008) argued
forms: contracting-out, in which the whole service that the lack of practical experience and of train-
provision was allocated to the contractor; contract- ing, supervision, and guidance have limited midwife
ing-in, in which an external contractor was hired to retention and, more important, service quality.
improve the existing structure; and a comparison Malaysia. With a reduction of maternal mor-
group in which no contracting took place (OECD tality from 1,500 per 100,000 live births in 1930
2009). Using the initial randomization of the pro- to less than 58 in 2005 (Dawson 2010), Malaysia
gram over 12 districts, Bloom et al. (2006) found constitutes one of the success stories of improving
that contracting-in significantly increased the like- m aternal health. Among other factors, the quality
lihood of 24-hour service provision. Both contract and the strict supervision of the midwives by certi-
forms increased the probability of staff attendance fied nurses, support and guidelines, and training for
and the existence of supplies and equipment, man- emergency situations, such as improving the com-
agement quality, and use of public providers. Among munication between the rural service and hospital
other positive health effects, antenatal health care staff (Dawson 2010), may explain this success. In
increased by 36 percentage points for pregnant addition, traditional birth attendants were also
women in contracting-in districts, and both contract trained, registered, and given tools, and midwives
forms increased the use of health facilities for deliv- were briefed on the integration with traditional
ery (Bloom et al. 2006). practitioners (Dawson 2010).
Indonesia Village Midwife Program. Initiated in Mongolia Maternal Mortality Reduction Strat-
1989, the program aimed at allocating more mid- egy. Implemented between 2001 and 2010, this
wives to villages and exempted delivery fees for poor approach is a package of incentives, staffing, and
families (Makowiecka et al. 2008). Using panel data demand-side information campaigns. The pack-
from 1993 and 1997, Frankenberg and Thomas age included awareness-raising campaigns, such
(2001) found that the introduction of a midwife as radio and television programs about maternal
increased the BMI of women in reproductive age rel- health needs, that were broadcast multiple times a
ative to the comparison groups. Also, the program week (Yadamsuren et al. 2010). Initiatives such as
has been found to increase birthweight (Franken- the “mother-friendly governor�? aimed to strengthen
berg and Thomas 2001) and reduce neonatal mor- the commitment and rewards of improving mater-
tality (Shrestha 2007). Although midwife coverage nal mortality–related indicators at the local gov-
increased in Indonesia, along with the number of ernment level. Several additional measures, such
safe deliveries, progress in reducing maternal mor- as the provision of attractive contracts to doctors
tality rates has been argued to be below expectations for relocating into remote areas, maternal wait-
(Dawson 2010). Using data on midwives in Serang ing homes, partial service and transportation cost
and Pandeglang districts, Makowiecka et al. (2008) coverage, and training of doctors and health prac-
found that village-based midwives were more likely titioners, contributed to improving maternal health
to have temporary contracts, were less experienced, provision (Yadamsuren et al. 2010).
suggests that rigorous training, supervision, culturally sensitive. As described in chap-
and communication support for midwives ter 2, norms about birthing practices play
are also essential factors for quality (Dawson a role in birthing decisions and outcomes.
2010). Box 6.1 discusses these examples in Programs such as those in Malaysia and
further detail. Tonga, which provide guidance to tradi-
Service provision should also respond to tional birth attendants on hygiene prac-
noneconomic factors: maternal mortality tices, diagnosis of complicated cases, and
may be reduced by making service delivery the importance of prenatal care, are likely
2 1 8 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
to be beneficial. In Malaysia, hospital ser- in human capital persist in subgroups such
vices have adapted to allow naming ritu- as ethnic minorities or low-income regions,
als for Muslims (Hillier 2003). Studies in interventions such as those discussed earlier
Cambodia and Lao PDR recommend build- need to address the specific constraints faced
ing birth huts in the health center to allow by these subpopulations. However, visible
privacy and to accommodate the presence gender streaming in education remains a
of family and relatives (UNFPA 2005). direct barrier to gender equality in produc-
Financial assistance, such as subsidies or tive activities, voice, and participation.
cash transfers, has been shown to improve Countries can make concerted efforts
the use of health services and reduce mater- in education and labor market policies to
nal mortality, given the financial barriers tackle the current equilibrium of females
faced by poor women. The Cambodia Health sorting into lower-paying occupations and
Equity Fund (HEF) combined financial assis- lower-productivity sectors, which is partly
tance to the poor and an incentive scheme for due to education streaming. The evidence
service providers. In 2007, the fund launched presented in the preceding chapters shows
a voucher program to provide poor pregnant that females shy away from certain fields of
women with access to free prenatal and post- study, despite the high economic return, for
natal health care visits and delivery, as well as reasons such as gender norms about school
to cover the transportation costs. At the same and work, stereotyping in school curricula,
time, the government implemented a nation- lack of role models, or lack of informa-
wide incentive system that paid midwives tion. Although changing norms is very dif-
and other health care staff an a dditional ficult, education systems can at least limit
US$12.50 and US$15.00 per live birth in the p erpetuating influence of gender-biased
hospitals and health care respectively
centers, norms. What follows is a discussion about
(Ir et al. 2010). Using data from three promising approaches, but future research
health districts between 2006 and 2008, needs to provide more rigorous evaluations
Ir et al. (2010) found that deliveries in health of these policies.
facilities increased by 196 percent for HEF One possible approach on this agenda is
voucher beneficiaries. to reduce gender stereotyping in school cur-
Policy interventions to improve account- ricula. Several countries in the region have
ability in service delivery can lead to increased begun to review and revise teaching materials
use of maternal care services, as indicated from a gender perspective, though additional
by evidence from other parts of the world. efforts are called for to ensure that the revi-
In Uganda, community-based monitoring sions introduced to promote gender-sensitive
improved the quality and quantity of primary curricula are systematically applied (UNICEF
health care services (Björkman and Svensson 2009). For example, in Lao PDR, supplemen-
2009). In Peru, incentives to service provid- tary learning materials, new gender-sensitive
ers, coupled with a mechanism giving citi- primary education curricula, and textbooks
zens a voice to reach policy makers, proved were developed following a gender review and
useful: professional attendance for deliveries training of curriculum writers. In Vietnam,
increased from 58 percent of births in 2000 a review of the current curricula indicated
to 71 percent in 2004 (Cotlear 2006). that gender stereotyping was frequent, and
isolated examples of good practice (includ-
ing collaborative behavior between boys
Reducing gender streaming in
and girls) have been highlighted in teaching
education
materials for replication. Piloting and evalu-
For many East Asian and Pacific countries, ation are important since empirical evidence
most gender issues regarding basic access on the impacts of gender-sensitive curriculum
in education and health have abated with reforms is very limited worldwide, let alone
growth and development. If gender disparities in the East Asia and Pacific region.2
P R O M O T I N G G E N D E R E Q U A L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E P A C I F I C 219
Revising school and professional training engineering schools and department. The
curricula to include better female role models project expands access to training for female
can enable greater agency in the h ousehold engineering faculty and includes refurbish-
over time. The formal education system can ments to enhance the ability of campuses to
educate young children on the basic princi- serve women students.
ples of gender equality by integrating these Activities to reduce traditional patterns of
principles into the curricula, introducing the gender streaming in education are likely to
value system early in children’s lives, and become increasingly important as economies
challenging existing gender-related social move up the value chain away from labor-
norms that are learned outside the classroom. intensive production. In middle- and higher-
In Indonesia, a recent textbook evaluation income countries in the East Asia and Pacific
shows strong gender bias starting in the sixth region, movements up the value chain have
grade, with stereotypical gender roles that typically been accompanied by reductions
portray men as income earners and women in the fraction of females working in Special
as homemakers. The evaluation resulted in a Economic Zones (SEZs). For example, in
recommendation that the government should Malaysia only 40 percent of workers in SEZs
promote the incorporation of gender equality are now female, compared to 60 percent two
into the curricula for primary and second- decades ago (Simavi, Manuel, and Blackden
ary school to address gender-based violence 2010). Addressing the skill constraints of
as well as other social norms that perpetuate workers as countries make the transition up
gender inequality (Utomo et al. 2009). the value chain will require policies ranging
Alternatively, policy interventions can from appropriate technical and vocational
actively promote entrance into nontraditional training among school-age girls and boys to
fields of study. Offering scholarships to girls training programs to help retrain workers
and women to study fields such as engineering whose skills are in lower demand.
or law is one option. Not enough is known
about the impact of such scholarships on
Promoting balanced sex ratios at birth
breaking traditional patterns that are deeply
rooted in norms, and small financial incen- A few countries—China and Vietnam, in
tives may lead to changes only at the margin. particular—should continue their efforts to
Aside from financial incentives, other inter- address the phenomenon of “missing girls�? at
esting approaches use female role models and birth. This problem does not have easy pol-
encourage female pupils in nontraditional icy solutions since preference for sons is the
careers, though evidence of their impacts is underlying cause, and certain population pol-
usually not available either. 3 In the United icies or access to technology that comes with
States, the Science Connections ( SciCon) pro- economic growth can exacerbate the problem.
gram offered monthly science workshops for Countries can enact and enforce legal clauses
girls plus a summer science weekend for the against sex-selective abortion; however, those
family to foster girls’ interest in science. After measures are extremely difficult to imple-
the program, the retention rate from the first ment when societies have strong incentives
to the second workshop rose from only 10 per- to select the preferred gender and bypass the
cent to 25–50 percent for different cohorts. law. More promising policy approaches could
The program reportedly also increased girls’ alter the incentives themselves by enhancing
knowledge about nontraditional careers in the relative value of daughters as perceived by
science, self-confidence, interest in science, families.
and motivation to increase their efforts in Relying on economic growth to raise
science-related courses.4 The Technical/Engi- female education and participation in the
neering Education Quality Improvement Proj- labor market alone may not suffice, as the
ect in India takes another approach to create Republic of Korea’s recent experience sug-
a gender-friendly environment in science and gests. Chung and Das Gupta (2007) argued
2 2 0 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
that the impacts of development in Korea then scaled up the Chaohu pilot through the
since the 1950s influenced son preference national Care for Girls campaign in 24 coun-
through many factors: (a) higher earning pros- ties of 24 provinces with severe gender imbal-
pects increased individuals’ independence of ances. This campaign went beyond advocacy
family lineage, (b) retirement savings reduced and media publicity alone. Direct financial
financial dependence on children in old age, incentives for parents to raise daughters have
(c) urban life setting reduced the focus on also been introduced as part of the Care for
traditional filial duty and promoted female- Girls campaign: families with elderly par-
inclusive social networks, (d) women’s greater ents without sons receive an annual allow-
economic and physical mobility enhanced the ance of 600 yuan; daughter-only families
value of daughters, and (e) urban life, with receive preferential loans; daughters from
assets associated with nonfarm activities and these families also receive bonus points in
less pressure from customary laws, facilitated college entrance exams. Although the exact
gender equity in inheritance. The authors attribution to the program’s effects has not
attributed the observed reduction in son pref- been evaluated, the sex ratios at birth in these
erence in larger part to changing social norms 24 counties fell from 133.8 in 2000 to 119.6
(changes in son preference within all educa- in 2005 (Li 2007).
tion and urban and rural population groups) Improving social security for the elderly
and in smaller part to increased urbanization can also affect the sex ratio, since families
and education (changes due to movements might prefer to have sons in order to receive
between education groups and between financial support in old age. Ebenstein and
urban and rural populations). Their find- Leung (2010) assessed the impact of the
ings suggest that interventions to influence introduction of a rural old-age pension pro-
social norms and facilitate the spread of new gram on sex ratios at birth in China. Using
values work better than relying on raising cross-sectional data, they found that the
female education and labor force participa- number of sons decreases the likelihood of
tion alone. Therefore, policy makers should participating in the pension program. Using a
consider information campaigns, financial measure of availability of the program at the
incentives, and improved social security for village level, the authors compared changes in
the elderly to reduce the imbalance in the sex the sex ratios at birth for cohorts born before
ratio at birth. and after the introduction of the program in
China has been taking public actions to 1991. They found that counties in which the
address the unbalanced sex ratio at birth pension program is available exhibit smaller
with a package of approaches. Aside from increases in the sex ratio at birth.
regulations outlawing sex-selective abor-
tion, the nationwide Care for Girls program
Addressing male-specific gender issues
in China is a well-known media campaign.
It started with a pilot in Chaohu from 2000 Male gender issues may also hamper coun-
to 2003 (Li 2007), which combined advocacy tries’ growth and development. First, in
and training, along with punishment for dis- many parts of the East Asia and Pacific
crimination in the form of sex-selective abor- region (for example, China, Fiji, M alaysia,
tions and infanticide. The program achieved Mongolia, the Philippines, Samoa, and
its main objectives: the sex ratios at birth in Thailand), countries need to monitor the ini-
Chaohu fell from 125 boys per 100 girls in tial signs of the reverse gender gap in edu-
1999 to 114 per 100 in 2002. Some of the cation. Second, in many countries, being
program activities asked men to participate born male is the single greatest determinant
in the discussion as well, and encouraged for tobacco use and a main determinant for
them to help improve women’s status in the harmful alcohol use (WHO 2005, 2007).
home and in society (Li 2007). The National Such use is harmful for households and soci-
Population and Family Planning Commission eties and warrants the attention of sound
P R O M O T I N G G E N D E R E Q U A L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E P A C I F I C 221
public policy, since the social costs are usu- effectively target men (WHO 2007). Pro-
ally higher than private costs, which are grams expected to decrease the prevalence
externalized to other members of the soci- of smoking include warnings about male-
ety. Costs to economic growth can be even specific health risks of smoking (including
more severe when combined with the effects reduced potency and fertility), messages
of an aging population. about the harmful effects of passive smok-
Although this report does not exhaus- ing, and campaigns targeting men who are
tively cover harmful tobacco and alco- role models to boys, such as fathers, teach-
hol use, table 6.1 highlights several policy ers, and peers (WHO 2007). Research from
approaches to tackle the challenge inside Cambodia, Malaysia, and Vietnam suggest
and outside the region. These measures the usefulness of messages that resonate with
include policies to reduce the prevalence of core social values of responsibility for family
alcohol and tobacco use and other policies welfare, such as reminding the smoker that
to reduce the harmful impacts of such use. smoking harms children’s health and stress-
Taxation and restrictions on sales are usu- ing the role of setting a good example for
ally not very effective in countries where children (Efroymson and Velasco 2007).
alcohol and tobacco products are mostly
sold through informal markets (W HO
2005, 2008).
Taking active measures to
Policies against tobacco use and exces-
promote gender equality in
sive alcohol use should consider gender
economic opportunity
dimensions, gender norms, and cultural val-
Gender inequalities in economic opportuni-
ues. Gender-specific education and commu- ties, such as gender wage gaps and the concen-
nication approaches may be used to more tration of women and female-led enterprises
TABLE 6.1 Selected policy approaches to tackle excessive tobacco and alcohol use
Policy approach Examples and impacts
Tobacco and alcohol Analysis shows that if China transferred its 2009 tobacco tax adjustment from the producer to the smoker, the retail
taxation price would have increased 3.4 percent and would have resulted in 640,000 to 2 million smokers quitting and between
210,000 and 700,000 quitters avoiding smoking-related premature death (Hu, Mao, and Shi 2010).
Information The Thai Health Promotion Foundation (ThaiHealth) uses alcohol excise tax revenues to promote health. ThaiHealth’s
campaigns on the activities include supporting the establishment of a surveillance center to enforce alcohol control regulations; a research
related health risks center on alcohol consumption; and advertising campaigns to reduce alcohol-related traffic accidents, promote
abstinence, and increase knowledge about the links between alcohol use and domestic violence. The agency also
played a vital role in the successful passage of a national policy to control alcohol advertising and in launching a National
Committee for Alcohol Consumption Control (WHO 2011).
Sales restrictions and Restrictions on sales may include regulating the types of retail establishments that can sell these products, requiring and
advertising bans enforcing licensing, and limiting the hours and days of sale.
Advertising against tobacco and alcohol use may encourage changes in the perception of masculinity to break the
link between masculinity and substance use (WHO 2005, 2007). In a study in Norway, youths ages 13–15 years in 1990
and 1995 that were exposed to tobacco marketing were significantly more likely to be current smokers (controlling
for important social influence predictors) than those adolescents who were not exposed to tobacco marketing. Such
evidence suggests that bans on advertising would be useful to limit the promotion of adolescent smoking (Braverman
and Aarø 2004).
Bans on smoking in China’s ban on smoking in public places became effective in May 2011, after successful trials during the 2008 Beijing
public places Olympic Games and the 2010 Guangzhou Asian Games (World Bank 2011e).
Appropriate drunk- Establishing maximum blood alcohol concentrations of drivers and enforcing these with sobriety checks and random
driving policies breath testing can decrease alcohol-related motor vehicle crashes by roughly 20 percent and are highly cost-effective
(Elder et al. 2002 and Peek-Asa 1999, cited in WHO 2011). Enforcement of the laws and severity of punishment are
imperative for the success of such initiatives (WHO 2008, 2011). In Brazil, infringement of the law culminates in penalties
of up to three years in prison, a hefty fine, and suspension of the drunk driver’s license for one year (WHO 2011).
2 2 2 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
in less-remunerative jobs and sectors, exist in Although governments cannot directly
all countries in the region, although the grav- change the norms that influence gender
ity of inequalities and hence policy priorities divisions of domestic responsibilities, poli-
vary by country. The focus of policies in all cies can work around existing customs and
countries, however, has a common theme— thereby reduce the impact that customs have
to provide an enabling environment in which on women’s economic activities. Policies may
women can balance their multiple roles and also indirectly influence divisions of labor
flourish in their income-generating activities. within households, for example, by institut-
As discussed in chapter 3, the constraints ing interventions that raise the value of wom-
that infringe on women’s ability to flourish as en’s market time.5
economic actors occur in households, mar- Although household responsibilities
kets, and informal and formal institutions. infringe upon women’s economic activities
This section highlights what policy makers across all countries, the policy recommen-
can do in these three domains to improve dations in this area vary with a country’s
gender equality in economic opportunity. economic structure. In countries with pre-
The following sections focus on three pri- dominantly rural populations and infra-
mary areas: (a) reducing the time constraints structural constraints that limit women’s
associated with women’s household roles, access to markets and energy and water
(b) increasing women’s access to resources, sources, policies targeted at improving
and (c) establishing a level playing field by existing infrastructure will likely have the
reforming institutions. Because the most seri- greatest impact on women’s time balance.
ous constraints faced by women vary across In countries with a larger urban popula-
economies according to economic structure tion, governments should consider policies
(see chapter 3), this section ends with a brief that increase access to affordable child care,
discussion of countries’ appropriate policy particularly where informal mechanisms
priorities. for child care are more limited. In coun-
tries where the formal sector is increasingly
important, addressing parental leave poli-
Reducing trade-offs between women’s
cies will help to level the playing field for
household and market roles
men and women and may ameliorate gender
This report finds that, in all countries, wom- divisions of labor within households.
en’s household roles affect their decisions as
economic actors—for example, they affect Investing in basic infrastructure and
the amount of time women are able to devote transportation
to market-orientated activities, the types of In rural or urban areas with limited infra-
occupations that they enter into, and the types structure, governments can reduce the time
of enterprises they run. A key policy priority spent on domestic activities by investing in
across countries is to reduce the impact of improved water, sanitation, and energy ser-
household roles on women’s economic lives, a vices. These services may release time that
priority that will become increasingly impor- can be spent on market work or leisure and
tant as aging continues and the demands increase the income potential or well-being
of caring for elderly family members rise. of women. Evidence from around the world
Addressing women’s dual roles is likely to be suggests that water and electrification proj-
the most important in contexts where female ects can reduce the time that women spend
labor force participation is severely affected collecting water and fuel, and can increase
by the competing demands for women’s time productivity by increasing the length of the
(for example, in Malaysia, the Philippines, working day.6 In Lao PDR, evidence suggests
and Fiji, where female labor force participa- that electricity extends the hours available for
tion rates drop particularly sharply when they both productive and leisure activities, par-
have children). ticularly for women and girls (World Bank
P R O M O T I N G G E N D E R E Q U A L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E P A C I F I C 223
2011d). In the Gansu and Inner Mongolia particularly for women, who were found to
Poverty Reduction Project, the construc- have increased the frequency of market vis-
tion of drinking water facilities was found to its and their own incomes generated from
reduce the workload for women (World Bank market activities (Jusi, Asigau and Laa-
2007b). tunen 2007). Recent experience on infra-
Government investment in transport structure and transportation projects also
infrastructure can improve access to mar- suggests that the design of infrastructure
kets by reducing travel time constraints. projects can have important gender implica-
Although both women and men benefit from tions (box 6.2).
better access to markets, it likely affects the
well-being of women more because they Improving access to affordable child care
have less time to devote to market-oriented Access to affordable and high-quality child-
activities. In Papua New Guinea, evidence care options may reduce the amount of time
suggests that a road maintenance and that women spend on care-related activities,
rehabilitation program improved the qual- particularly among groups of women such as
ity of life of remote disadvantaged com- migrants, who have limited access to alterna-
munities and improved access to markets, tive child-care mechanisms.7 The evidence
BOX 6.2 The design of infrastructure projects has important gender dimensions
Consultations with both men and women can modate the needs of the Muslim majority, Malaysia
ensure that infrastructure projects meet the needs introduced women-only trains in 2010. In a similar
of both men and women, since use and access to spirit, women-only buses during peak times were
infrastructure varies by gender. For example, many introduced to counteract sexual harassment and dis-
rural women lack access to motorized transport, comfort among female customers. Jakarta, Indone-
tend to travel on feeder roads and tracks on foot, or sia, introduced women-only train compartments on
use intermediate means of transport such as donkey a busy commuter route to address sexual harassment
carts and bicycles. Conventional rural transport complaints.
planning has tended to focus on road networks and Because female-headed households may be sub-
long-distance transport, which has led to the neglect ject to greater financial constraints than male-
of the needs of women in rural areas. In Peru, for headed households, gender-blind program design
example, women’s participation in economic activi- may have gender-differentiated effects. In Lao
ties increased in response to a program that focused PDR, the rural electrification project did not reach
on upgrading nonmotorized tracks that are pre- poor female-headed households at the initial stage.
dominantly used by women and are not generally An early assessment of the project suggested that
covered by traditional road-upgrading programs approximately 40 percent of rural households could
(Valdivia 2010). not afford the connection fees of approximately
In urban areas, integrating gender-specific needs US$100. These households were predominantly
into the design of urban transport systems can poor and were disproportionately headed by women.
increase access for women. Women are more likely As a response, a pilot program targeted the poorest
to travel during nonpeak hours and to conduct mul- households, with a focus on female-headed house-
tiple short trips, which makes using public trans- holds. A revolving loan fund provided these house-
port expensive. To make public transportation more holds with interest-free loans to cover 80 percent of
accessible to women, fee structures may compensate their costs, and all female-headed households were
gender differences in use by providing tickets that eligible for support under this fund. Within a few
allow for multiple stops on a single trip, thereby years, electrification rates in pilot areas increased
reducing costs. The transportation system can also from 63 percent to 90 percent overall, and from
be improved to offset social and cultural factors 79 percent to 96 percent for female-headed house-
that hinder women’s access. For example, to accom- holds (Boatman and Chanthalinh 2009).
2 2 4 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
presented in chapter 3 suggests that having and informal child-care arrangements, and
children affects women’s economic opportu- hence have a substantial need for afford-
nities in all countries in the region, although able child-care assistance. In Brazil, pub-
the effects are greatest in urban areas where licly provided child care lacked flexibility
informal support networks are the most lim- and had limited facility hours, which lim-
ited.8 A lack of child care can affect multi- ited the impact of child care on women’s
ple dimensions of economic opportunities, earnings (Deutsch 1998).
including labor force participation, the type Public policy may also need to tackle
of job conducted, and gender wage gaps. For negative perceptions about the use of child
example, in Vietnam, a lack of child care care. Location-specific social norms may
has been found to be an important factor initially limit women’s use of child-care
that pushes mothers from formal to informal services. Comparative analysis of wom-
employment (Heymann 2004). In China and en’s labor force participation in Japan and
Mongolia, reductions in the provision of sub- Taiwan, China, noted that disapproval of
sidized child care led to a reduction in female mothers that rely on alternative child-care
labor force participation in urban areas (Chi arrangements is frequent in Japan, with
and Li 2007; World Bank 2011a). women being less reluctant to leave young
Policies to promote better access to afford- children in the care of others (particularly
able child care should target those women relatives) in Taiwan, China. In Korea, a
whose needs are the greatest and who have lim- study suggested that three-quarters of men
ited alternative access to child-care facilities. and women believe that a preschool-age
Community child-care centers, particularly child will suffer if his or her mother works
those targeted at low-income neighborhoods, (Yun-Suk and Ki-Soo 2005).
have been found to increase maternal employ-
ment in a number of countries across the Instituting parental leave policies
world. Although evidence from the East Asia Parental leave policies may improve gen-
and Pacific region is limited, evidence from der parity in economic opportunities by
the Organisation for Economic Co-operation enabling and promoting a more equitable
and Development (OECD) and the Latin division of child-rearing responsibilities
America and Caribbean region suggests that between men and women and by allowing
the impact of increasing access to child care women to have the same opportunities as
on female labor force participation and hours men for advancing their careers. The suc-
worked varies with, among other things, the cess of parental leave policies in achieving
availability of alternative caring arrangements these goals depends on their design. Poorly
and characteristics of families ( Attanasio designed or incomplete parental care poli-
et al. 2004; Blau and Currie 2006; Lefebvre, cies can make hiring women, relative to
Merrigan, and Verstraete 2009; Paes de men, more expensive for employers, lead-
Barros et al. 2010). ing to discrimination or reduced job oppor-
Targeting child care toward the needs tunities for women, while exacerbating or
of mothers is likely to increase its uptake. emphasizing gender divisions of labor in the
Programs that have identified and tar- household. The factors that affect the suc-
geted groups with particular needs can cess of parental leave include who pays for
increase women’s labor force participation the leave—the employer, the employee, or
while addressing persistent inequalities. the government; whether a country has pro-
In Vietnam, the Community-Based Early visions for both paternity leave and mater-
C hildhood Care and Development proj- nity leave, or covers only maternity leave;
ect aims to improve child outcomes, with and what fraction of wages is received by
a focus on ethnic minorities and migrant beneficiaries.
workers (ADB 2010). Migrant workers Parental benefits in the region vary con-
often have lower access to familial support siderably by the number of days given, the
P R O M O T I N G G E N D E R E Q U A L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E P A C I F I C 225
percentage of leave that is paid, who pays in many East Asian and Pacific countries
for the leave, and whether paternity leave where women, despite accumulating suf-
is provided for. Maternity leave is the most ficient human capital, still face barriers in
commonly found component of work-and- access to productive assets.
family policies internationally and in the
region. A study of 13 East Asian and Pacific Promoting equal access to land
countries found that provisions for mater- Policies aimed at promoting equal access
nity leave have been instituted in all the to land for women and men require careful
countries examined in the region (World thought because complex legal, social, and
Bank 2010b, 2011g). In the majority of economic factors are at play. Although eco-
countries studied, maternity leave is paid nomic growth and income can help women
for by the employer; only in Mongolia, the acquire more land in some contexts, improv-
Philippines, and Vietnam does the govern- ing gender equality in access to land and
ment fund maternity leave. Where paternity land ownership does not automatically result
leave provisions are not in place, policies from single interventions targeting economic
that grant only employer-paid maternity factors. Access to land requires attention to
leave likely will reduce employers’ incen- formal property rights, customary systems,
tives to hire female workers because of the and the informal norms and practices that
additional costs of hiring women, particu- structure access to resources at household,
larly among younger age groups. community, and land agency levels. Access to
Within the region, only Cambodia, Indo- land affects women’s economic opportunities,
nesia, and the Philippines currently have poli- since land is an important productive asset
cies for paternity leave. Besides introducing and form of collateral. As with education,
differential hiring costs by gender, the pro- access to land assets and income generated
vision of maternity leave policies without from land contribute to women’s voice and
similar paternity leave policies will likely influence. To that extent, policies promoting
reinforce gender differences in child-rearing equal access to land also affect agency.
responsibilities, because the asymmetries in Leveling the legal playing field with
the ability to take time off from work rein- respect to land ownership is essential.
forces gender divisions of time. However, G ender-progressive legal review and reform
even in the presence of gender-neutral paren- should take place in all areas that legally
tal leave, evidence from the OECD suggests infringe on land rights, including family
that progress has been slow in encouraging code, inheritance rules, and civil legisla-
fathers to take any leave, let alone equal leave tion regarding women’s rights to land, both
(Gornick and Hegewisch 2010).9 The major- within a marriage or consensual union and
ity of evidence suggests, however, that pro- in cases of family dissolution or divorce
viding paternity leave alone is not sufficient (Giovarelli 2006). Explicit language ensur-
to changing the current gender division of ing equal property rights in the law helps
child-rearing responsibilities within house- avoid interpretation unfavorable to women.
holds; rather, parental leave policy needs to For example, Bolivia’s 1996 land reform law
be combined with other approaches to break- specifies equity criteria in all land transac-
ing down gender norms regarding household tions, independent of the civil status of the
caregiving roles. party involved. The reference to civil status
is important because it does not require that
a woman be head of household or married
Increasing women’s access to resources
to be eligible for land rights (World Bank
Access to land and other productive resources 2010a).
in agriculture and other entrepreneurial sec- In addition, countries are likely to bene-
tors is important in all contexts. It becomes fit from adopting legal changes that actively
an even more salient and binding constraint promote better gender equality in access to
2 2 6 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
land. For example, in 2003, Vietnam passed (World Bank 2010a). Training women in
the Land Law, which requests certification the use of new ICT resources can give them
of land under the name of both spouses if access to tools such as handheld global posi-
plots are used by both spouses. Qualita- tioning system devices or mobile land regis-
tive analysis of impacts in Vietnam suggests tries for help in developing land cadastres and
that joint titling improves procedures and registering land transactions. The First Kyr-
opportunities for women to access loans; gyz Land and Real Estate Registration Proj-
empowers women in case of disputes, given ect put in place mobile registries for villages
the security of land use rights; and leads to located 25 kilometers or more from the local
higher mutual decision making (World Bank registry office, and the r egistries traveled to
2008). Using national survey data from 2004 the village either weekly or at the request of
to 2006, Trung (2008) found that joint land the village chief (Harrington 2008). Sufficient
certification increased the working time and training of land agency and titling agency
decreased the domestic labor burden for staff in women’s and ethnic or other minori-
women belonging to the Kinh ethnic group. ties’ rights to land, as well as in local norms
The study also found that joint land certifica- and practices, can help remove barriers faced
tion increased education expenses for daugh- by these groups in accessing titling services
ters relative to sons in rural areas. (World Bank 2010a).
Experience from projects suggests several Apart from securing land titles for
guiding principles to ensure that on-the- women, policy makers planning for formal
ground implementation of land titling and land allocation and designing interventions
land administration does not put women must understand and consider the gender
at a disadvantage. These guidelines include implications of customary land tenure and
gender- and socially inclusive land titling use-rights regimes operating in specific com-
policy, procedures, and service delivery, and munities.10 Land titling projects can support
provision of complementary inputs to new the issuance of titles to all rightful heirs to
landholders, particularly women (see World secure women’s legal rights, which women
Bank 2010a for details). Important capacity can then transfer, gift, trade, or sell as desired
building to increase women’s legal literacy in (World Bank 2010a). Education regarding
relation to land may include sufficient cam- the benefits of land ownership is important
paigning and outreach to women and men for potential beneficiaries. Other target audi-
regarding upcoming titling programs, the ences for this kind of education include for-
benefits and risks of land title, and procedures mal organizations—such as state institutions,
for redress (Harrington 2008). The adop- labor organizations, legal aid organizations,
tion of these project guidelines in, for exam- women’s organizations, and donors—and
ple, the Lao Land Titling Project (LTP1 and informal, customary institutions—such as
LTP2) yielded impressive results in improv- councils of elders and neighborhood commit-
ing women’s access to land. The project had tees (World Bank 2010a).
a special focus on women’s awareness of land Public policies should make specific efforts
certificates and titling to women, including to support women’s access to justice in formal
the involvement of the Lao Women’s Union and informal systems (including for individ-
and a significant number of female staff in ual and collective land rights), and to improve
land titling agencies. The projects resulted women’s position in customary, as well as col-
in 38 percent of titles going to women, with lective, land negotiations. The World Bank’s
a f urther 29 percent issued jointly to both Justice for the Poor program (J4P) aims to
spouses (Bell 2011). Project procedures should improve the delivery of justice services and
also ensure that women are represented in to support inclusive and fair negotiation
local titling and adjudication and community processes over customary land dealings, in
mapping processes, for example, through the which women usually are excluded from the
use of female paralegals and parasurveyors decision-making process and receive fewer
P R O M O T I N G G E N D E R E Q U A L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E P A C I F I C 227
benefits (World Bank 2011c). In Vanuatu, for large numbers of men leave in search of
example, land leasing for tourism, agricul- employment in cities. Acquiring knowledge
ture, and extractive industries has excluded and skills in agriculture and other rural
women during formal lease registration and livelihoods can be extremely challenging,
overlooked women’s customary access to particularly when extension services are
garden plots or other productive uses. The oriented around traditionally male activities
J4P program used consultations and out- or when training occurs outside of rural vil-
reach, including through community drama, lages, limiting female participation. Recent
to bring the community together to discuss projects have sought to address these issues
and debate sensitive land issues (Stefanova, (box 6.3).
Nixon, and Porter 2010). Evaluations of the Consultations with female farmers can
impacts of such approaches are under way. help to identify gaps in existing service deliv-
ery. For example, the Integrated Agricul-
Increasing women’s access to other ture Training Project in Papua New Guinea
productive resources in agriculture focused especially on gender concerns. The
Improving female farmers’ access to agri- project expanded the number of female agri-
cultural extension and other services that cultural extension agents, incorporated wom-
promote rural livelihoods will improve their en’s needs in the design of the training, and
income. In rural areas, women often play a included gender monitoring in the program
leading role in agricultural activities when (box 6.3).11
BOX 6.3 Leveling the playing field in access to resources: Lessons from Papua New Guinea
and Mongolia
In Papua New Guinea, men and women have had livelihood, credit and savings, accounting, and man-
differentiated access to agricultural extension ser- agement of poultry and commercial vegetables,
vices for multiple reasons. First, extension and which particularly reflected women’s interests (Cahn
training activities have traditionally focused on the and Liu 2008). The program trained both male and
formal commercial agriculture sector, dominated female trainers to deliver gender-sensitive modules—
by men, rather than the subsistence and informal by 2005, 30 percent of all trainers were female. This
agricultural sectors that women are concentrated allowed course participants to be split into different
in (Cahn and Liu 2008). Second, contact between groups when discussing topics on which men and
unrelated men and women is not culturally accept- women had different perspectives or when discuss-
able in Papua New Guinea, further reducing wom- ing more sensitive topics, and it also represented
en’s access to extension services, which are predomi- women as being capable of taking important roles
nantly provided by men. Third, traveling to training in agriculture.
courses can be difficult for women because of time In Mongolia, a component of the Gansu and
limitations, financial constraints, and fears about Inner Mongolia Poverty Reduction Project provided
safety, particularly for women in very remote vil- improved agricultural and livestock technology
lages, where limited transport options are available. packages and upgraded agricultural and livestock
The Integrated Agriculture Training Program support services (World Bank 2007b). Women were
(IATP) provided targeted training and information consulted during the development of different farm
services to men and women in rural areas. The pro- models to ensure that the gender divisions of labor
gram included a focus on women’s needs. Participa- were taken into account in the choice and develop-
tory workshops aimed to ensure that women’s voices ment of activities. Approximately half of the total
were heard, and that the training needs highlighted project beneficiaries were women, who benefited
by women were included in the selection of topics from women-specific project training and production
for training modules. The training content included activities such as cropping and livestock raising.
2 2 8 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
ICTs have been successfully used to female-led enterprises. Microfinance is
increase women’s access to agricultural tech- the most pervasive approach to increasing
nologies. In Indonesia, Nokia Life Tools access to finance among entrepreneurs, and
aims to bridge information gaps for farmers it has been used extensively throughout the
through a text message–based interface. The region to target female entrepreneurs.
program works with local agricultural boards Efforts to improve access to finance among
to distribute crop and market information female entrepreneurs should consider how to
and with meteorological departments to get move their financial portfolios away from
climate and weather information to farmers. informal sources of credit and toward more
The Kenya Farmer Helpline, introduced in formal credit institutions. Because women in
2009 by Kencell, Kenya’s largest call center, many parts of the region have more limited
provides free advice to small-scale farmers. assets that could serve as collateral and also
Call center operators provide expert advice often have more limited credit histories than
in local languages on agricultural practices, men, they are more likely to be restricted in
from controlling pests, to raising livestock and their sources of borrowing. For example, in
poultry, to marketing products. Nearly half of the Pacific, family law and inheritance law
the 30,000 farmers reached by the program have been identified as important constraints
are women, a substantially higher fraction affecting women’s ability to acquire and har-
than are reached through standard agricul- ness assets that may be used as collateral
tural extension services (World Bank 2011f). (Hedditch and Manuel 2010). Customary
laws, in particular, introduce discrimina-
Promoting equal access to finance and skills tory practices against women with respect to
for entrepreneurs access to land and property rights.
Distinguishing between systemic constraints Beyond addressing financial constraints,
to agricultural or entrepreneurial develop- governments could implement training pro-
ment and gender-specific constraints is cru- grams to improve women’s business skills
cial for identifying policies that can reduce and thereby address gender differences in
gender disparities in economic opportunities. entrepreneurial capital. For example, the
In chapter 3, the evidence from the formal results of a survey of 500 female enterprise
sector suggested that broader constraints owners in Vietnam suggest that female entre-
to business development, such as cumber- preneurs feel the need to improve their busi-
some registration procedures, affect both ness skills through training and education
female- and male-led enterprises. Evidence (IFC and MPDF 2006).
from the informal sector is more limited but, Although greater numbers of women are
again, suggests that gender differences in self- acquiring higher levels of education and busi-
reported constraints are not necessarily as ness training, converting the skills acquired
large as the systemic constraints facing enter- through these programs into productive
prises. Because both the types of constraints outcomes has remained challenging. There-
facing enterprises and the gender differences fore, training programs should address the
in constraints vary substantially across coun- appropriate skill gaps in target populations.
tries, policy makers should focus on gaining For example, evidence shows that improving
a better understanding of the environment life skills had a greater impact on economic
facing male- and female-run firms in both outcomes than improving vocational training
formal and informal sectors.12 skills in the Dominican Republic (Ibarrarán,
Where gender-specific constraints to Ripani, and Villa-Lora 2011). The evidence
enterprise development are found, promot- also suggests that the effects of training may
ing gender equality in the control of pro- vary across existing and aspiring entrepre-
ductive assets—including land, financial neurs, and among existing entrepreneurs
capital, and information and technology— training may be needed in combination with
can help to enhance the productivity of other assistance to improve outcomes. For
P R O M O T I N G G E N D E R E Q U A L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E P A C I F I C 229
example, an impact evaluation of business Establishing an enabling environment
training to female entrepreneurs in Sri Lanka for gender equality in the workplace
suggests that business training alone may be
Even though the formal sector in many East
insufficient to raise outcomes among existing
Asian and Pacific countries is small, govern-
female entrepreneurs, but may be more effec-
ments have a role in strengthening the formal
tive for new entrepreneurs (de Mel, McKenzie,
sector work environment to promote gender
and Woodruff, 2012). The study finds that
equality. Policy instruments available to the
combining business training with grants has
government include labor regulations, active
a large impact on short-run business profit-
labor market policies, and even affirmative
ability among existing entrepreneurs, but no
action policies. Governments can work with
longer-term impact. Among new entrants,
the private sector using promising approaches
business training was found to increase prof-
that include improving business procedures
itability and improve business practices.
or establishing firm certification for gender-
Programs that improve women’s access
friendly work environments.
to productive resources have been shown
to increase women’s self-confidence and
empower them to be more actively engaged in Promoting gender-equitable labor
society. In Cambodia, the Women’s Empow- institutions and practices
erment Program provides poor women with Labor regulations that result in asymmetries
literacy, leadership, and financial training. in the employability and costs of hiring male
Apart from gains in endowments and eco- and female workers can be found through-
nomic opportunities, the program reports out the region. In countries where gaps in
a positive impact on increasing women’s discrimination legislation exist, closing those
voice and influence. For example, several gaps should be made a priority. For example,
participating women later joined leadership although the Tongan constitution guarantees
posts at the local level (Rosenbloom 2004). equality, it does not contain a specific prohi-
Similarly, an impact assessment of a women’s bition on discrimination on the basis of gen-
entrepreneurship training program in Aceh, der (Hedditch and Manuel 2010). The lack of
I ndonesia, showed that business planning
antidiscrimination legislation raises the pos-
and management training helped to promote sibility for women to be treated unfairly by
greater confidence among women trainees, employers.
create or strengthen new social networks, Protective legislation, though well inten-
and identify ways to improve the business tioned, can restrict the employability of
environment for women (ILO 2008). Other women and should be tackled more directly.
examples of programs that increase women’s For example, restrictions on night work for
agency include community-driven devel- women in the Philippines can reduce the
opment programs and self-help groups. In attractiveness of hiring female employees.
Indonesia, a community-driven development In addition, several countries in the region
program named the Kecamantan Develop- restrict the industries that women can work
ment Program contributed to developing the in as a means of protecting them from haz-
leadership skills of local women through its ardous conditions. These protective measures
activities. The program helped develop the can reduce the labor market opportunities of
capacity of beneficiaries to plan, prioritize, women.
and manage local community investments, as Governments should give priority to tack-
well as developed various livelihood skills to ling the motivating factors behind protective
make them self-reliant (World Bank 2009). In legislation more directly. Employment condi-
India, self-help groups have increased wom- tions and protections in industries continu-
en’s assertiveness by offering support mecha- ously evolve, thus giving policy makers the
nisms and resources that develop women’s opportunity to regularly revisit limitations on
confidence (Suguna 2006). women’s work in restricted industries in light
2 3 0 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
of current safety standards and practices, with apprenticeship opportunities. Evidence
while increasing protections for both male within the East Asia and Pacific region on
and female employees. Where the original these programs remains limited; however,
concerns motivating these policies continue evidence from other regions suggests some
to be valid, for example, where transport promising lessons (box 6.4).
safety issues restrict women’s movement, Efforts to promote female participation
governments can undertake measures such and gender equality in the private sector—by
as providing safe and reliable transport infra- training women in leadership and giv-
structure to ensure that women are able to ing them a space to be activists for gender
overcome these concerns. equality—can also play an important role in
Gaps in the coverage of labor protections strengthening women’s voice. The Adolescent
imply that certain groups may be at risk of Girls Initiative (AGI) in countries worldwide
exploitation. Addressing the lack of labor is a public partnership with a core focus on
protections covering these groups can help to leadership that helps young women transi-
reduce these infringements. Female migrants tion from school to productive employment
in the region tend to be segregated into infor- and active economic participation (World
mal occupations such as domestic work, Bank 2011d). In Lao PDR, the AGI has led
where they have few labor protections and are to the creation of career counseling offices
more at risk for becoming victims of exploi- where young women can get information on
tation. Improving the legal and social protec- entering the labor force and long-term career
tions of female migrants working abroad will planning.
better protect those women in isolating and
informal positions. Approaches to improve Using affirmative action policies
the well-being of migrants are discussed in Affirmative action policies, both voluntary
greater detail later in this chapter. and mandatory, can be used as a mechanism
to increase the representation of women at
Establishing active labor market policies all levels of the hierarchy, from entry-level to
Active labor market policies can be used managerial positions. Evidence on affirmative
to overcome gender-based differences in action from developed countries suggests that
access to job opportunities. For example, voluntary programs may have limited effects
wage subsidies may allow individuals to sig- on female employment and that, to be effec-
nal their abilities to future employers and tive, programs need to be mandatory and have
reduce employers’ costs to hire female work- a credible enforcement mechanism (Holzer
ers whom they may not otherwise have con- and Neumark 2000, World Bank 2011f). In
sidered, albeit temporarily. This incentive Korea, affirmative action policies were intro-
for hiring gives employers the opportunity duced to expand women’s employment and
to reduce stereotypes by directly observing to reduce discriminatory practices in 2006.
their female workers’ skills, and also gives They were initially implemented for public
women valuable labor market experience. enterprises and private firms with more than a
Promoting female participation in all sec- thousand employees, and was extended after
tors and in all jobs, at management level and a two year grace period to smaller private
below, is likely to increase information on firms (Jung and Sung 2012). Firms who failed
the competencies of women as leaders within to meet the specified female employment or
an organization, and may also be a way to female manager ratio criteria were asked to
establish environments that are more attuned submit an implementation plan, with the goal
to the issues faced by women. Skills training of raising female representation within the
programs can be used to reduce occupa- firm. An empirical evaluation of the program
tional segregation by encouraging women has found that it had no significant effect on
and men to move into professions outside of female participation or on firm performance.
gender stereotypes, particularly when paired The limited impact on female managerial or
P R O M O T I N G G E N D E R E Q U A L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E P A C I F I C 231
BOX 6.4 The impact of active labor market policies on female employment: Evidence from
across the world
The evidence on the effectiveness of training pro- ocational training, the program provided its female
v
grams in developing countries is mixed. However, the beneficiaries with information highlighting the large
effects of training programs in developing countries discrepancy between expected earnings from gradu-
are greater than those in developed countries, where ates in traditionally male-dominated trades (such as
benefits have been modest overall, albeit higher for electricians) versus traditionally female-dominated
female workers (Betcherman, Olivas, and Dar 2004; trades (such as seamstresses). In addition, the inter-
Card et al. 2011). For example, Jóvenes en Acción, a vention also used more subjective methods, includ-
subsidized vocational training program, was found ing a presentation showing successful female car
to have had a positive effect on paid employment and mechanics in Kenya, to encourage women to select
earnings, where the effects are principally driven by training for more lucrative male-dominated trades.
women (Attanasio, Kugler, and Meghir 2011). In An impact evaluation of the program suggests
contrast, the first phase of the Juventud y Empleo that women given this information were almost
program in the Dominican Republic, which aimed to 9 percentage points more likely to express inter-
increase the employment probability of disadvantaged est in a male-dominated course (especially younger
youth through basic skills training and vocational and more educated women) and 5 percentage points
training, was found to have no effect on employment more likely to enroll in one (Hicks et al. 2011).
rates and hours of work (Card et al. 2011). Reducing information barriers about female
Broadening skills programs to include softer skills youth may also have a positive effect on labor market
may have positive labor market effects. The Juven- outcomes. In Jordan, young female graduates have
tud y Empleo program in the Dominican Republic a higher rate of unemployment than men, in part
was modified in the second phase to include new because of perceptions that women have lower lev-
life skills. A randomized evaluation of the modified els of interpersonal and decision-making skills, that
program suggests that the life skills component of women are less productive than men, and that their
the program plays a central role in improving the commitment to the labor market is lower, poten-
employment outcomes of young women, who expe- tially because of marriage and child rearing (Groh
rienced a higher likelihood of having a job, higher et al. 2012). The New Opportunities for Women
wages, and higher job satisfaction approximately pilot program puts forward two policies to overcome
12 to 18 months after the program. The program these perceived constraints: short-term wage subsi-
also had an important effect on reducing pregnancy dies, in the form of job vouchers equivalent to the
in young women. minimum wage for six months, and employability
Programs that encourage both men and women skills training, which focuses on interpersonal and
to think outside of gender stereotypes are likely to professional skills. The skills component focused on
increase the efficiency of allocating talent toward softer skills that had been identified as a constraint
jobs. As discussed earlier in this chapter, just as of young female workers, such as communication,
policies in the education system can help change the team building, presentations, and business writing.
traditional gender patterns of what to study and, An impact evaluation of the program finds that the
consequently, what job to do, policies to address soft-skills training had no impact on employment,
occupational segmentation directly in the labor mar- but that the job vouchers had statistically signifi-
ket and in the business environment can also change cant and persistent positive effects on employment
outcomes for women. For example, a vocational of graduates outside the capital, where it almost
and technical training voucher program in Kenya doubled the employment rates of graduates. In the
noted that men almost exclusively choose male- capital, the wage subsidy was found to have a sub-
dominated courses while females almost exclusively stantial employment effect in the short-term, but was
choose female-dominated courses such as hairdress- unable to raise long-term employment prospects for
ing. To address misconceptions about the returns to unemployment female youth.
2 3 2 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
female employee participation is partly attrib- the reduction in firm value is attributable to the
uted to the near voluntary nature of the pro- comparatively young age and low job experi-
gram, which lacked an effective penalty for ence of women on Norwegian boards (Pande
non-compliance and had a weak incentive and Ford 2011). This finding suggests that
system (Jung and Sung 2012). akers may also want to keep the char-
policy m
In many countries, the public sector may acteristics of the existing workforce in mind
take the lead in promoting gender-based when designing affirmative action policies.
quotas; this support can act as a signal to
the private sector of women’s productivity in Working with the private sector to foster
underrepresented jobs. For example, in 2004 gender equality
Malaysia introduced a public sector gender Business formalization procedures that are
quota of 30 percent female representation gender blind may result in gender-differenti-
across all decision-making levels, including ated outcomes. In these contexts, procedures
positions such as department heads or secre- should be modified to increase women’s
tary general (ASEAN 2008; Washington Post ability to operate their businesses on a for-
2011). In 2006, 25 percent of women were mal basis. A number of factors, such as the
holding top positions in the public sector; by need to juggle household and market roles,
2010, this share had risen to 32 percent. The cultural restrictions on travel, and lower
Malaysian government aims for 30 percent of education levels, may imply that women are
key corporate board positions to be held by less able than men to maneuver complex
women by 2016 (Washington Post 2011). formalization procedures and may therefore
Evidence suggests that affirmative action restrict their ability to register their busi-
policies, particularly at a board level, involve nesses (Simavi, Manuel, and Blackden 2010).
trade-offs. Board diversity has been found Simplifying and reducing the cost of business
to increase the attendance of both male and registration procedures, as well as introduc-
female board members in the United States, ing flexibility in application procedures to
and female board members are more likely minimize the effects of time constraints, are
to participate as tougher monitors than men likely to increase the ability of both male and
on corporate boards (Adams and Ferreira female entrepreneurs to comply with business
2009). However, tougher monitoring does regulations and registration procedures, but
not necessarily translate into higher firm such interventions are likely to have a greater
value. In the United States, board diversity impact on female entrepreneurs.
has had a positive effect on firm value among Encouraging companies to promote greater
firms with weaker governance, where greater transparency in recruitment and promotion
monitoring may be beneficial, but has had procedures can level the playing field for
a negative effect among firms with stronger women and can help to achieve greater female
governance. representation, particularly at a managerial
The design of affirmative action can affect level. Proactive and supportive organiza-
performance, particularly in circumstances tional policies can also help women acquire
where gender differences in the character- relevant competencies and move to manage-
istics of the existing workforce imply that rial levels. For example, in 1996, Mongolia
individuals with the appropriate skill set may Telecom adopted a human resource develop-
not be available (Pande and Ford 2011). For ment plan to reduce the crowding of women
example, in Norway, corporate board quotas at lower levels. The two-pronged strategy
of 40 percent were introduced in 2003 with a included measures to help women cope better
short implementation horizon. The N orwegian with their dual responsibilities at home and at
gender quota was found to decrease firm val- work, and measures to enable the professional
ues, but this effect vanishes once board char- development and career growth of women. To
acteristics are accounted for, suggesting that help ease the work-family conflict on female
P R O M O T I N G G E N D E R E Q U A L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E P A C I F I C 233
employees, the company gave assistance to constraining women and men in the region
single mothers and financial aid for childbirth from fulfilling their potential in the eco-
and education of children. As a result of these nomic sphere. Although all the policies
proactive steps, women now constitute over presented here are important—reducing
20 percent of senior managers, compared with the trade-offs between women’s household
just 9 percent when the plan was introduced. and market roles, addressing occupational
Firm certification has been used to promote segmentation, increasing women’s access
gender equality in companies and organiza- to resources and markets, and establish-
tions and to encourage women to reach their ing an enabling environment for gender
labor market potential. One firm certification equality in the workplace— each coun-
tool, the Gender Equity Model (GEM), has try needs to consider its own appropriate
proved to be successful in promoting equal policy priorities and policy mix. The guid-
opportunities for men and women and in ing principles below recommend a way to
overcoming cultural barriers in business prac- prioritize policy actions, depending on the
tices. This public-private partnership, which country’s economic structure and, there-
was designed and implemented in Mexico, fore, the types of major constraints faced
has been replicated in Argentina, Chile, by women.
Colombia, the Dominican Republic, and the
Arab Republic of Egypt (World Bank 2011b). I n predominantly agricultural economies,
•
Firm certification validates and recognizes the suggested policy priorities are to focus
gender equity actions in private firms. An on constraints that affect women in rural
impartial and independent agency assesses areas, such as (a) reducing gender dispari-
firms’ compliance in four areas: recruitment, ties in access to productive resources in
career advancement, training, and sexual agriculture and (b) improving infrastruc-
harassment. Findings from the GEM in tural services to increase women’s access
Mexico show that participating firms have to markets.
eliminated pregnancy discrimination from I n economies with a heavier focus on
•
recruitment practices, and 90 percent of par- manufacturing and services, policies
ticipating organizations report that workers’ should focus on reducing the constraints
performance and productivity have increased faced by women in urban areas and in the
(World Bank 2011b). Furthermore, organi- formal sector, such as the promotion of
zations report that promotion of women to women-friendly work practices or afford-
managerial positions has increased, although able child care.
women at the top tier are still rare (World Bank I n all economies, policies need to focus
•
2011b). Certified firms also are more likely to on reducing gender disparities in the
have processes in place to deal effectively with constraints faced by enterprises, particu-
harassment cases, although workers in certi- larly those in the informal sector. A key
fied firms also are more likely to have been priority is to identify constraints that
victims of some form of harassment. This may are systemic and those that are gender-
also signal that they are more aware that some specific. Continuing to promote women’s
behaviors are forms of harassment that are access to land will be important in all
inappropriate in the workplace (World Bank contexts because land serves as a produc-
2010c). tive resource, as a form of collateral, and
as a status-enhancing asset. In addition,
identifying and closing discriminatory
Identifying policy priorities to foster
labor market regulations and practices
equal economic opportunity
to make formal i nstitutions more even
This discussion lays out policy recom- handed should be a policy priority at all
mendations to address the major barriers stages of structural transformation.
2 3 4 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
Taking measures to strengthen they choose to the societal acceptance of
women’s voice and influence domestic violence and the negative percep-
tions of women leaders. Although socially
The evidence presented in chapter 4 suggests constructed norms are difficult to transform
that all countries in the East Asia and Pacific directly, evidence from around the world
region can create opportunities to improve suggests that they can be influenced in sev-
women’s agency. In the Pacific Islands, pol- eral ways, including public information cam-
icy priorities include increasing female voice paigns and the promotion of role models.
and participation in the public sphere, and Policy makers in many East Asia and Pacific
addressing pervasive gender-based violence. countries have an opportunity to promote the
East Asia must address the increased vulner- evolution of social norms where the societal
abilities specific groups may face—including transformations underpinning rapid urban-
those who have been trafficked and those ization and migration are likely to expose
who are not protected by the law as a result men and women to different models of gen-
of plural legal environments. Strengthening der relations.
women’s agency on multiple fronts is likely to Approaches that harness the social and
have rewards, since increasing women’s voice structural change occurring in many coun-
in one domain of agency is likely to have pos- tries in the region are likely to have a greater
itive repercussions on others. influence in changing social norms. Return-
Measures to increase women’s endow- ing migrants are a source of new information
ments and economic opportunity, such as and can be influential in changing practices
those described previously, can strengthen and social gender norms. Returning rural
their voice within the household and in soci- migrants are often better placed than rural
ety. Educated women in good health, with residents to question practices and norms
assets and income, are better able to act on that constrain people from exercising their
their preferences and influence outcomes voice and influence. Countries wishing to
that affect themselves and others in society. make positive change in rural areas, where
In addition, several other policy approaches gender stereotypes still predominate, can
can directly promote women’s agency and engage the help of returning migrants. For
reduce gender-based violence. This section instance, women from Jiangxi province in
takes a more detailed look at the following China who have experienced migration to the
areas of policy identified in chapter 4: (a) sup- city are more aware of their rights as people
porting initiatives to transform gender norms and are more knowledgeable about social
and practices, (b) strengthening the legal and health practices, including access to ser-
and institutional environment, (c) increasing vices and modern health care. In Cambodia
women’s access to justice, (d) enabling wom- and China, a number of civil society organi-
en’s participation in politics and policy mak- zations call upon the experiences and lessons
ing, (e) pursuing a multipronged approach to of returning migrants to influence women’s
reducing gender-based violence, and (f) creat- decision making on reproductive matters in
ing space for women’s collective agency. rural areas.
Providing a forum for successful women
to inspire other women and girls can help
Supporting initiatives to transform
the evolution of gender perceptions. Women
gender norms and practices
in leadership roles can serve as effective role
Socially constructed gender norms that limit models for other women and girls. Female
women’s ability to act and make choices teachers are among the first professional
for themselves are pervasive across the East women that show girls that being active out-
Asia and Pacific region and affect women’s side the home is socially acceptable. These
lives through diverse channels—from influ- women serve as agents of change in the
encing what they study and the occupations communities they work in by educating and
P R O M O T I N G G E N D E R E Q U A L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E P A C I F I C 235
socializing children beyond gender stereo- the information provided to women through
types (Kirk 2006). In Papua New Guinea, for technology ranges from dealing with domes-
example, pastors are also involved in settling tic violence to promoting women entrepre-
disputes between husbands and wives. They neurs in the agricultural and fishing industries
are viewed as role models for youth, while (Farrell and Wachholz 2003).
their wives, who typically engage in leader-
ship positions, are viewed as role models for
Strengthening the legal and
women (World Bank 2011c). Exposure to
institutional environment
positive female role models from an early age
can help break the cycle of gender inequali- For a country to achieve gender equal-
ties across generations. ity in voice and influence, government and
Policy makers can also support and civil society must make concerted efforts
encourage mass media outlets such as tele- across multiple fronts. A key element of this
vision, radio, and virtual outlets to promote approach includes the institution and enforce-
positive messaging that will help change gen- ment of legislation to create an enabling envi-
der norms. Mass media outlets are used in ronment for equality of voice and influence
countries like the Philippines and Vietnam regardless of one’s gender. Countries should
to regularly disseminate messages raising accede to and ratify international conventions
awareness of women’s contribution in society. that promote gender equality. Although most
These countries have adopted a more extreme countries in the East Asia and Pacific region
approach of requiring mass media outlets to have acceded to and ratified the Convention
abide by gender equality principles. In the on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimi-
case of the Philippines, the requirement states nation Against Women (CEDAW), Palau and
that the media must regularly disseminate Tonga have not (UNIFEM 2008).
messages that raise awareness of women’s Another important element is to ensure that
contribution in society and avoid portray- domestic legislation and the institutions of
ing negative female stereotypes. In Vietnam, implementation and enforcement are aligned
the government, with the support of donors, with countries’ commitments. For instance,
is undertaking an information, education, despite the fact that CEDAW’s international
and communication campaign to help curb mandates are compulsory, many countries
gender-based violence by redefining male have laws that continue to discriminate against
identity with respect to domestic violence. The women by limiting their human rights. Some
message is: “Real men don’t hit women.�? countries that have introduced legislation to
Increasing access to information through reflect CEDAW mandates have made the lan-
new information technology can improve guage gender-neutral or exempted some types
women’s agency by increasing their knowl- of violent acts, thus making laws inconsistent
edge base and exposing them to broader with international standards and leaving
experiences and social practices. In Malaysia, them open to broad interpretation. For exam-
women used information technology to create ple, legislation introduced in C ambodia and
self-help cybercommunities to improve their Thailand to address domestic violence con-
networking opportunities in an environment tains subjective language that must be inter-
that was more suitable to their lives and social preted by the courts. In Thailand, a person
gender norms. The Malaysian e- Homemakers must show that the perpetrator demonstrated
project is one example of these self-help com- “unethical dominance�?; in Cambodia, a man
munities; through the e-Homemakers, women can discipline his wife as long as it is done
are able to share information on how to start with compassion.
and run a business, and are able to share Another critical component of a mul-
their experiences in a safe space. In Japan, tipronged strategy involves strengthening
the government promotes self-help and exter- enforcement institutions to create an environ-
nal help through cybercommunity initiatives; ment that enables both men and women to
2 3 6 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
have voice and influence in the public sphere. village level, the program was implemented
Enforcement can be particularly challeng- by trained paralegals who educated people on
ing in plural legal environments, as seen in the law, in particular, family law and laws on
several East Asian and Pacific countries. Pro- gender-based violence, and provided assis-
grams that increase women’s knowledge of tance and advocacy. The result of this effort
the law with respect to violence and human has contributed to the opening up of spaces for
rights and the capacity of justice services to women to voice their rights—not only within
address women’s issues contribute to greater the home, but also in local communities—and
safety and security among women in soci- to demand better justice services from their
ety. The Cambodian Women’s Crisis Center government. In the long term, the program is
(CWCC) began a community program that expected to improve women’s livelihoods, and
increases the society’s awareness of violence that of their families, through their increased
against women and the rights of women, agency (World Bank 2011c).
especially of the law on domestic violence and Programs can make the judicial system
protection that was implemented in 2005. more accessible to women in a variety of ways.
The program promotes initiatives to enforce Technology can help women access the justice
the law by providing information and training system. For example, mobile courts in rural
to local authorities and developing commu- areas of China and Indonesia provide a solu-
nity networks. The program has sponsored tion to the problem of accessibility and security
63 community education sessions, serving a for women who wish to exercise their rights in
essions
total of 1,638 participants; 6 training s the legal system but lack transportation to the
for the police, which trained 150 officers; and courts. Courts can also be viewed as finan-
300 legal advice cases. The evaluation of the cially inaccessible and, in Indonesia, the waiv-
project shows that the program’s targets were ing of court fees for poor and marginalized
met or exceeded. Participants believed that, groups has increased the ability of women to
as a result of the program, the severity and bring their cases to court (World Bank 2011c).
rate of violence were reduced as a result of The justice system can also adapt to better
the education provided on the law, human address the specific needs of women. Coun-
rights, and the rights of women, and because sensitive training for
tries can institute gender-
information on the expected roles of men and officials in the system, as well as increase the
women in their marriage were made clear representation of women within all institu-
(Weaner 2008). tions charged with formulating, implement-
ing, and enforcing the laws. For instance, in
Papua New Guinea, female local magistrates
Increasing women’s access to justice
have helped raise awareness among their male
Programs that increase women’s knowl- counterparts of the need to adopt gender-
edge of the law help them to access the sensitive approaches to the cases that come
formal justice system and encourage them before them (World Bank 2011c). An example
to exercise agency through formal mecha- of a gender-sensitive consideration is that a
nisms. In Indonesia, a civil society organiza- female victim of gender-based violence may
tion supporting women heads of household find it easier to approach a female police offi-
(PEKKA) helped shed light on the need to cer after an assault than a male police officer.
provide women with better access to jus-
tice services. Implemented by PEKKA and
Enabling women’s participation in
building on existing work by civil society,
politics and policy making
the Women’s Legal Empowerment program
encouraged the poor and marginalized (many Implementation of political reservation sys-
of them women-headed households) to know tems has contributed to increasing women’s
and demand fulfillment of their rights while participation in electoral politics in a number
it worked on increasing the capacity of legal of countries. Gender-based political reserva-
and justice institutions to respond. At the tion systems seek to reduce obstacles in the
P R O M O T I N G G E N D E R E Q U A L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E P A C I F I C 237
recruitment process so that more women are controversial, as was the case in Timor-Leste,
attracted to participate in politics, thus add- where quotas were not widely accepted. As
ing strength to their collective voice. How with affirmative action in the labor market,
these systems work varies across countries. the public has concerns about the pipeline of
Quotas—one form of reservation—take the qualified candidates, along with possible per-
form of constitutional changes to reserve a ceptions about the qualifications of women
certain number of legislative as well as for- elected through a reservation system (inde-
mal or informal political party posts for pendent of their actual qualifications).
women. Such measures have been credited,
at least in part, for the increased political
Pursuing a multipronged approach to
and administrative participation of women
reducing gender-based violence
seen across developing regions. For example,
India has endorsed a constitutional amend- Reducing discrimination against women and
ment that women should constitute one- gender-based violence requires action on a
third of the heads of local governments. In number of fronts: efforts to increase women’s
East Asia and the Pacific, China, Indone- voice within the household; enactment and
sia, Korea, Papua New Guinea, Thailand, enforcement of appropriate legislation and
V ietnam, and, recently, the Cook Islands strengthening of women’s access to justice;
have all adopted formal or informal measures provision of adequate support services for
to promote political representation of women victims of violence; and use of the media to
at the local level. For example, in Korea, the provide information on women’s rights, to
Grand National Party voluntarily supports increase social awareness, and to shift social
quotas of 30 percent women candidates. At norms with respect to violence.
the national level, the law states that politi- Countries should enact and enforce laws
cal parties must have a list with 50 percent that eliminate discrimination and violence
women candidates, and at the local level, against women. By taking a strong stance on
the party law of 2002 states that city coun- gender-based violence legislation and enforce-
cil elections must aim to have gender parity ment, countries can make positive strides
(Quota Project 2010). against gender-based violence in a short time.
Countries can also consider using infor- Cambodia saw a significant decrease in the
mal means of promoting women in politics incidence of domestic violence between 2000
through incentives instead of formal reserva- and 2005. This decrease was largely attrib-
tion systems. This route may be more effec- uted to strong efforts by the country’s Minis-
tive in countries where formal reservation try of Women’s Affairs, which introduced the
systems are likely to be contentious or elicit domestic violence legislation draft in 2001.
a political backlash. The argument in favor The legislation was adopted by the National
of formal reservation is that they open doors Assembly four years later, in October 2005.
to women in politics and provide a relatively The new law criminalized acts of domestic
fast track for women to enter politics. In addi- violence, provided for the protection of vic-
tion to enabling women to gain experience tims, and allowed neighbors or local organi-
as office holders, such programs can help to zations to intervene if they witnessed domestic
change traditional views about women as violence. As a complement to the law, wom-
political leaders. Evidence from India shows en’s organizations and other nongovernmen-
that public opinion about female political tal organizations carried out information and
leaders improved with increased exposure dissemination campaigns to help dissemi-
(Beaman et al. 2009). Similarly, evidence nate information on people’s basic rights and
from Italy finds that affirmative action in gov- responsibilities under the law.
ernment has been effective in breaking down Providing adequate access to services and
stereotypes against women (De Paola et al. support for victims of violence can include a
2009). However, active measures to promote range of services, from police and judiciary
women’s political participation can prove to health and social services. In Malaysia, the
2 3 8 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
government established integrated one-stop Specifically, these organizations can offer
crisis centers in hospitals that provide easy access to contacts for sources of credit, train-
access to medical care, various social services, ing in international trade issues, and men-
and the opportunity to report the crime with tors, as well as access to the more basic skills
specially trained police officers (World Bank of operations management and marketing.
2011f). As advocates for women’s businesses, these
Reducing human trafficking also requires organizations help raise awareness among
a multipronged approach of prevention, pro- broader international stakeholders about the
tection, and prosecution. Preventing human importance of incorporating women into
trafficking can include education, employ-
policy planning (for example, trade pacts).
ment, and other services.13 People who are Also, their activism can help to spur laws that
likely to be front-line responders in identify- provide a level playing field for businesses
ing victims of human trafficking should be owned by both genders (Jalbert 2000).
trained to both identify and safely support In Cambodia, the Government Private
victims of such abuse, as well as prepare Sector Forum (G-PSF) was established in
victims to pass evidence on to investigators 1999 to improve the business environment
(UNIFEM 2005). Governments, with the in the country and promote investment.
help of relevant actors, should enact and The G-PSF provides a forum for public sec-
enforce antitrafficking laws.14 Enforcement tor and private sector collaboration in the
includes effective legislation and policies that country. Even though the majority of small
hold traffickers accountable for their crimes businesses in Cambodia are run by women,
to help constrict the industry. Countries’ until recently, women had little voice in the
protection policies include providing imme- dialogue on small business policy, because
diate protection for potential or identified female-owned businesses were barely repre-
t rafficked victims. Policies should address sented in the G-PSF. In this context, the Inter-
immediate needs such as shelter, medical, psy- national Finance Corporation, together with
chological, and psychosocial care; food and
Cambodia’s Ministry of Women’s Affairs, has
clothing; and longer-term care and reintegra- sponsored an initiative to increase women’s
tion of the victim. For example, in Taiwan, participation in the private sector’s dialogue
an antitrafficking law that went into effect in with government on how best to enable the
June 2009 provides trafficking victims with growth and productivity of both male- and
continued residency and temporary work female-run enterprises. Soon after the gender
permits. These measures enhanced victim composition of the G-PSF was changed, new
treatment and improved victim cooperation policies addressing the needs of female entre-
in trafficking prosecutions (U.S. Department preneurs were incorporated in the agenda of
of State 2010). the forum. As a result of women’s participa-
tion in the G-PSF, import tariffs and taxes on
silk yarn were cut for a period of three years,
Creating space for women’s collective
helping more than 20,000 silk weavers in the
agency
country (Simavi 2011).
Partnerships with women’s business associa-
tions can provide a space for women to inter-
act, learn, and advocate for gender equality.
Fostering new opportunities,
Women’s business organizations help their
managing emerging risks
members be better equipped to benefit from A new and important challenge for pol-
commercial opening to international markets icy makers will be to help foster emerging
by providing them with access to a global
opportunities and, in particular, to man-
network of women’s business associations, age emerging risks associated with increases
information, and advocacy on their behalf. in economic integration, increased access
P R O M O T I N G G E N D E R E Q U A L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E P A C I F I C 239
migration, rapid urbanization, population that led to better enforcement of minimum
aging, and increased access to ICTs. Many of wages (Narjoko and Hill 2007). Although the
the emerging opportunities can be fostered minimum wage policy helped narrow gender
through efforts to promote greater gender wage gaps, it decreased female employment,
equality in endowments, economic opportu- without affecting male employment (Surya-
nity, and agency. For example, where gen- hadi et al. 2003).
der gaps in access to ICTs are emerging or
growing, ensuring that women are able to
Migration and trafficking
benefit fully from these new technologies
may require active measures similar to those Just as female migration throughout the
discussed earlier to ensure equality of access region increases economic opportunities for
to other types of productive resources. Man- women, it also creates new concerns about
aging emerging risks, however, may require the welfare of female migrants. Protecting
additional policy approaches, such as those female migrants from exploitive situations,
discussed in this section. including from sex work, human trafficking,
and inadequate labor protections, will require
a gender-aware approach. Greater protec-
Economic integration
tion through improved laws, safety nets,
Greater economic integration will bring with and knowledge transfers will better address
it increased exposure to employment shocks, the vulnerabilities specific to women travel-
which will have gender-differentiated impacts. ing abroad. Specific areas for action include
Addressing the risks associated with greater improving the legal and social protections of
economic integration will require designing female migrants, strengthening the monitor-
social protection programs that adequately ing and credibility of recruitment agencies,
account for the different risks faced by female and developing and providing welfare and
and male workers. Building on the lessons support services to assist female migrants.
from recent economic crises, several develop- Well-developed welfare and support services
ing countries, including some within the East can provide migrants with gender-specific
Asia and Pacific region, have begun to recog- assistance and safety nets. For example,
nize the gender dimensions of risks and shocks the Philippines provides counseling, legal
when designing their programs. In Indonesia, assistance, and liaison services to migrant
for example, a conditional cash transfer pro- workers in need of assistance. Resource cen-
gram, Keluarga Harapan, targets households ters with labor officers are established in
with members whose outcomes are particu- countries with more than 20,000 Filipino
larly vulnerable during times of crisis, such as migrant workers; they are open 24 hours a
pregnant and lactating women. day, 365 days a year, and are staffed with a
Labor market programs and policies minimum of four officers. Offices in coun-
enacted to mitigate crises and their effects are tries with many Filipina migrants are staffed
likely to have gender-differentiated impacts. with more female welfare officers and offer
In Cambodia, the construction, garment, gender-specific assistance (Blokhus 2004).15
and tourism sectors were directly hit by the Governments in both labor-sending and
2008 global financial crisis. In response, the labor-receiving countries should actively
government promoted short-term vocational address the issue of human trafficking
training courses for 40,500 laid-off garment through prevention, protection, and pros-
factory workers, who were almost entirely ecution. Female migrants are the most vul-
women. Furthermore, gender-blind policies in nerable group at risk of being trafficked for
response to crises may not be gender-neutral prostitution and forced labor. Policies aimed
in the longer term. Indonesia’s economic crisis at prevention, protection, and prosecution,
in 1997–98 awakened the pro-labor pressures as discussed earlier in policies to minimize
2 4 0 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
gender-based violence, can assist victims or care to ensure that younger women do not
those at risk of human trafficking. bear an undue burden from caregiving.
Rapid urbanization Filling knowledge gaps
Growing urbanization in the East Asia and Although global and regional evidence on
Pacific region has presented women with gender and development have provided use-
increased economic opportunities but also ful lessons, much remains to be understood
with challenges such as limited access to empirically to help inform effective public
child care and higher security risks than men action. Continuing to close data and analyti-
in urban areas. The types of policies needed cal gaps will be important to better under-
in urban areas are similar to those discussed stand policy priorities, the effects of specific
earlier to ensure equal access to economic interventions, and the costs and benefits of
opportunity and to reduce gender-based different policy options. Additional gender-
violence. Policy makers need to ensure that disaggregated data and empirical analysis,
child care, education, infrastructure, trans- both on long-standing gender issues and on
portation, and water and sanitation policies the gender implications of emerging trends in
take into account women’s specific social the region, will enable policy makers to pro-
and cultural needs. R igorous laws and poli- mote both gender equality and more effective
cies to protect women in urban areas from development. The following discussion high-
the risk of violence and exploitation are also lights a few priority areas.
warranted. First, collecting additional gender-
disaggregated data, in many domains, is a key
first step to fill knowledge gaps. This action
Population aging can take place during data collection for
Rapid population aging in the region is likely administrative purposes or as part of projects,
to have important gender-differentiated so that countries can monitor progress in gen-
effects because older women may increas- der equality at the national and project levels
ingly find themselves living as widows. as well as take corrective actions and per-
Along with risks from urbanization and form impact evaluations. Many topics war-
the breakdown of extended family support rant data collection by gender. For example,
networks, elderly women are likely to find although land and credit have been identified
themselves at increased economic risk, hav- as important factors affecting productivity
ing accumulated relatively few assets and and female empowerment, few sources of
mostly lacking access to formal social secu- information are available on individual-level
rity. Old-age income security programs can land ownership and access to credit in the
protect women from destitution. Joint annu- region. Similarly, countries need more data
ities and survivor pensions have been argued on gender differences in access to other pro-
to be effective means to compensate and ductive inputs and services in the agricultural
secure women’s incomes in old age (World sector. Collecting gender-disaggregated data
Bank 2001).16 Also, equalizing the retire- within the household, including information
ment age for men and women may increase on individual time use and consumption,
pension coverage among those working in would enable researchers to assess the impact
the formal sector. Simulations from Latin of policies such as electrification programs
America suggest that equalizing retirement or the provision of child-care services on the
ages between men and women can increase well-being and economic outcomes of men
pension benefits for women and decrease the and women. Other areas for which coun-
male-female pension gap (James, Edwards, tries in the region could collect information
and Wong 2003).17 In addition, policy mak- include why and to what extent performance
ers may consider ways to strengthen elder of male- and female-owned enterprises differ,
P R O M O T I N G G E N D E R E Q U A L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E P A C I F I C 241
and how male and female access to technolo- nation legislation pertaining to education
gies varies. Although household surveys pro- (Arnot, David, and Weiner 1999; Madigan
vide information on household-level access 2009; Salisbury and Riddell 2000). Several
to the Internet and mobile phones, very lim- states passed laws prohibiting the use of
gender-stereotyped curricula, and companies
ited evidence is available to assess whether
producing textbooks developed guidelines
males and females have differences in access
to eliminate bias. Although the literature
to ICTs. Further evidence is much needed on stresses that the review of teaching materials
the enforcement of antidiscrimination legisla- takes a central role in the process of promot-
tion in the workplace and beyond, to monitor ing “equal opportunity education,�? the causal
whether legislation translates into actions. link between curriculum reforms and more
Second, additional empirical analysis gender-equitable education is not straightfor-
should help policy makers to understand ward. In particular, curriculum reforms in the
whether and why specific policy interven- United Kingdom and the United States hap-
tions work. The East Asia and Pacific region pened within the context of broader social
is behind the curve on conducting impact change, in which greater numbers of women
participating in the labor market challenged
evaluations, and even further behind on
the notion of women’s primary role being in
conducting impact evaluations with gender
the home.
dimensions. For example, rigorous evalua- 3. For instance, the Finnish project TiNA included
tions of curriculum reforms to reduce gender special day courses for girls ages 14–16 to pro-
stereotyping as well as evaluations of prom- vide information about nontraditional female
ising approaches to promote balanced sex occupations. The project also used female
ratios at birth would guide countries in such students as role models in the visits to schools
efforts. More rigorous evidence on the impact (http://tina.tkk.fi/tina_2003/tina_2004_eng/).
of extension services—including providing Another initiative that was launched in the
knowledge about new crop varieties and agri- late 1990s in Norway aimed at increasing the
cultural technologies—for men and women number of female students in computer sci-
ence at the Norwegian University of Science
would inform policy makers of the extent to
and Technology. The initiative included an
which such services can improve farmers’ pro-
information campaign for girls at all high
ductivity. Other areas in which impact analy- schools in the country. Girls who were inter-
sis could contribute to better understanding ested in a career in computer science were
of policy effectiveness include the following: invited to the university for the day, where
the long-run impact of gender quotas on firm they met students and professors and received
performance and the impact women have information (http://www.ercim.eu/publication/
on corporate boards; the effects of youth Ercim_News/enw38/gjestland.html).
unemployment programs on girls’ and boys’ 4. OERL Under-Represented Populations Projects
labor market outcomes; gender-differentiated (http://oerl.sri.com/reports/up/reportUP_
impacts of community-driven development es.html).
5. Evidence has shown that programs that raise the
and public works programs in the region; and
value of women’s time in the workforce affect
the effects of various approaches to increasing
gender divisions of labor within the house-
agency, such as political quotas, role models, hold and increase the amount of time women
and approaches designed to promote commu- have available for market-oriented activities.
nication between spouses to reduce gender- In Ecuador, women’s increased employment in
based violence. the cut flower industry led to men’s increased
participation in housework (Newman 2002).
In India, a project that increased the value of
Notes women’s time by introducing new economic
opportunities in agricultural procurement
1. For examples of previous and ongoing research, resulted in a decrease in their domestic work-
see http://go.worldbank.org/78EK1G87M0. load, an increase in mobility, and enhanced
2. In the mid-1970s, both the United Kingdom decision-making powers within the household
and the United States adopted antidiscrimi- (World Bank 2007a).
2 4 2 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
6. Quantitative evidence from South Africa officers, who had no gender training and
suggests that the expansion of electrifica- discouraged female participation. Courses
tion raised female employment by nearly 10 were not held in the home village and so
percentage points and increased female earn- involved travel and overnight stays, making
ings, but it had no effect on male employment women’s participation particularly difficult.
(Dinkelman 2008). Furthemore, the evi- Finally, educational differences between men
dence suggests that electrification increased and women undermined women’s motiva-
women’s market activities by releasing female
tion in the mixed learning groups of certain
time from cooking through altered cooking modules.
technologies (away from wood-based toward Self-reported constraints might not give the
12.
electricity-based cooking). full picture, because firms are likely to report
7. Child-care centers can also play a key role in constraints only when they have tried to
reducing inequalities in access to nutritional access a service. For example, firms that have
support and mental stimulation among disad- not applied for a loan are unlikely to report
vantaged groups, including ethnic minorities the cost of finance as a constraint.
and young girls. The Development and Education Programme
13.
Although child care services are found through-
8. for Daughters and Communities (DEPCD), a
out the region in a variety of forms—from nongovernmental organization in Thailand,
publicly provided child-care facilities such as aims to prevent the trafficking of women
the Early Childhood Development Centers in and children into the sex industry and other
Thailand to child-care centers in factories in the exploitive labor situations. The organization
southeast industrial zones in Vietnam (UNICEF targets at-risk youth and their families and
2004; ADB 2010)—there is clearly a greater educates them through seminars, research
and unmet need for affordable child care in workshops, and awareness campaigns at
many countries. community and local government levels.
9. For example, in Austria, France, and In addition to education, the organization
Germany, only 2 percent of men participate offers employment alternatives through life
in leave compared to 90 percent of women skills and vocational skills training programs,
(De Henau et al. 2007, cited in Gornick and in addition to sports activities for children
Hegewisch 2010). Evidence has shown that (Smarasinghe and Burton 2007).
men are more sensitive to levels of wage In the Philippines, the Visayan Foundation
14.
replacement than women, suggesting that works in cooperation with the port authori-
policies that hope to encourage men’s use of ties to set up institutions that provide protec-
parental leave should consider higher wage tive services against trafficking in seaports of
replacement levels. the archipelago. The foundation also pro-
10. Individuals often “forum shop�? in pressing motes information in the seaports about traf-
their land cases, alternating between custom- ficking and engages in local networking to
ary and formal systems, depending on which encourage actions against trafficking.
is expected to decide in their favor. For men, To better ensure that women are migrating
15.
particular advantages can often be gained by through legal channels, governments should
using customary systems (Giovarelli 2006). strengthen the monitoring and credibility of
11. While acknowledging the overall positive recruitment agencies and overseas employ-
effect of the program on women, Cahn and ment service providers. In Malaysia, the
Liu (2008) highlighted several constraints Private Employment Agency Act of 1981
that limited the effectiveness of the project’s requires employment agencies to abide by
implementation with regard to gender par- several terms in order for the government
ity. Except for the credit module, in which to better monitor the recruitment process.
men and women participated equally, dur- Such terms include providing the Labor
ing 2002–05 female participation was below Department with the details of the migrant
20 percent in all other modules. This gap can domestic workers’ and employers’ employ-
be explained by the selection process of par- ment contract, checking in on the migrant
ticipants, which disadvantaged women. The workers’ welfare, and providing the migrant
selection of participants was made by ward worker with the information of necessary
councillors and district rural development contacts (the employment agency and the
P R O M O T I N G G E N D E R E Q U A L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E P A C I F I C 243
Labor Department) should employment con- Aguila, Emma, Orazio Attanasio, and Costas
flicts or emergencies arise (UNIFEM 2005). Meghir. 2011. “Changes in Consumption
The effectiveness of the contributory pension
16. at Retirement: Evidence from Panel Data.�?
system to increase the well-being of elderly Review of Economics and Statistics 93 (3):
women may be limited in the East Asia and 1094–99.
Pacific region since the formal labor mar- Arnot, Madeleine, Miriam David, and Gaby
ket is small and predominantly found in Weiner. 1999. Closing the Gender Gap:
urban areas in many countries in the region. Postwar Education and Social Change.
Therefore, gaps in pension coverage between Cambridge, U.K.: Polity Press.
rural and urban areas are likely to be as A SE A N (A ssociation of S out heast A sia n
great as or even greater than gender gaps in Nations). 20 08. “ASE A N Continues to
coverage within rural and urban areas. For E mp ower Wom e n .�? A S E A N B u l le t i n .
example, evidence from Zhejiang and Gansu February. http://www.aseansec.org/Bulletin-
provinces in China suggests that 79 percent Feb-08.htm#Article-2.
and 54 percent of men and women, respec- Attanasio, Orazio, Luis Carlos Gomez, Ana
tively, above age 60 have access to pensions Gomez Rojas, and Marcos Vera-Hernandez.
in urban areas, whereas in rural areas only 2004. “Child Health in Rural Colombia:
5 percent and less than 1 percent of men and Determinants and Policy Interventions.�?
women, respectively, are covered by pensions E conomic s an d Hum an Biolog y 2 (3):
(Giles, Wang, and Cai 2011). 411–38.
Pensions can be crucial to safeguard incomes
17. Attanasio, Orazio, Adriana Kugler, and Costas
for the most vulnerable groups among the Meghir. 2011. “Subsidizing Vocational
elderly, but they may cause adverse labor sup- Training for Disadvantaged Youth in Colombia:
ply incentives. Flat non-contributory, mini- Evidence from a Randomized Trial.�? American
mum pensions and targeted benefits have been Economic Journal: Applied Economics 3 (3):
found to be particularly beneficial for women 188–220.
(James, Edwards and Wong 2003; Aguila, Baird, Sarah, Ephraim Chirwa, Craig McIntosh,
Attanasio, and Meghir 2011; World Bank and Berk Ozler. 2009. “The Short-Term
2001). However, minimum guaranteed pen- Impacts of a Schooling Conditional Cash
sions may reduce formal sector labor market Transfer Program on the Sexual Behavior of
participation (Aguila, Attanasio, and Meghir, Young Women.�? Policy Research Working
2010). Evidence from urban Zhejiang and Paper 5089, World Bank, Washington, DC.
Gansu provinces suggests that pension eli- Beaman, Lori, Raghabendra Chattopadhyay,
gibility of urban men and women decreases Esther Duf lo, Rohini Pande, and Petia
their likelihood of working by 15.2 and Topalova. 2009. “Powerful Women: Does
18.3 percent, respectively. In Indonesia, pen- Exposure Reduce Bias?�? Quarterly Journal of
sion eligibility decreases the probability of Economics 124 (4): 1497–1540.
working by 23.8 and 24.6 percent for urban Bell, Keith. 2011. “Integrating Gender Issues
men and women, and by 13.2 and 12.6 percent into Bank Land Projects: The Experience of
for rural men and women, respectively (Giles, South East Asia.�? Presentation at the Annual
Wang, and Cai 2011). World Bank Conference on Land and Poverty,
Washington, DC, April 18–20.
Betcherman, Gordon, Karina Olivas, and Amit
References Dar. 2004. “Impacts of Active Labor Market
Programs: New Evidence from Evaluations
Adams, Renée, and Daniel Ferreira. 2009. with Particular Attention to Developing and
“Women in the Boardroom and Their Impact Transition Countries.�? Social Protection
on Governance and Performance.�? Journal of Dis c u s sion Pap er 0 4 02 , World B a n k ,
Financial Economics 94: 291–309. Washington, DC.
A DB (A si a n D e velopm ent B a n k). 2 010. Björkman, Martina, and Jakob Svensson.
“Community-Based Early Childhood Care and 2009. “Power to the People: Evidence from a
Development in Viet Nam.�? Social Protection Randomized Field Experiment on Community-
Project Brief, Asian Development Bank, Based Monitoring in Uganda.�? Quarterly
Manila, Philippines. Journal of Economics 124 (2): 735–69.
2 4 4 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
Blau, David, and Janet Currie. 2006. “Preschool, Performance of Health Workers In Maternal,
Day Care, and Afterschool Care: Who’s Neonat al a nd Reproduc tive Healt h at
Minding the Kids?�? In Handbook of the Community Level: Learning from Experiences
Economics of Education, Volume 2 , edited in the Asia and Pacific Regions.�? Discussion
by Eric A. Hanushek and Finis Welch . Paper 2 , Human Resources for Health
Amsterdam: North-Holland. Knowledge Hub, University of New South
Blokhus, Ingrid. 2004. “Social Protection for Wales, Sydney.
Women Migrant Workers: A Comparative d e M e l , S u r e s h , D av i d M c K e n z i e , a n d
Study among Sending Countries.�? Paper Christopher Woodruff. “Business Training
prepared for the World Bank, Jakarta. and Female Enterprise Start-up, Growth and
Bloom, Erik, Indu Bhushan, David Clingingsmith, Dynamics: Experimental Evidence from Sri
Rathavuth Hong, Elizabeth King, Michael Lanka.�? Policy Research Working Paper No.
K r e m e r, B e n j a m i n L o e v i n s o h n , a n d 6145, World Bank, Washington, DC.
J. Brad S chwar tz. 20 06. “Contracting De Paola, Maria, Roseeta Lombardo, and
for Health: Evidence from Cambodia.�? V i nc en z o S coppa 20 09. “C a n G ender
http://www.brookings.edu /views/papers/ Quotas Break Down Negative Stereotypes?
kremer/20060720cambodia.pdf. Evidence from Changes in Electoral Rules.�?
B o at m a n , M e t t e Roh r, a nd V i l ay t hon g Working Paper no. 10-2009. Department
Chanthalinh. 2009. “Rapid Assessment of of Economics and Statistics, University of
‘Power to the Poor’ Pilot Project, Lao PDR Calabria, Cosenza, Italy.
Rural Electrification.�? Unpublished report Deutsch, R. 1998. “Does Child Care Pay?:
prepared for the World Bank. Labor Force Participation and Earnings
Braverman, Marc T., and Leif Edvard Aarø. Effects of Access to Child Care in the Favelas
2004. “Adolescent Smoking and Exposure of Rio de Janeiro.�? I DB Working Paper
to Tobacco Marketing Under a Tobacco 384, Inter-American Development Bank,
Advertising Ban: Findings From 2 Norwegian Washington, DC.
National Samples.�? American Journal of Dinkelman, Taryn. 2008. “The Effects of Rural
Public Health 94 (7): 1230 –38. http://ajph Electrification on Employment: New Evidence
.aphapublications.org/cgi/content/abstract/ from South Africa.�? PSC Report 08-653,
94/7/1230. University of Michigan, Population Studies
Cahn, Miranda, and Mathias Liu. 2008. “Women Center, Ann Arbor.
and Rural Livelihood Training: A Case Study Duflo, Esther. 2000. “Child Health and Household
from Papua New Guinea.�? Gender and Resources in South Africa: Evidence from
Development 16 (1): 133–46. the Old Age Pension Program.�? American
Card, David, Pablo Ibarrarán, Ferdinando Economic Review 90(2): 393–98.
Regalia, David Rosas-Shady, and Yuri Soares. Ebenstein, Avraham, and Steven Leung. 2010.
2011. “The Labor Market Impacts of Youth “Son Preferences and Access to Social
Training in the Dominican Republic.�? Journal Insurance: Evidence from China’s Rural Pension
of Labor Economics 29 (2). Program.�? Population and Development
Chi, Wei, and Bo Li. 2007. “Glass Ceiling or Review 36 (1): 47–70.
Sticky Floor? Examining the Gender Pay Gap Efroymson, Debra, and Menchi Velasco.
across the Wage Distribution in Urban China, 2007. Tobacco Use in Southeast Asia: Key
1987–2004.�? MPRA Paper 3544, University Evidences for Policy Development. Bangkok,
Library of Munich, Germany. Thailand: Southeast Asia Tobacco Control
Chung, W., and Monica. Das Gupta. 2007. “The Alliance (SEATCA).
Decline of Son Preference in South Korea: Elder, R. W., R. A. Shults, D. A. Sleet, J. L.
The Roles of Development and Public Policy.�? Nichols, S. Zaza, R. S. Thompson. 2002.
Population and Development Review 33 (4): “Effectiveness of Sobriety Checkpoints for
757–83. Reducing Alcohol-Involved Crashes.�? Traffic
Cotlear, Daniel. 2006. A New Social Contract for Injury Prevention 3: 266–74.
Peru: An Agenda for Improving Education, Farrell, Glen, and Cédric Wachholz. 2003.
Health Care, and the Social Safety Net . Meta-survey on the Use of Technologies in
Washington, DC: World Bank. Education in Asia and the Pacific 2003–2004.
D a w s o n , A n g e l a . 2 0 1 0 . “ To w a r d s a Bangkok, Thailand: UNESCO Asia and Pacific
Comprehensive Approach to Enhancing the Regional Bureau for Education.
P R O M O T I N G G E N D E R E Q U A L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E P A C I F I C 245
Filmer, Deon, and Norbert Schady. 2008. Hicks, Joan Hamory, Michael Kremer, Isaac
Getting Girls into School: Evidence from a Mbiti, and Edward Miguel. 2011. “Vocational
Scholarship Program in Cambodia, Economic Education Voucher Delivery and Labor Market
Development and Cultural Change 56: Returns: A Randomized Evaluation Among
581–617. Kenyan Youth.�? Report for the Spanish Impact
———. 2009. “School Enrolment, Selection and Evaluation Fund (SIEF) Phase II, World Bank,
Test Scores.�? Policy Research Working Paper Washington, DC.
4998, World Bank, Washington, DC. Hillier, Dawn. 2003. Childbirth in the Global
Fiszbein, Ariel, and Norbert Schady. 2009. Village: Implications for Midwifery Education
Conditional Cash Transfers: Reducing Present and Practice. London: Routledge.
and Future Poverty. Policy Research Report Holzer, Harry, and David Neumark. 2000. “What
Series. Washington, DC: World Bank. Does Affirmative Action Do?�? Industrial and
Frankenberg, Elizabeth, and Duncan Thomas. Labor Relations Review 53 (2): 240–71.
2001. “Women’s Health and Pregnancy Hu, Teh-wei, Zhengzhong Mao, and Jian Shi.
Outcomes: Do Services Make a Difference?�? 2010. “Recent Tobacco Tax Rate Adjustment
Demography 38 (2): 253–65. and Its Potential Impact on Tobacco Control in
Giles, John, Dewen Wang, and Wei Cai. China.�? Tobacco Control 19 (1): 80–82.
2011. “The Labor Supply and Retirement Ibarrarán, Pablo, Laura Ripani, and Juan Miguel
Behavior of China’s Older Workers and Villa-Lora. 2011. “Youth Training in the
Elderly in Comparative Perspective.�? Policy Dominican Republic: New Evidence from a
Research Working Paper 5853, World Bank, Randomized Evaluation Design.�? Technical
Washington, DC. evaluation prepared for the Inter-American
Giovarelli, Renée. 2006. “Overcoming Gender Development Bank, Washington, DC. http://
Biases in Established and Transitional Property www.iza.org/conference_files/worldb2011/
Rights Systems.�? In Land Law Reform: ripani_l6206.pdf.
Achieving Development Policy Objectives, IEG (Independent Evaluation Group). 2011.
edited by John Bruce, 67–106. Washington, Do Conditional Cash Transfers Lead to
DC: World Bank. Medium-Term Impacts? Evidence from a
Gornick, Janet, and Ariane Hegewisch. 2010. “The Female School Stipend Program in Pakistan.
Impact of ‘Family-Friendly Policies’ on Women’s Washington, DC: World Bank.
Employment Outcomes and on the Costs and IFC (International Finance Corporation) and
Benefits of Doing Business.�? Commissioned MPDF (Mekong Private Sector Development
report, World Bank, Washington, DC. Facility). 2006. “Women Business Owners
Groh, Matthew, Nandini Krishnan, David in Vietnam: A National Survey.�? IFC Gender
McKenzie, and Tara Vishwanath “Soft Skills Entrepreneurship Markets Initiative and
or Hard Cash? The Impact of Training and MPDF, Washington, DC.
Wage Subsidy Programs on Female Youth ILO (International Labour Organization). 2008.
Employment in Jordan.�? Policy Research “Women’s Entrepreneurship Development
Working Paper No. 6141, World Bank, in Aceh: Impact Assessment.�? ILO, Jakarta,
Washington, DC. Indonesia.
Harrington, Andrew. 2008. “Women’s Access to IOM (International Organization for Migration).
Land and Property Rights: A Review of the 2000. “Combating Trafficking in South-East
Literature. Justice for the Poor Kenya.�? Report Asia: A Review of Policy and Programme
53001, World Bank, Washington, DC. Responses.�? Migration Research Series
Hedditch, Sonali, and Clare Manuel. 2010. 2/2000, IOM, Geneva.
“Gender and Investment Climate Reform Ir, Por, Dirk Horemans, Narin Souk, and Wim
Assessment: Pacific Regional Executive Van Damme. 2010. “Using Targeted Vouchers
Summary.�? International Finance Corporation, and Health Equity Funds to Improve Access to
Washington, DC. Skilled Birth Attendants for Poor Women: A
Heymann, Jody. 2004. “How Are Workers Case Study in Three Rural Health Districts in
with Family Responsibilities Faring in Cambodia.�? BMC Pregnancy Childbirth 10:
the Workplace?�? I nternational Labou r 1. doi:10.1186/1471-2393-10-1.
Organization, Geneva. http://ilo-mirror.library Jalbert, Susanne. 2000. “Women Entrepreneurs in
.cor nel l.edu /publ ic /eng l ish /prote c t ion / the Global Economy.�? Center for International
condtrav/pdf/wf-jh-04.pdf. Private Enterprise, Washington, DC.
2 4 6 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
James, Estelle, Alejandra Cox Edwards, and Paes de Barros, R., P. Olinto, M. de Carvalho,
Rebeca Wong. 2003. “The Gender Impact of T. Lunde, Norbert Schady, S. Santos, and A.
Pension Reform: A Cross-Country Analysis.�? Rosalem. 2010. “Impact of Free Childcare on
Policy Research Working Paper 3074, World Women’s Labor Market Behavior: Evidence
Bank, Washington, DC. from Low-Income Neighborhoods in Rio de
Jung, Jin Hwa, and Hyo-Yung Sung. 2012. Janeiro.�? Presented at the GAP Workshop
“Affirmative Action in Korea: Its Impact on on “World Bank Regional Study on Gender
Women’s Employment, Corporate Performance Issues in Latin America and the Caribbean,�?
and Economic Growth.�? Presented at the 2012 Washington, DC, June 14.
Annual Economic Association in Chicago, Pande, Rohini, and D. Ford. 2011. “Gender
January 6–8, 2012. Quotas and Female Leadership: A Review.�?
Jusi, S. Asigau, W. and Laatunen N. 2007. Background paper for the World Development
“Social Impact Benefits of Road Rehabilitation Report 2012, World Bank, Washington, DC.
Projects in Six Provinces in Papua New Guinea, Peek-Asa, Corinne. 1999. “The Effect of Random
South Pacific.�? Photocopy. Finnroad Ltd, in Alcohol Screening in Reducing Motor Vehicle
association with SMEC, Helsinki, Finland. Crash Injuries.�? American Journal of Preventive
Kirk, Jackie. 2006. The Impact of Women Medicine 1999 16 (1 Suppl): 57–67. http://
Teachers on Girls’ Education—Advocacy www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/9921387.
Brief. Bangkok: UNESCO Bangkok. Quota Project. 2010. “Republic of Korea Country
Lefebvre, Pierre, Philip Merrigan, and Matthieu Overview.�? Global Database of Quotas for
Verstraete. 2009. “Dynamic Labour Supply Women. Institute for Democracy and Electoral
Effects of Childcare Subsidies: Evidence from Assistance (IDEA) and Stockholm University.
a Canadian Natural Experiment on Low-Fee http://www.quotaproject.org/uid/countryview
Universal Child Care.�? Labour Economics .cfm?ul=en&country=122.
16 (5): 490–502. Rosenbloom, Jackie. 2004. “Adult Literacy in
Li, Shuzhuo. 2007. “Imbalanced Sex Ratio at Cambodia.�? Pact Cambodia, Phnom Penh.
Birth and Comprehensive Intervention in http://www.pactcambodia.org/Publications/
China.�?Paper presented at the “4th Asia WORT H _ Education /Adult _ Literacy_ in _
Pacific Conference on Reproductive and Cambodia.pdf.
Sexual Health and Rights,�? Hyderabad, India, Salisbury, Jane, and Sheila Riddell, eds. 2000.
October 29–31. Gender, Policy and Educational Change:
Madigan, Jennifer. 2009. “The Education of Girls Shifting Agendas in the UK and Europe .
and Women in the United States: A Historical London: Routledge.
Perspective.�? Advanc es in Ge n de r an d Shankar, Anuraj, Susy Sebayang, Laura Guarenti,
Education 1: 11–13. Budi Utomo, Monir Islam, Vincent Fauveau,
Makowiecka, Krystyna, Endang Achadi, Yulia and Fasli Jalal. 2008. “The Village-Based
Izati, and Carine Ronsmans. 2008. “Midwifery Midwife Programme in Indonesia.�? Lancet
Provision in Two Districts in Indonesia: How 371: 1226–28.
Well Are Rural Areas Served?�? Health Policy Shrestha, Ranjan. 2007. “The Village Midwife
and Planning 23: 67–75. Program and the Reduction in Infant Mortality
Narjoko, Dionisius, and Hal H ill. 20 07. in Indonesia.�? Paper prepared for the 2007
“Winners and Losers during a Deep Economic Meeting of the Population Association of
Crisis: Firm-Level Evidence from Indonesian America, New York, March 29–31.
Manufacturing.�? Asian Economic Journal Simavi, Sevi. 2011. “Gender Dimensions of
21 (4): 343–68. Investment Climate Reform: Operational
Newman, Constance. 2002. “Gender, Time Use Perspective.�? Presentation at the World Bank
and Change: The Impact of the Cut Flower conference on “Female Entrepreneurship:
Industry in Ecuador.�? World Bank Economic What Do We Know? What Is Next?�? World
Review 16 (3): 375–95. Bank, Washington, DC, April 6.
OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation Simavi, Sevi, Clare Manuel, and Mark Blackden.
and Development). 2009. “Contracting Out 2010. Gender Dimensions of Investment
Government Services and Functions.�? OECD Climate Reform: A Guide for Policy Makers
Partnership for Democratic Governance, and Practitioners. Washington, DC: World
OECD, Paris. Bank.
P R O M O T I N G G E N D E R E Q U A L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E P A C I F I C 247
Smarasinghe, Vidyamali, and Barbara Burton. U.S. Department of State. 2010. Trafficking in
2007. “Strategising Prevention: A Critical Persons Report 2010. Washington, DC: U.S.
Review of Local Initiatives to Prevent Female Department of State.
Sex Trafficking.�? Development and Practice Utomo, Iwu, Peter McDonald, Terence Hull,
17 (1): 51–64. Ida Rosyidah, Tati Hattimah, Nurul Idrus,
Stefanova, Milena, Rod Nixon, and Raewyn Saparinah Sadli, and Jamhari Makruj. 2009.
Porter. 2010. “Leasing in Vanuatu: Findings “Gender Depiction in Indonesian School Text
and Community Dissemination on Epi Island.�? Books: Progress or Deterioration.�? Australian
Justice for the Poor Briefing Note 5 (4), World Demographic and Social Research Institute,
Bank, Washington, DC. Australian National University, Canberra.
Suguna, B. 2006. Empowerent of Rural Women Valdivia, Martin. 2010. “Contracting the Road
Through Self-Help Groups. Grand Rapids, to Development: Early Impacts of a Rural
MI: Discovery. Roads Program.�? PMMA Working Paper 18.
Suryahadi, Asep, Wenefrida Widyanti, Daniel http://ideas.repec.org/p/lvl/pmmacr/2010-18.
Per wira, and Sudarno Su mar to. 20 03. html.
“Minimum Wage Policy and Its Impact on Washington Post. 2011. “Malaysia Says Women
Employment in the Urban Formal Sector.�? Must Hold 30 Percent of Top Corporate Posts
Bulletin of Indonesian Economic Studies 39 by 2016 for Gender Equality.�? June 27.
(1): 29–50. Weaner, J. 2008. “End of Violence against Women
Trung, Le Dang. 2008. “Two-Name Land Project: Evaluation Report.�? U N I FEM,
Use Certificates and Gender Inequality: Cambodia Women’s Crisis Center, Phnom
An Empirical Investigation for Vietnam.�? Penh.
DEPOCEN Working Paper 19, Development W HO (World Health Organization). 2005.
and Policies Research Center, Hanoi. “Gender Health and Alcohol Use.�? Gender
U NFPA (United Nations Population Fund). and health information sheet, Department
2005. “Cultural Programming, Reproductive of G ender, Women and Health, W HO,
Health Challenges and Strategies in East and Geneva.
South East Asia.�? UNFPA Country Technical ———. 2007. “Gender and Tobacco Control: A
Services Team for East and South-East Asia, Policy Brief.�? Department of Gender, Women
Bangkok, Thailand. and Health, WHO, Geneva.
UNICEF (United Nations Children’s Fund). 2004. ———. 2008. “Strategies to Reduce the Harmful
“Regional Experience on Integrated Approach Use of Alcohol, Report by the Secretariat.�?
to Early Childhood: Six Case Studies in East Sixty-first World Health Assembly, WHO,
Asia.�? UNICEF East Asia and Pacific Regional Geneva.
Office: Bangkok. ———. 2011. “Global Status Report on Alcohol
———. 2009. “Gender Equality in Education, and Health.�? http://www.who.int/substance_
East Asia and the Pacific, Progress Note.�? abuse/publications/global_alcohol_report/
UNICEF East Asia and Pacific Regional Office, en/.
Bangkok. World Bank. 2001. Engendering Development:
UNIFEM (United Nations Development Fund T h ro ugh G e n d e r E q u a l i t y i n R ight s ,
for Women). 20 05. “Good Practices to Resources, and Voice . Washington, DC:
Protect Women Migrant Workers.�? Presented World Bank.
at the High-Level Government Meeting of ———. 2003. World Development Report
Countries of Employment, co-hosted by the 2004: Making Services Work for the Poor.
Ministry of Labor, Royal Thai Government, Washington DC: World Bank.
and U NIFEM East and South-East Asia, ———. 2007a. World Development Report 2008:
Bangkok. Agriculture for Development. Washington,
———. 2008. “A Life Free of Violence: Unleashing DC: World Bank.
the Power of Women’s Empowerment and ———. 2007b. “Gansu and Inner Mongolia
Gender Equality Strategy 20 08 –2013.�? Poverty Reduction Project, Implementation
United Nations Development Fund for Completion and Results Report.�? World Bank,
Women, New York, NY. http://www.unifem Washington, DC.
.org /attachments/products/ EVAW kit _ 03 ———. 2008. “Analysis of the Impact of Land
_UNIFEMstrategy_en.pdf. Tenure Certificates with Both the Names of
2 4 8 TO WA R D G E N D E R E Q UA L I T Y I N E A S T A S I A A N D T H E PAC I F I C
Wife and Husband in Vietnam: Final Report.�? of Non- Communicable Diseases. World
World Bank, Washington, DC. Bank News & Views July 26. http://www
———. 2009. “Gender Equality in East Asia: .w o r l d b a n k . o r g /e n / n e w s / 2 011 / 0 7/ 2 6 /
Progress and the Challenges of Economic towa rd - he a lt h - h a r mon iou s - l i fe - c h i n a-
Growth and Political Change, East Asia stemming-rising-tide-of-non-communicable-
Update.�? World Bank, Washington, DC. diseases.
———. 2010a. “A Practical Guide for Addressing ———. 2011f. World Development Report
Gender Concerns in Land Titling Projects.�? 2012: Gender Equality and Development.
http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTARD/ Washington, DC: World Bank.
Resources/genderinlandguide.pdf . ———. 2011g. “Women, Business and the
———. 2010b. Women, Business and the Law Law in East Asia and Pacific Region.�? A
2010 : Mea suring L egal Ge nde r Parit y background paper commissioned for Toward
for Entrepreneurs and Workers in 128 Gender Equality in East Asia and the Pacific:
Economies. Washington, DC: World Bank. A Companion to the World Development
———. 2010c. Women’s Economic Opportunities Report. Washington, DC: World Bank.
in the For m al Private Sector in L atin Yadamsuren, Buyanjargal, Mario Merialdi,
America and the Caribbean: A Focus on Ishnyam Davaadorj, Jennifer Harris Requejo,
Entrepreneurship. Washington, DC: World Ana Pilar Betrán, Asima Ahmad, Pagvajav
Bank. Nymadawa, Tudevdorj Erkhembaatar, Delia
———. 2011a. “Gender Disparities in Mongolian Barcelona, Katherine Ba-thike, Robert J Hagan,
Labor Markets and Policy Suggestions.�? World Richard Prado, Wolf Wagner, Seded Khishgee,
Bank, Washington, DC. Tserendorj Sodnompil, Baatar Tsedmaa, Baldan
———. 2011b. “Gender Equality as Smart Jav, Salik R. Govind, Genden Purevsuren,
E conomics: A Work in Progress.�? GA P Baldan Tsevelmaa, Bayaraa Soyoltuya, Brooke
Booklet, World Bank, Washington, DC. R. Johnson, Peter Fajans, Paul F. A. Van Look,
———. 2011c. Justice for the Poor. World Bank, and Altankhuyag Otgonbold. 2010. “Tracking
Washington, DC. http://web.worldbank.org/ Maternal Mortality Declines in Mongolia
WBSITE/EXTERNAL/TOPICS/ between 1992 and 2007: The Importance of
EXT LAWJ UST ICE / EXTJ USFOR POOR / Collaboration.�? Bulletin of the World Health
0,,contentMDK:21172652~menuPK:3282 Organization 88: 192–98.
951~pagePK:210058~piPK:210062~theSite Yun-Suk, Lee, and Eun Ki-Soo. 2005. “Attitudes
PK:3282787,00.html. towards Married Women’s Employment in
———. 2011d. “Lao PDR Country Gender Korea and Japan: Implications from Latent
Assessment.�? World Bank, Washington, DC. Class Analyses.�? Development and Society 34
———. 2011e. Toward a Healthy and Harmonious (1): 125–45.
Life in China: Stemming the Rising Tide
ECO-AUDIT
Environmental Benefits Statement
The World Bank is committed to preserving Saved:
endangered forests and natural resources. 18 trees
•
The Office of the Publisher has chosen to 9 million BTUs of
•
print Toward Gender Equality in East total energy
Asia and the Pacific: A Companion to the 1,608 pounds of net
•
World Development Report on recycled greenhouse gases
paper with 50 percent postconsumer fiber 8,722 gallons of
•
in accordance with the recommended stand- waste water
ards for paper usage set by the Green Press 583 pounds of
•
Initiative, a nonprofit program supporting solid waste
publishers in using fiber that is not sourced
from endangered forests. For more informa-
tion, visit www.greenpressinitiative.org.