DEMAND-SIDE CONSTRAINTS IN EDUCATION IN AFRICA WEST AND CENTRAL AND THE ROLE OF COMMUNITY AND HOUSEHOLD EMPOWERMENT AUTHORS Aisha Garba Mohammed, Senior Education Specialist Kaori Oshima, Senior Social Development Specialist Boubakar Lompo, Senior Education Specialist Harisoa Danielle Rasolonjatovo Andriamihamina, Senior Education Specialist 1 Standard Disclaimer: This background note was prepared for the World Bank’s AFW Education Strategy 2022-2025. It is made available here to communicate the results of the Bank’s work to the development community with the least possible delay. The manuscript of this paper, therefore, has not been prepared in accordance with the procedures appropriate to formally-edited texts. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper do not necessarily reflect the views of The World Bank, its Board of Executive Directors, or the governments they represent. 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All other queries on rights and licenses, including subsidiary rights, should be addressed to the Office of the Publisher, The World Bank, 1818 H Street NW, Washington, DC 20433, USA, fax 202-522-2422, e- mail pubrights@worldbank.org. Contents Abbreviations and Acronyms..............................................................................................................5 Executive Summary............................................................................................................................6 1. Introduction ...................................................................................................................................7 1.1. Regional Context .....................................................................................................................7 1.2. Rationale for the Policy Note ...................................................................................................7 1.3. Methodology and Scope ..........................................................................................................7 2. Progress and Challenges in Educational Outcomes (Diagnostics) ......................................................8 3. Community and Household Demand-Side Constraints .....................................................................9 3.1. Community Constraints ...........................................................................................................9 3.1.1. Centralized Education Systems ..................................................................................................................9 3.1.2. Social and Cultural Norms ........................................................................................................................10 3.1.3. Armed Conflict and Religious Extremism .................................................................................................11 3.2. Household Constraints .......................................................................................................... 11 3.2.1. Poverty .....................................................................................................................................................11 3.2.2. The Direct Costs of Schooling ...................................................................................................................12 3.2.3. Indirect Costs of Schooling (Foregone Child Labor Earnings) ...................................................................12 3.2.4. Uncertain Returns to Education ...............................................................................................................13 3.2.5. Parental Inability to Support Learning .....................................................................................................13 3.2.6. Siblings .....................................................................................................................................................13 4. Policies ........................................................................................................................................ 14 4.1. Programs for Empowering Communities ................................................................................ 14 4.1.1. School-Based Management Programs .....................................................................................................14 4.1.2. Partnership Programs with Civil Society Organizations ...........................................................................16 4.1.3. Female Empowerment Programs.............................................................................................................16 4.1.4. Information, Education, Communication (IEC) Campaigns ......................................................................17 4.1.5. Birth Registration Programs .....................................................................................................................18 4.2. Programs for Empowering Households................................................................................... 18 4.2.1. Cash Transfer Programs ...........................................................................................................................18 4.2.2. Scholarships Programs .............................................................................................................................19 4.2.4. At-Home Remedial Learning Programs ....................................................................................................20 4.2.5. Mobile Creches ........................................................................................................................................20 5. Game Changers and Recommendations ........................................................................................ 20 5.1. Broad Design Lessons for Community Development Programs in Education ............................ 21 5.2. School-Based Management Programs and Design Lessons ...................................................... 22 5.3. Information, Education, and Communication (IEC) Campaigns and Lessons ............................. 23 5.3.1. Cash Transfers Programs and Lessons .....................................................................................................23 5.3.2. Lessons and Best Practices for Remedial Education ................................................................................24 5.3.3. Lessons and Best Practices for Mobile Creches .......................................................................................24 5.3.4. Theory of Change Diagram .......................................................................................................................24 3 Demand-Side Co nstraints in Education in Africa West and Central and the Role of Community and Household Empowerment 6. Annexes ....................................................................................................................................... 26 7. Bibliography ................................................................................................................................. 34 Boxes Box 1: The Education Access and Quality Improvement (EAQIP) School-Based Committee Initiative in Burkina Faso ...........................................................................................................................................................15 Box 2: The Sahel Women’s Empowerment and Demographic Dividend (SWEDD) program in Benin, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Chad, Côte d’Ivoire, Guinea, Mali, Mauritania, and Niger .........................................................17 Box 3: Combining Female Empowerment with IEC: Nigeria’s Adolescent Girls Initiative for Learning and Empowerment (AGILE) ..........................................................................................................................................18 Box 4: Toutes les Filles à l’École program (TFE) for girls in Niger ................................................................................19 Figures Figure 1: Expected Years of Educational Attainment in AFW Countries .......................................................................8 Figure 2: GDP per capita and Learning (HLO score) in AFW Countries ..........................................................................9 Figure 3: Theory of Action ...........................................................................................................................................25 Annex Figure 1: CDD Portfolio Update as of end-June 2020 .......................................................................................32 Annex Figure 2: Conceptual Framework Illustrating the Negative Effects of Community- and Household- Constraints on Education Outcomes .....................................................................................................................33 Annex Figure 3: Conceptual Framework Illustrating the Effect of Community- and Household-Policies in Counteracting the Effects of Community- and Household-Constraints on Education Outcomes .........................33 Tables Annex Table 1: Community characteristics in AFW countries .....................................................................................26 Annex Table 2: Profile of AFW households..................................................................................................................27 Annex Table 3: List of Surveys Potentially Usable for Calculation of Household Expenditure Indicators in AFW........................................................................................................................................................................28 Annex Table 4: Prospects facing children and adults in AFW countries ......................................................................29 Annex Table 5: Rates of returns to education in AFW countries .................................................................................30 Annex Table 6: Recent CDDs in AFW ...........................................................................................................................31 4 Abbreviations and Acronyms AFW Africa West and Central Region AGILE Adolescent Girls Initiative for Learning and Empowerment CBT Cognitive Behavioral Therapy CCT Conditional Cash Transfer CDD Community Driven Development CDGP Child Development Grant Program CSO Civil Society Organizations DHS Demographic and Health Survey EAQIP The Education Access and Quality Improvement Program FCV Fragility, Conflict and Violence GBV Gender Based Violence GDP Gross Domestic Product HCD Human Capital Development HLO Harmonized Learning Outcomes IEC Information, Education, Communication IDA International Development Agency IHSN International Household Survey Network ILO International Labour Organization JICA Japan International Cooperation Agency J-PAL Abdul Latif Jameel Poverty Action Lab LACE Liberia Agency for Community Empowerment M&E Monitoring and evaluation MPC Multipurpose Cash NGO Non-Governmental Organization PMAQ Paquet Minimum Axé sur la Qualité (Minimum Package for Quality Learning) PASEC Programme d’Analyse des Systemes Educatifs de la CONFEMEN RCT Randomized Controlled Trial SBC School-Based Committee SBM School-Based Management SDGs Sustainable Development Goals SIEF Strategic Impact Evaluation Fund SMC School-Management Committee SWEDD Sahel Women’s Empowerment and Demographic Dividend TFE Toutes les Filles à l’École program TVET Technical and Vocational Education Training UCT Unconditional Cash Transfer UIS UNESCO Institute for Statistics UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund WB World Bank AFW Western and Central Africa WDI World Development Indicators WSD Whole School Development 5 Demand-Side Co nstraints in Education in Africa West and Central and the Role of Community and Household Empowerment Executive Summary One of the key causes for the weak education outcomes of children in Africa West and Central (AFW) is “demand side constraints” that undermine the ability of communities and households to support the education of children. This policy note addresses the main demand-side constraints facing communities and households in the region, and presents a series of policies that can empower communities and households to increase support for their children’s education, thereby improving their educational outcomes. Demand-side constraints facing AFW communities include the centralized education systems that are not responsive to the educational needs of the community. Across the region, communities face a variety of cultural or social norms that discourage school enrollment and learning, such as: schooling norms that oppose Western-style education; work norms toward hazardous forms of child labor that inhibit school enrollment and learning; marriage norms that encourage early marriage for girls and stigmatize young pregnant girls and mothers from attending school; norms that prevent children with disabilities from enrolling in school. Furthermore, armed conflict and religious extremism (particularly Boko Haram and dozens of other Islamic groups) give rise to safety concerns that further discourage community demand for education. The widespread and deep levels of poverty are the most obvious demand-side constraint facing AFW households because households must choose between survival and schooling. Yet there are other related demand-side constraints such as the direct costs of schooling in AFW, particularly secondary school tuition, fees, and transportation costs. The prevalence of child labor is consistent with the inability of households to afford to forego child labor earnings. The low education level of parents is another demand- side constraint because they cannot support their children with homework and develop strategies to navigate the education system and progress to higher levels. Finally, the uncertain financial rates of returns to education discourage some households from supporting their children’s education. The demand-side constraints in education are tackled using well-designed policies that empower communities and households. Communities are more likely to demand education if they are given opportunities to be engaged in decision-making and to express their voice, such as through school-based management programs that include comprehensive training for all participants. Civil society organizations (CSOs) can offer guidance and support services to communities that can lead to better educational outcomes. Female empowerment programs can shift social norms towards girls’ education, work, and marriage. Birth registration efforts at the community level can permit the tracking of children’s work especially hazardous work activities, which in turn enables easier tracking of children and targeting of interventions. Programs for empowering households include cash transfer programs and scholarships, which help offset the direct costs of schooling and foregone child labor contributions. At-home remedial education can ease the pressure from parents and make them believe they are creating a home environment that nurtures education. These short- and medium-term empowerment policies have to be balanced with long-term efforts to increase education funding (for example, elimination of fees at the secondary level) and stronger enforcement of the laws that protect children’s rights in AFW countries. 6 1. Introduction 1.1. Regional Context Western and Central Africa (AFW) includes 22 countries: Benin, Burkina Faso, Cabo Verde, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Chad, Republic of Congo, Côte d’Ivoire, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, The Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, and Togo. The communities and households that make up the countries commonly face challenges with relatively low levels of educational attainment, gender gaps, and rural-urban differences. Yet the countries, and therefore communities and households, face differences in exposure to conflict, natural resources, economic growth, labor markets, and religious norms. 1.2. Rationale for the Policy Note This policy note is intended to inform the AFW Education Sector Strategy. It addresses the constraints faced by communities and households that discourage demand for education and undermine educational outcomes. Community-level constraints include the centralized education systems that discourage community involvement in schools, and social norms that affect community demand for education. At the household level, household income, costs of schooling, reliance on child labor, perceived value of schooling, and gender preferences all affect the demand for education. The note examines the policies that have been shown to enhance demand for education, including various community-driven development programs, women’s empowerment programs, information campaigns, and cash transfer programs. An understanding of these community and household factors and policies is critical for establishing effective policies for increasing the demand for schooling in the region as part of the Education Sector Strategy. 1.3. Methodology and Scope This note draws from desk reviews, analyses of country data, analyses of the World Bank portfolio, and available impact evaluation evidence. Coverage of documents is restricted to those published since 2010. This note’s focus on demand-side initiatives means that it does not cover supply-side initiatives such as teacher incentives and school inputs. The goal is to present a review of research on these topics in AFW countries, although there is far more literature on some countries than others; for example, there is no relevant and recent research on education and demand-side constraints from Cabo Verde and Togo. When applicable, we cover a handful of programs outside the AFW region. 7 Demand-Side Co nstraints in Education in Africa West and Central and the Role of Community and Household Empowerment 2. Progress and Challenges in Educational Outcomes (Diagnostics) Although there has been progress in attainment, particularly at the primary level, overall attainment levels remain low. Sub-Saharan Africa ranks as the least educated region in the world, and within Sub-Saharan Africa, AFW has some of the lowest educational attainment (Canning, Raja, and Yazbeck, 2015; World Bank, 2018a, 2021). Figure 1 shows that Ghana (12.1 years) is the only country where mean years of schooling exceed the 12 years needed for secondary school completion. Yet, it should be noted that only Ghana and Nigeria have expected years of schooling above 10 years. Children in Liberia, the Central African Republic, Mali, Chad, and Niger are not expected to complete six years of schooling. Furthermore, these figures do not reveal the differences within countries (for example, urban versus rural communities, conflict versus peaceful communities), households (for example, poor versus non-poor), and gender. Figure 1: Expected Years of Educational Attainment in AFW Countries Liberia Central African Republic Mali Chad Niger Guinea Burkina Faso Senegal Mauritania Côte d'Ivoire Gabon Cameroon Congo, Rep. Benin Namibia Gambia, The Sierra Leone Togo Nigeria Ghana 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 Source: World Bank Human Capital Index 2020 (https://www.worldbank.org/en/publication/human-capital). Since 1995, AFW countries, along with other African and Asian countries, have participated in PASEC, which measures what primary school students learn in those countries. Patrinos and Angrist (2018) further convert PASEC into the Harmonized Learning Outcome (HLO) scare that permits comparison between PASEC and other international assessments. Figure 2 shows that although AFW countries have low HLO scores, several AFW countries (Gabon, Senegal, Benin, and Burkina Faso) perform better than other countries with similar incomes (Le Nestour, 2021). Nevertheless, most AFW countries have considerably lower HLO scores than high-scoring countries, and there are considerable differences within 8 AFW countries across communities and households. Annex Figure 1 shows the progress AFW countries have made since the last PASEC round. Again, these average figures do not reveal the gaps within countries and the lack of progress among vulnerable groups. Figure 2: GDP per capita and Learning (HLO score) in AFW Countries Source: Le Nestour (2021). 3. Community and Household Demand-Side Constraints 3.1. Community Constraints Annex Table 1 presents the profiles of communities across the 22 AFW countries. Community constraints are the factors that undermine a community’s educational outcomes. These include the pressures from centralized education systems, social norms, armed conflict, and religious extremism. 3.1.1. Centralized Education Systems Centralized systems of education governance are a feature in AFW countries, although the origins and extent vary. In French-speaking AFW countries, the education systems were inherited from the French and share its highly centralized features that allow little or no opportunity for local communities to determine school policy or practice. In other countries, such as Namibia, the centralized education system was inherited from apartheid rule that protected white privilege through racial and ethnic segregation and inequality, undemocratic participation, low levels of bureaucratic accountability and transparency, and top-down policy implementation (Pomuti and Weber, 2012). 9 Demand-Side Co nstraints in Education in Africa West and Central and the Role of Community and Household Empowerment For several reasons, the educational outcomes of children can suffer when communities are unable to have a say in key decisions (such as hiring teachers) and managing resources. For example, the Western- centered curricula that are being promoted by the central government may not be sensitive to local cultures, languages, and labor markets. Moreover, government teachers (civil servants) may be less communicative, less attentive, and more likely to transfer than community teachers (hired by the school board). Several AFW education systems have faced such criticisms (Bruns, Filmer, and Patrinos, 2011). 3.1.2. Social and Cultural Norms AFW communities have social and cultural norms around schooling, work, and marriage that interact with each other to affect educational outcomes. Schooling norms can be positive and negative. There is wide appreciation of schooling and literacy, particularly at the primary education level. At the secondary level, however, schooling norms include: schooling is not a religious obligation, schooling is foreign and Western, the rewards from schooling are modest, only a few benefit from schooling, and the schooling investments are too long and the rewards arrive too late (Perlman and Adamu, 2018). The presence of such negative schooling norms at the community level discourages demand for education. Work norms exist in rural and urban AFW communities, where agriculture accounts for the most child workers in the region. Child labor can undermine school enrollment and learning (ILO and UNICEF, 2021). Typically, schooling is less affected when working with the family, such as helping with younger siblings or the family farm: such work tends to be more flexible and less exhausting. In other communities, however, children engage in hazardous work that undermines schooling, including labor in the well-documented cocoa plantations, in diamond mines, and as artisanal quarry workers. In urban areas, children perform hazardous work such as street vending, begging, and scavenging, and many children work as domestic servants. In Nigeria, for example, more than half of the country’s 79 million children between the ages of 5 and 17 are put to work, including in hazardous conditions (UN Security Council, 2017). Overall, work norms that are promoted in the community lead to reduced demand for education. Social and cultural norms regarding marriage are a key reason behind the gender gap in education (Lloyd and Mensch, 2008). AFW regions have high rates of child marriage, notably the rural Hausa communities of Niger and Nigeria. Indeed, Niger has the world’s highest rate of child marriages in the world: 76 percent of girls age 15–19 are married, divorced, widowed, or in a religious customary union. Pursuing education after marriage is extremely difficult because of social norms that discriminate in education against pregnant girls and adolescent mothers (Human Rights Watch, 2018). For example, in Nigeria’s Kano and Katsina states, around one-third of girls who dropped out reported “marriage” or “plans to marry” as the primary reason for leaving school. Communities insist on the marriage of girls on the following grounds: marriage is a religious obligation; it is the community’s tradition; there is reward in the hereafter for marriage; there is family and community support for marriage; and marriage is a one-off investment (Gemignani and Wodon, 2017; Perlman and Adamu, 2018). After girls start menstruation, families become concerned about the consequences of non- marital sexual activity and pregnancy. These practices continue despite laws against early marriage. In Nigeria, for instance, the legal age of marriage is 18 but exceptions are made because marrying adolescent daughters is culturally acceptable and can promote status in the community. There is also community stigma against girls who remain unmarried for too long—they face scrutiny of their sexual purity and risk damaging their and their families’ standing and reputation in the community. Another explanation behind marriage norms for girls is the lack of meaningful social and economic options for educated girls. Consequently, many girls and their families view marriage and childbearing as the only means for 10 adolescent girls to gain status within their community (Okonofua, 1995). Given such community-level norms and circumstances, early marriage is often seen as the only option for girls in many AFW communities. Despite such norms and circumstances, several countries have closed the gender gap in education, including Burkina Faso, Cabo Verde, The Gambia, Ghana, Guinea-Bissau, Mauritania, Senegal, and Sierra Leone. In contrast, the gender gap in education remains large in Chad, Liberia, and Nigeria. As an illustration of the costs of marriage norms in Niger, recent estimates suggest that the elimination of child marriage and accompanying increase in educational attainment and reduction in fertility rate could lead to benefits of more than US$25 billion between 2014 and 2030 (Wodon et al., 2017a). 3.1.3. Armed Conflict and Religious Extremism In AFW, nearly two million children are being deprived of an education because of violence and insecurity in and around schools (UNICEF, 2019; UN Security Council, 2017). The rate of children not attending school, as well as secondary school enrollment rates, are sensitive to periods of armed conflict (such as civil wars) in AFW countries (Poirier, 2012). Furthermore, conflict onsets are more likely in regions with less education (Østby, Nordås, and Rød, 2009). Conflicts undermine education in variety of ways. The communities that directly experience conflicts also saw women’s mortality increase by 112 deaths per 100,000 person-years (a 21 percent increase above baseline), and the probability that a child has lost at least one parent increase by 6 percent (Wagner et al., 2019). The emergence of religious extremist organizations has disrupted and deterred schooling in several AFW regions (UNICEF, 2019). The number of schools forced to close because of rising insecurity in conflict- affected areas of AFW tripled between the end of 2017 and June 2019. As of June 2019, 9,272 schools closed across eight countries in the region, affecting over 1.91 million children and nearly 44,000 teachers. The areas of Central Sahel (Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger) and Lake Chad Basin (Cameroon, Chad, Niger, and Nigeria) were hard hit with violence and school closures. Ideological opposition to Western-style education—particularly for girls—is at the center of the disputes (Afzal, 2020). Boko Haram, which translates to “Western education is a sin,” has led to the killing and kidnapping of schoolchildren in Cameroon, Chad, Niger, and Nigeria. The communities in which Boko Haram and similar groups operate are experiencing school closures, fleeing of teachers, and children missing or dropping out of school (UNICEF, 2019). Such violence affects the lives and educational outcomes of boys and girls in different ways. Girls are at an elevated-risk of gender-based violence (GBV) and forced marriages (Morrison and Orlando, 2004). Boys are likely to be recruited, pulled out of school, and pushed into a life of crime and violence (Afzal, 2020). 3.2. Household Constraints Annex Table 2 presents household profiles in the region’s 22 countries. According to economic research, household poverty, costs of schooling, parental education, and labor market returns to education are factors that reduce household demand for education (Becker, 2009). 3.2.1. Poverty Poverty is arguably the most critical demand-side constraint. Households that are struggling to secure food and shelter cannot afford to demand schooling. The unusually high poverty rates in AFW countries force households to make enrollment decisions based on factors such as a child’s perceived academic 11 Demand-Side Co nstraints in Education in Africa West and Central and the Role of Community and Household Empowerment ability. In Burkina Faso, for example, having a higher-ability sibling lowers current enrollment by 15 percent and having two higher-ability siblings lowers enrollment by 30 percent (Akresh et al., 2012). 3.2.2. The Direct Costs of Schooling Households incur the direct costs of schooling, such as tuition, fees, books, supplies, uniforms, transportation, and private tutoring. Although tuition fees may not apply for public schools, most households incur other types of direct costs. Anecdotal evidence suggests that these costs, particularly at the secondary education level, discourage AFW households from investing in children’s schooling. The region’s high fertility rates imply households face direct costs for several children. Officially, little is known about the direct costs of schooling in most AFW countries because of data limitations; Annex Table 3 shows the surveys potentially usable for the calculation of household expenditure in AFW countries. The “free” public schooling in AFW countries through ninth grade (the last year of “junior high school”) refers to the feature that parents are not charged tuition fees even though incur other costs. From the tenth grade (the beginning of “senior high school”), households whose students are admitted face substantial tuition fees. In Ghana, the AFW country with the highest expected years of schooling, the 2011 tuition fees for non-boarding senior high schools was US$336 per year, equivalent to about 20 percent of the GDP (Duflo, Kremer, and Dupas, 2019). Observers note that the large increases in drop-out rates in secondary schooling across AFW countries supports the idea that direct costs strongly discourage the completion of secondary schooling. Households located in urban slum areas face a unique set of challenges with the direct costs of schooling. As Annex Table 1 shows, in 14 of 22 AFW countries, most urban residents live in slums. Since slum areas are usually not legal residential areas, local governments may refuse to build public schools in slum areas. As a result, households that reside in urban slums have to incur large transportation costs to send children to distant public schools, or select private schools that operate nearby. 3.2.3. Indirect Costs of Schooling (Foregone Child Labor Earnings) Many AFW households rely on the contributions of their children (ILO and UNICEF, 2021). The indirect costs of schooling refer to the foregone contributions (or earnings) that results from time spent in school and studying. The indirect costs typically increase as the potential productivity of children increases with age. Thus, rising direct and indirect costs can both undermine enrollment and learning, particularly at the secondary education. In short, poverty and the large direct and indirect costs of schooling are largely responsible for the unusually large shares of children out-of-school in AFW countries. Child labor, including hazardous forms of child labor that make school enrollment nearly impossible, is widespread in AFW. In a survey commissioned by the U.S. Department of Labor, of children age 5–17 living in agricultural households in the cocoa-growing areas of Côte d’Ivoire and Ghana during the 2018–19 cocoa harvest season, 45 percent were engaged in child labor and 43 percent were engaged in hazardous child labor in cocoa production (Sadhu et al., 2020). Legal reports of child laborers’ hazardous work in the diamond mines of Sierra Leone show that the children earn little to no pay; they shovel and wash gravel from morning to evening for six days of the week; they suffer from body pain and headaches, worms, malaria, and other diseases; and they can be trapped in collapsing mining pits (International Human Rights Clinic, 2009). Besides the issue of forgone child labor earnings, the implications of the AFW governmental failures to ensure the rights of the country’s children are two-fold (International Human Rights Clinic, 2009). First, 12 government failures to enforce laws prohibiting child labor (and installing the measures in place to make sure that the laws are respected) and to provide truly affordable and accessible primary education drive the practice of hazardous child labor. Second, once engaging in hazardous work, children are deprived of an education and compromised in terms of their overall health and welfare. AFW countries have approved both domestic legislations and ratified treaties to guarantee children accessible primary and junior secondary education and the provision of adequate health care services. These legal protections oblige the governments to implement measures necessary to end the systemic exploitation of children by employers. Even if households enroll children in school and forego child labor earnings, they may face threats from powerful groups. 3.2.4. Uncertain Returns to Education Parents enjoy many non-monetary benefits from investing in their children’s schooling, such as the warm glow from having educated children, and education and health benefits that are passed on to their grandchildren. But parents in lower-income countries rely on their children for financial support during old age. In countries with high returns to education, educated children go on to earn more and provide greater financial support. Low returns to education can discourage households from investing in education. For the AFW region, the returns from education and labor market returns are unclear. The short life expectancy, high unemployment likelihood, and high likelihood of vulnerable (low wage) employment shown in Annex Table 4 imply low returns. Historically, rates of return estimates from AFW are scarce or unreliable for a number of reasons (Bennell, 1996). Although there are some exceptions (such as Ghana), there are a lack of household and labor market data that permit rates of return exercises. Furthermore, there is a lack of research on gender and ethnic differences in AFW labor market opportunities and returns, even though gender and ethnic differences are likely to be large. Annex Table 5 shows that returns estimates are available for only eight countries (Psacharopoulos and Patrinos, 2018). 3.2.5. Parental Inability to Support Learning An implication of the low male and female educational attainment rates among adults in AFW is that parents cannot help children with schooling. In particular, it is not possible for a parent with a primary school education to help with homework of their secondary-school-age children. Furthermore, parents cannot support learning when they do not purchase the books that provide children the opportunities to read and learn at home. Working parents, particularly working mothers, face additional challenges with supporting the learning of their children. In AFW, there are virtually no childcare facilities that offer a safe and stimulating environment for children and peace of mind for their working mothers. 3.2.6. Siblings A child’s learning is also affected by the number of siblings in the household. Findings from the Demographic and Health Surveys from AFW countries show that the effect of siblings depend on age, birth order, and gender of both the child and the siblings (Kravdal, Kodzi, and Sigle-Rushton, 2013). Having younger siblings increases the likelihood of a child entering primary school; once enrolled, however, younger siblings reduce the likelihood of educational progression. Having older siblings increases the likelihood of primary school enrollment and completion but not secondary school outcomes. Relative to boys in AFW, girls do worse with younger siblings but better with older siblings. 13 Demand-Side Co nstraints in Education in Africa West and Central and the Role of Community and Household Empowerment 4. Policies Effective policies at the community and household levels have a positive effect on educational outcomes. Policies that are contextually sensitive and borrow design elements from effective policies of the past can negate the constraints, leading to improvements in educational outcomes. 4.1. Programs for Empowering Communities Programs for empowering communities—especially those programs that have communities at the center of decision making of their local development investments—are broadly referred to as community-driven development (CDD) programs. CDD is a people-centric development approach based on the principles of participation, accountability, transparency, and increased local participation. CDD programs emphasize community control over planning decisions and investment resources. In recent years, CDD programs have emerged as the World Bank’s poverty reduction and sustainable development strategies; Annex Figure 1 shows the World Bank’s global CDD portfolio. Often, standalone CDD programs help create national platforms to enhance service delivery and address poverty that become part of formal decentralization strategies and address multi-sectoral issues. In the FCV context in AFW, CDD is useful because of its speed, flexibility, and effectiveness at re-establishing basic services in insecure or inaccessible areas. CDD programs in education are those with explicit (as opposed to cursory) attention to educational processes and outcomes and draw attention to community participation in school management (Nishimura, 2020). The evidence on CDD programs with specific objectives to contribute to education-related outcomes is limited for AFW countries. Nigeria’s national Human Capital Development (HCD) Initiative, called the CIMI Community Project, is currently being developed and will be implemented in late 2021. This initiative is being designed to empower vulnerable women and support the basic education of their children, will cut across the three HCD thematic areas of Health, Education, and Labor Force Participation. 4.1.1. School-Based Management Programs CDD programs in education take the form of decentralization, such as local school-based management (SBM). There are four sources of authority in education: central government; provincial, state, or regional governing bodies; municipal, county, or district governments; and schools (McGinn and Welsh, 1999). Decentralization refers to the shift in authority levels from central governments to lower-level governments, or from lower-level governments to schools. In SBM, community agents take over the responsibility for, and decision-making authority over, school operations (Bruns, Filmer, and Patrinos, 2011). These agents can include principals, teachers, parents, and sometimes students and other community members. Critics of SBM argue that national and local circumstances can prevent successful implementation. 14 Box 1: The Education Access and Quality Improvement (EAQIP) School-Based Committee Initiative in Burkina Faso In Burkina Faso, the Education Access and Quality Improvement (EAQIP) funded by IDA supported the establishment of 766 school management committees (SMCs) in 766 post-primary and secondary education schools in the five (5) target regions of the project (the country has 13 regions). The SMC is an organizational structure for the entire educational community of a school (teachers, students, school administration, parents of students, associations, and nongovernmental organization (NGOs) active in education within the geographical jurisdiction of the school), the objective of which is to improve the school environment to impact the access to and quality of education. To set up the SMCs, a local NGO was recruited to support this activity placed under the responsibility of the general direction of post-primary and secondary education of the Ministry of National Education, Literacy and Promotion of National Languages. The local NGO worked to inform/sensitize the communities and to set up and train SMC members (the NGO also developed all the training modules), and also contributed to the evaluation and validation of SAPs. Several training modules have been developed to strengthen the capacities of SMCs, particularly on: children’s rights, assessment of basic social services, participatory micro-planning, financial resource mobilization, advocacy, partnership, and the development and implementation of school improvement plans. The main results of this experimentation at the secondary education level can be summarized as follows: • Planning in terms of strategies and means for improving the quality of school learning has been well understood by the educational communities. • SMCs have shown the capacity to mobilize other financial resources apart from the project resources and to improve the school environment and the quality of education through the construction of classrooms to unclog classes hosting a lot of students, maintenance and repair of school furniture and premises, organization of remedial courses to support pupils at risk of school failure, organization of endogenous school canteens, support and organization of school exams, and so forth. A number of good practices are also noted: • From identification to meeting needs in response to improving school performance, the whole process is now led by the basic education community through SMCs. • SMCs are now able to better target the school performance factors and identify levers to be activated to ensure better learning outcomes for students. • Trained in the techniques of setting up micro-projects and resources mobilization, SMCs manage to mobilize endogenous resources or from other partners. For example, the construction of the departmental upper secondary schools of Cinkensé in the Center-East and Lèba in the North was done with funds mobilized by the communities. Now it is important that the project launch an impact evaluation of SMCs to gather evidence of its success for the gradual extension of the program to the other regions of the country. The evidence shows that SBMs are strongly linked to better educational outcomes in industrialized countries. For example, Bloom et al. (2015) show that the quality of local school management is strongly 15 Demand-Side Co nstraints in Education in Africa West and Central and the Role of Community and Household Empowerment associated with educational outcomes across 1,800 high schools in eight countries (United Kingdom, Sweden, Canada scored the highest, followed by Germany, with a gap before Italy, Brazil, and India). In AFW, Ghana, Namibia, Niger, and Senegal have already adopted variants of school autonomy in their education systems (Bogaert et al., 2013; Bruns, Filmer and Patrinos, 2011; Pomuti and Weber, 2012). An impact evaluation of Gambia’s Whole School Development (WSD) program showed positive effects three years after the introduction of the program (Blimpo, Evans, and Lahire 2015). Notably, WSD led to reductions in student and teacher absenteeism respectively of nearly 5 percentage points from a base of 24 percent, and about 3 percentage points from a base of about 13 percent. In the three years, however, test scores did not improve. 4.1.2. Partnership Programs with Civil Society Organizations Civil society organizations (CSO) can refer to a variety of community organizations, including nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), labor unions, indigenous groups, charitable organizations, faith- based organizations, professional associations, and foundations. In any given AFW country, CSOs support education alongside the government and private sector by promoting transparency; delivering education services; bringing expert knowledge and experience to shape policy and strategy; giving voice to the marginalized; and encouraging citizen engagement. CSOs are involved in education in every AFW country although their origins, complexity, and results vary (Mundy et al., 2010). CSOs play an important role in efforts to ensure the rights of the child regarding schooling and work. For example, to combat child labor in cocoa-growing areas, the U.S. Department of Labor urges the engagement of community leaders (including representatives for women and youth) early in the design of interventions to ensure that objectives and implementation plans are realistic to the community (Sadhu et al., 2020). As already mentioned, an important activity of component 2 of Burkina Faso’s Education Access and Quality Improvement Project (EAQIP) concerns scholarships to students from poor households, with a target of 1,000 students in the initial funding and 10,000 students in the additional financing. The annual amount of the subsidy per student is approximately US$200. The objective of this support is to remove the financial barrier which often prevents the retention of students and especially girls in secondary education. In order to ensure proper monitoring of the management of these grants, the project signed an agreement with the secondary school teachers’ unions, which are present in all secondary schools of the country, so that they closely monitor the transfer of grants to the students but also to ensure that the beneficiary students are maintained in school while reporting on their academic performance. On the initial funding, reports seem to show that a large majority of student beneficiaries of this grant remain in the education system, but the impact on their academic performance remains difficult to evaluate. 4.1.3. Female Empowerment Programs A range of formal commitments exist to protect and empower girls and women in the AFW region. These include The Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (also referred to as the Maputo Protocol);1 the African Youth Charter; African Charter on the Rights of Welfare of the Child; and United Nations’ UNiTE to End Violence against Women campaign. There are further national level efforts, such as Gambia’s Children’s Amendment Bill (2016) that criminalizes child marriage and betrothal and sentences those convicted of such offenses to 20 years in prison. But legal loopholes and customary practices undermine laws and national strategies (Ferrant and Hamel, 2018). 1 https://au.int/en/treaties/protocol-african-charter-human-and-peoples-rights-rights-women-africa. 16 Female empowerment programs can complement laws and strategies. Box 2 provides details on a multi- country and multi-sectoral effort in AFW that empowers women in multiple ways. Box 2: The Sahel Women’s Empowerment and Demographic Dividend (SWEDD) program in Benin, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Chad, Côte d’Ivoire, Guinea, Mali, Mauritania, and Niger Launched in 2015, the ongoing SWEDD program is a partnership between governments, the World Bank, and the United Nations. Its overall goal is to accelerate the demographic transition, to spur the demographic dividend, and to reduce gender inequality in the Sahel region. Specific goals are to increase girls’ and young women’s access to safe spaces, life skills, education, healthcare and contraception, employment, and training through three major actions: • Creating demand for reproductive, maternal, newborn, child, and nutritional health commodities and services by promoting social and behavioral change • Empowering women and adolescent girls • Building regional capacity to improve the supply of reproductive, maternal, newborn, child, and nutritional health commodities as well as skilled personnel. SWEDD’s implementation in each of the countries involved the following actions: • Awareness-raising campaigns that reached more than 627 million on reproductive, maternal, and child health • Training activities that enabled more than 106,000 girls and adolescents to benefit from support for school enrollment and retentions • Training nearly 100,000 girls and young women on income-generating activities • Establishing 3,420 safe spaces that offered over 100,000 out-of-school girls a second chance. Source: United Nations Office for West Africa and the Sahel (2020). 4.1.4. Information, Education, Communication (IEC) Campaigns Information, Education, Communication (IEC) campaigns use various platforms to convey messages about an issue, programs talking the issue, or both. For example, IEC campaigns can dispel myths and alert communities about schooling, child marriage, child labor, religion, rights, reproductive health, and other topics (Malhotra et al., 2011). Such campaigns exist in every AFW country, such as Amnesty International’s campaign against child marriages in Burkina Faso.2 IEC campaigns are also useful for informing about the programs that exist to address education issues. Indeed, programs fail when community members are often unaware of program availability and features (Banerjee et al., 2010). For example, Nigeria’s AGILE program includes a GBV awareness component and actual program components to tackle GBV. 2 https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/campaigns/2015/11/girls-in-burkina-faso-say-no-to-forced-marriage/. 17 Demand-Side Co nstraints in Education in Africa West and Central and the Role of Community and Household Empowerment Box 3: Combining Female Empowerment with IEC: Nigeria’s Adolescent Girls Initiative for Learning and Empowerment (AGILE) Nigeria’s Adolescent Girls Initiative for Learning and Empowerment (AGILE) is a forthcoming project that is designed to improve secondary education opportunities among girls. It builds on recent Nigerian legislation such as the introduction of free secondary education for girls in seven northern states. The program recognized that 1.3 million girls out of the 1.85 million who began primary school in 2017 –18 in the northern states would drop out before reaching the last year of junior secondary school. The AGILE program empowers girls through education, life skills, health education (such as nutrition and reproductive health), GBV awareness and prevention, negotiations skills, self-agency, and digital literacy skills. The scale and scope of the AGILE project is ambitious. It will support access to secondary education and empowerment for adolescent girls in seven states involving about 6.7 million girls and 15.5 million direct project beneficiaries including families and communities. AGILE also includes an IEC component that will support raising awareness to address social norms and promote positive behaviors for a supportive and enabling environment for girls’ education using communication and high-level advocacy. Finally, AGILE will also work with schools to provide safe, accessible, and inclusive infrastructure. Source: World Bank (2020). 4.1.5. Birth Registration Programs Birth registrations make children and their physical whereabouts more visible to state institutions (ILO and UNICEF, 2021). Given the armed conflict and religious extremism in the AFW region, birth registration can keep children in school and protect them from hazardous child labor in other areas and recruitment by extremist organizations. Birth registrations can also facilitate efforts to boost demand for education. Once integrated into social and child protection systems, registered children and their households can take part in administrative targeting—where the beneficiaries are selected from an existing administrative list. In the case of programs designed to reduce the direct costs of education, registrations make it easier to target children and households. 4.2. Programs for Empowering Households 4.2.1. Cash Transfer Programs Cash transfer programs have been widely used to boost educational outcomes. In education, cash transfer programs have been conditional on households enrolling children in school. The mechanism is simply that the cash gives households an enhanced ability to pay for schooling direct costs (such as books and uniforms), indirect costs (including foregone child labor income), food, and healthcare. Supporters of such cash transfers programs argue that market failures may often lead to underinvestment in education, which are addressed by the conditions imposed on recipient households. The conditions also make cash transfer programs politically palatable to the middle- and upper-class voters who are not direct beneficiaries of the programs. 18 Although there is no evidence that cash transfers increase child labor in non-AFW countries (de Hoop and Rosati, 2014), there is the possibility that beneficiaries in AFW countries may invest transfers in microenterprises (such as small farms) and stimulate demand for child labor (ILO and UNICEF, 2021: 62). Ongoing conditional cash transfer (CCT) programs in AFW include the World Bank SIEF-supported Nahouri Cash Transfers Pilot Project for poor household with children in the 7–15 age group in Burkina Faso.3 A recent unconditional cash transfer (UCT) program is the Sahel Adaptive Social Protection Program (Burkina Faso, Mauritania, Niger, and Senegal) of 2014 that combined with traditional cash transfer programs with training programs, asset transfers, psycho-social support, or facilitated access to markets. 4.2.2. Scholarships Programs Scholarships can be an effective policy response to the sharp declines in enrollment during higher secondary school. To prevent the potential waste that comes from subsidizing households who do not require financial support, the scholarships can be targeted at households with need. An impact evaluation using a randomized controlled trial (RCT) of a need-based secondary school scholarship in Ghana tracked the educational attainment, skills, knowledge, fertility, employment, and earnings outcomes of girls who received in the scholarship in 2008 (Duflo, Dupas, and Kremer, 2019). Over the next eight years, researchers found sizeable improvements: 68 percent of girls who had won scholarships had completed senior high school, compared to 42 percent of the non-winners; scholarships also closed the gender gap in tertiary education enrollment, with girls catching up to boys; and the scholarships led to fewer girls marrying and having kids in their teens. Box 4: Toutes les Filles à l’École program (TFE) for girls in Niger A partnership between the Government of Niger and the World Bank, the Toutes les Filles à l’École program (TFE) for girls, recognizes that although secondary school is free for girls, households face other costs that discourage school enrollment and progression. It is also intended to improve girls’ hard skills, including vocational skills. TFE provides an annual US$335 scholarship over nine months to pay for living expenses, including housing and food costs during all three years of secondary school. Girls’ families receive an additional US$9 per month, and host families receive US$28 each month for hosting. Researchers at J-PAL set up a randomized controlled trial (RCT) to evaluation the program in rural Niger. Source: Giacobino, Huillery, and Bastien (2018). Educational voucher programs may be an option for urban households that located in slum areas without public schools (UNICEF, 2020). Essentially, a voucher is a paper token or e-voucher that can be exchanged for schooling at a program-participating school. The difference between scholarships and vouchers is that vouchers offer households a choice of participating schools. 3 See “Burkina Faso: Can Cash Transfers Help Children Stay Healthy and Go to School?” https://www.worldbank.org/en/programs/sief-trust-fund/brief/burkina-faso-does-cash-work-for-the-poor. 19 Demand-Side Co nstraints in Education in Africa West and Central and the Role of Community and Household Empowerment 4.2.4. At-Home Remedial Learning Programs Remedials learning programs are typically based at schools (Duflo, Kiessel, and Lucas., 2021). Recently, at- home remedial learning programs have emerged in response to cases where school teaching quality is inadequate. Indeed, in fragile contexts such as the Central African Republic, remedial education programs are valuable because they somewhat compensate for the acute shortage of competent teachers and sporadic interruptions which affect the quality of learning. Ongoing at-home remedial learning programs in AFW countries include Read@Home in 13 low-income countries, including Cameroon and Senegal in AFW. The program targets hard-to-reach households with children age 3–12 (World Bank, 2021b) and has features associated with effective remedial education programs such as: • the understanding that core reading skills like letter recognition, letter-sound relationships, fluency, vocabulary, and comprehension must be explicitly taught; • without strong reading foundations, children will struggle and fall further behind; children of all ages benefit from parental and family engagement; • all parents, including those with low literacy, can support their children’s literacy; • the skills learned at school are reinforced and complemented by reading at home; • daily reading is essential for building fluency; families should create an environment where reading is valued and children are encouraged to read daily; • all children, including children with disabilities, can be supported at home with multi-sensory approaches and materials. 4.2.5. Mobile Creches Mobile creches are mobile childcare units that follow women as they move between worksites. It empowers households, particularly mothers, by providing the opportunity to work and provide a safe and stimulating environment for their children. These children enjoy the financial support that makes them more likely to stay in school and are also academically better prepared to succeed in school. A new mobile creche program in Burkina Faso stemmed from community-based discussions and went on to CSOs and relevant ministries of education, social affairs, and women (World Bank, 2021c). 5. Game Changers and Recommendations The status quo has broad implications on economic development. Girls forced to drop out of school to marry are unable to fully contribute to their households or the labor markets, therefore stuck in a vicious cycle of poverty. Poor and uneducated young men with limited economic opportunities cause high rates of crime and violence, and are easily mobilized into destructive activities such as rioting and rebellion. Such activities undermine the efforts of weak governments to produce political stability and economic growth. This section presents the community and household-level programs discussed earlier, along with design recommendations that can make them game changers. 20 5.1. Broad Design Lessons for Community Development Programs in Education The lessons from CDD program apply to every other game changer discussed in this section. de Regt, Majumdar, and Singh (2013), Wong and Guggenheim (2018), and World Bank (2020) identify the following desirable features of modern CDD programs: • CDD programs begin with stakeholder identification and engagement paying special attention to identifying disadvantaged and vulnerable groups: o Identify interested by listing relevant interest groups and considering historical issues, social relations, and relationships between local communities and the program implementer. o Conduct discussions with an identified representative of the stakeholders and with persons knowledgeable about the local and sector contexts. Undertake media searches to verify the list and identify any other project-affected or interested parties and find out how to contact them. With education programs, likely stakeholders include: school authorities (principals, proprietors, guidance counsellors, entrepreneurial teachers, female teachers, and female students), federal and state ministry of education representatives (including commissioners, permanent secretary, technical directors for the relevant education level), SBM committees, state ministry of women’s affairs, state ministry of youth development, international partners, and traditional leaders. • CDD programs are sponsored by and managed by national governments using their national budgets. • There is a direct financial transfer to a bank account owned or managed by a locally representative community council. • CDD programs are facilitated by an external agent such as an NGO, a specialist under contract, or an assigned government officer. • The facilitators help local officials and communities understand the finance, regulations, and support services available. • The facilitators advise how government money is to be transferred, managed, and accounted for but do not control how the money is used. • In impact evaluations, CDD results government policy makers have to achieve similar results compared to alternative instruments. • Transfer amounts are large in amount (at least US$10/capita/year) to pay for useful infrastructure. • Information on transfers is clear, such as frequency of transfers (for example, one-time grants versus predictable and cumulative grants). • Programs are predictable and support the planning process that involves negotiations, prioritization, sequencing, and longer-term partnership with CSOs in ways that one-time or unpredictable grants cannot; expansion into larger-scale programs is accompanied by governments migrating from donor funds (including the World Bank) to contributing the vast majority of resources from their own budget. • Poor people’s agency can improve development outcomes, but CDDs should not replace sectoral or transformational programs (Wong and Guggenheim, 2018). 21 Demand-Side Co nstraints in Education in Africa West and Central and the Role of Community and Household Empowerment 5.2. School-Based Management Programs and Design Lessons As suggested earlier, SBM program are a potential game changer for empowering communities and households. Since SBM programs fall under the CDD umbrella, all of the design lessons from CDD apply. Several additional lessons have emerged from experiences with SBM programs: • It helps to have SBM members who are highly literate and participate in another community organization. • New incentives are also required to change mindsets and support the new arrangement. • In order to avoid confusion, it is critical that information is disseminated clearly to all participants through comprehensive training. SBM programs should provide comprehensive training for participating principals, teachers, and participating community members in SBM increases the effectiveness of those SBMs. o Gambia’s successful Whole School Development (WSD) program provided comprehensive training in school management to principals, participating teachers, and community members. The training includes the development of short- and long-term goals. Similarly, Niger’s Minimum Package for Quality Learning (Paquet Minimum Axé sur la Qualité—PMAQ) program involved a one-day training of SBM presidents and secretaries (school principals), distribution of a set of math workbooks for each student, and a two-day training of activity facilitators. o Niger’s PMAQ was developed by the “Ecole pour tous” project in cooperation with the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA). PMAQ sought to improve basic math learning through extracurricular remedial activities organized by SBM committees. Its design included capacity-strengthening elements where SMCs develop school action plans integrating organization of remedial activity using math workbooks. After the training, the participating schools conducted basic math testing to measure students’ proficiency level. SBM committees organized a community general assembly to share the results among teachers, parents, and community, and discuss causes of low learning and potential activities. Based upon the discussions, the SMC prepared a draft school action plan integrating remedial activity and held a community general assembly again to adopt it. The PMAQ program has since expanded to Senegal, Mali, Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire, and Ghana where it has been customized by local SBM committees.4 • The central government can provide grants to schools initiate the implementation of their plans. o In the case of WSD, Gambia’s Ministry of Education provided an initial grant worth approximately US$500. Impact evaluations showed no improvements in educational outcome among that schools that only received the grant but no comprehensive training. Therefore, it seems SBMs are more likely to succeed with both training and initial grants. • SBM models based on clustering may encounter implementation difficulties. o In Namibia, the SBMs are referred to as “school clustering” because the management of different schools that are geographically close to one another are linked together in local management structures. The clustering arrangement does not provide individual schools with much autonomy but can allow richer schools to share resources with poorer schools, and better managed schools can guide weaker managed schools. In reality, the top-down aspects remained as inspectors dominated decisions while principals and teachers felt 4 https://www.jica.go.jp/english/news/field/2021/20210601_01.html. 22 disempowered (Pomuti and Weber, 2012). Again, comprehensive training may have led to better results in Namibia, particularly in changing mindsets of bureaucrats. • In the short term, principals should understand school’s internal processes, and parents should be able to monitor principals and participate in school decisions. With all of these arrangements in place, SBMs should produce increased learning, reduction in inequality, and cost-efficient spending. • Last but not least, it takes several years for the positive benefits of SBMs to emerge. o A meta-analysis on the effectiveness of SBM models in the United States showed that the positive effects of SBM increase sharply from the seventh year of implementation. o In Gambia’s WSD program, results emerged three years after the introduction of the program. o In Niger’s 2006 management committees (Committees de Gestion Scolaire—COGES) program, results were modest at the end of the first year (Beasley and Huillery, 2017). 5.3. Information, Education, and Communication (IEC) Campaigns and Lessons There is an overall lack of research on IEC campaign effects on education, and no research on AFW countries. A study of rural Indian SBMs provides lessons on the role of IEC. Banerjee et al. (2010) show that 38 percent of SBM committee members did not readily identify as being part of the committee, 25 percent did not even know they had this role, and only 3.6 percent of all SBM members knew the SBM’s prerogatives and responsibilities (Banerjee et al., 2010). IEC may improve the likelihood of demand-side interventions but the limited evidence from education suggests that the details of the intervention and the contexts matter. In the rural India case, providing information or helping citizens gather information on the status of education did not lead to improvements in reading outcomes (Banerjee et al., 2010). Recent programs that acknowledge the important role of incorporating IEC campaigns include Nigeria’s AGILE project that seeks female empowerment through programs and IEC campaigns on girls’ education, marriage, work, fertility, and GBV. The design aspects that lead to effective and efficient IEC campaigns remain elusive. 5.3.1. Cash Transfers Programs and Lessons García and Juan Saavedra (2017), Millán et al. (2019), and UNICEF (2020) provide the following lessons for cash transfer programs: • The advantages of different types of cash transfer should be considered. UCT programs are cheaper because they save the cost of monitoring whether conditions were met. One form of UCT is the Universal Ultra Basic Income proposed by Nobel Laureates Abhijit Banerjee and Esther Duflo that involves providing a small transfer to a broadly defined set of poor households. CCT programs are costlier but the monitoring can ensure greater effectiveness in improving educational outcomes. These discussions are tied to the idea of Multipurpose Cash (MPC), which are cash transfers (periodic or one-off) corresponding to the amount of money required to cover, fully or partially, a household’s basic needs. MPC refers to transfers designed to address multiple basic needs of the household, including the educational needs of children. • Careful thought is necessary to determine the most appropriate delivery mechanism for transferring cash to beneficiaries; these include mobile money transfer, cash in hand, cheque, and ATM card. • For design of cash transfers in education, evidence from a Colombian CCT showed that deferring payment of cash transfers to coincide with the time fees are required for the next level of 23 Demand-Side Co nstraints in Education in Africa West and Central and the Role of Community and Household Empowerment education can have a larger impact on subsequent enrollment than evenly spaced transfers thought the year (Barrera-Osorio et al., 2011). • Cash transfers may incorporate holistic approaches. For example, in Liberia, a CCT targeted at poor young men was combined with cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) and produced positive results. • Finally, to prevent negative spillovers, cash transfer programs should be offered to all households in remote and poor villages, regardless of poverty status (Filmer et al., 2018). In the case of scholarships and vouchers (UNICEF, 2020; UNHCR et al., 2015), consideration is needed for finance (the amount of the scholarship), regulations (qualification criteria), and support services (information, transportation, and conflict resolution services). 5.3.2. Lessons and Best Practices for Remedial Education The lessons of CDD apply to at-home remedial education programs. A manual for the Read@Home program (World Bank, 2021b) provides details on the following steps on best practices: • Book selection o Characteristics of quality storybooks o Identifying and selecting book titles o Costing children’s books and story-cards • Guidance for caregiver engagement o Strategies for caregiver engagement before, during, and after reading o Delivering content to caregivers as part of the Read@Home package o Identifying country tools and guidance to engage caregivers to support children’s learning • Monitoring for learning o Selecting the right data collection strategies o Identifying the right data collection strategies o Collecting data responsibly and sharing findings For example, through extensive discussions with stakeholders, the Read@Home program identifies and selects books that encourage the use of native languages as much as possible. The program packages and approaches are also aligned to government distance learning programs and curriculum to ensure continuity. Support services to engage caregivers include technical assistance to and accompanying materials for parents to support children’s learning. 5.3.3. Lessons and Best Practices for Mobile Creches Many of the recommendations discussed in the CDD section apply to the mobile creches. Burkina Faso ’s mobile creche program was a local initiative that gradually engaged ministries. 5.3.4. Theory of Change Diagram Figure 3 presents the theory of action diagram that summarizes the contents of this policy note. If programs that empower communities and households are used to address the demand-side constraints facing communities and households, then the educational outcomes of children in AFW will improve. 24 Figure 3: Theory of Action Community Community Children complete Demand-Side Constraints Outcomes Empowerment Programs •School-based management •Communities have a say in secondary education programs education •Imrovement in social Education instills a norms toward schooling, variety of skills for Household work, and marriage work and life Households •More financial resources at home, making it easier to enroll in school •More academic resources at home, making it easier to excel in school 25 Demand-Side Co nstraints in Education in Africa West and Central and the Role of Community and Household Empowerment 6. Annexes Annex Table 1: Community characteristics in AFW countries CPIA public sector management Proportion of Population and seats held by Rural living in Mobile cellular institutions women in population slums (% of Access to subscriptions Physicians cluster average national (% of total urban electricity (% of (per 100 per 1000 (1=low to parliaments population) population) population) people) people 6=high) (%) Rural Urban Benin 52% 59% 17.4% 65.3% 88 0.1 3.4 7% Burkina Faso 87% 57% 4.7% 64.6% 100 0.1 3.2 6% Cabo Verde 34% - 95.9% 95.3% 108 0.8 4.0 25% Cameroon 43% 34% 24.0% 93.2% 83 0.1 3.0 34% Central African 58% 95% 1.5% 32.1% 34 0.1 2.4 9% Republic Chad 77% 87% 2.3% 36.7% 48 0.0 2.5 15% Republic of 33% 48% 12.7% 65.6% 95 0.2 2.7 11% Congo Côte d’Ivoire 49% 60% 41.9% 93.9% 145 0.2 3.5 11% Equatorial 27% 65% 2.2% 90.9% 45 0.4 - 21% Guinea Gabon 10% 37% 24.2% 98.3% 138 0.7 - 15% Gambia 38% 27% 27.6% 79.8% 140 0.1 3.0 9% Ghana 43% 30% 70.0% 93.8% 134 0.1 3.6 13% Guinea 64% 50% 16.4% 87.7% 101 0.1 2.9 17% Guinea Bissau 56% 74% 12.9% 54.3% 83 0.1 2.0 14% Liberia 48% 70% 7.6% 46.4% 57 0.0 2.7 12% Mali 57% 47% 15.3% 91.2% 117 0.1 3.1 28% Mauritania 45% 73% 3.1% 86.5% 104 0.2 3.3 20% Niger 83% 59% 12.6% 49.9% 41 0.0 3.1 17% Nigeria 49% 54% 25.5% 83.9% 92 0.4 2.8 7% Senegal 52% 30% 47.8% 95.2% 110 0.1 3.5 43% Sierra Leone 58% 59% 1.5% 51.4% 86 0.0 3.2 12% Togo 58% 54% 23.6% 91.8% 77 0.1 3.1 7% Source: World Development Indicators. 26 Annex Table 2: Profile of AFW households Average household Female-headed Population ages 0- Poverty rates size household 14 Benin 38.5% 5.2 24.9% 42% Burkina Faso 41.4% 5.9 8.8% 45% Cabo Verde 35.0% - - 28% Cameroon 37.5% 5.0 26.0% 42% Central African Rep. 62.0% 4.9 21.0% 44% Chad 42.3% 5.8 22.1% 47% Republic of Congo 40.9% 4.3 23.0% 42% Côte d’Ivoire 39.5% 5.1 18.0% 42% Equatorial Guinea 76.8% - - 37% Gabon 33.4% 4.1 30.0% 37% Gambia, The 48.6% 8.2 22.3% 44% Ghana 23.4% 3.5 34.8% 37% Guinea 43.7% 6.3 18.7% 43% Guinea Bissau 69.3% - - 42% Liberia 50.9% 4.9 33.7% 41% Mali 42.1% 5.8 17.4% 47% Mauritania 31.0% - 29.1% 40% Niger 40.8% 5.9 15.9% 50% Nigeria 40.1% 4.9 18.0% 44% Senegal 46.7% 8.7 30.3% 43% Sierra Leone 56.8% 5.9 27.4% 41% Togo 55.1% 4.6 27.4% 41% Source: United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division (2019). Database on Household Size and Composition 2019. https://www.un.org/development/desa/pd/data/household-size-and-composition. Note: All data from 2010 or more recently except Central African Republic from 1994. https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.HOU.FEMA.ZS. Poverty: Poverty Headcount Ratio at National Poverty Lines (% of population). 27 Demand-Side Co nstraints in Education in Africa West and Central and the Role of Community and Household Empowerment Annex Table 3: List of Surveys Potentially Usable for Calculation of Household Expenditure Indicators in AFW Country Year Title Benin - Burkina Faso - Cabo Verde 2007 Questionário Unificado de Indicadores Básicos de Bem-Estar 2007 Cameroon 2007 Troisième Enquête Camerounaise Auprès des Ménages 2007 Central African Rep - Chad - Republic of Congo - Côte d’Ivoire 2002 Enquête sur le Niveau de Vie des Ménages de Côte d’Ivoire 2002 Côte d’Ivoire 2008 Enquête sur le Niveau de Vie des Ménages 2008 Equatorial Guinea - Gabon 2005 Enquête Gabonaise pour l’Evaluation et le Suivi de la Pauvreté 2005 Gambia - Ghana 2012 Living Standards Survey 2012-2013 Guinea 2007 Enquête Légère pour l’Evaluation de la Pauvreté 2007 Guinea Bissau 2010 Inquérito Ligeiro para a Avaliação da Pobreza 2010 Liberia 2014 Household Income and Expenditure Survey 2014-2015 Mali 2009 Enquêtées Grappe à Indicateurs Multiples et de Dépenses des Ménages 2009 Mauritania - Niger 2010 Enquête Nationale sur les Conditions de Vie des Ménages 2010-2011 Nigeria 2003 Living Standards Survey 2003, First round Nigeria 2004 DHS EdData Survey 2004 Nigeria 2009 DHS EdData Survey 2010 Nigeria 2013 General Household Survey, Panel 2012-2013,Wave 2 Senegal - Sierra Leone 2011 Integrated Household Survey 2011 Togo - Source: World Bank (2018b). Measuring Household Expenditure on Education: A Guidebook for Designing Household Survey Questionnaires Only Côte d’Ivoire and Nigeria have data for multiple years that permit the analysis of progress in household spending on education; only Ghana, Liberia, and Sierra Leone have conducted surveys in the past 10 years; there are no potential data sources for Benin, Burkina Faso, Central African Republic, Chad, Republic of Congo, Equatorial Guinea, The Gambia, Mauritania, Senegal, and Togo. 28 Annex Table 4: Prospects Facing Children and Adults in AFW Countries Vulnerable Probability of Adult Adolescent Unemployment employment Country Survival to Age 5 Survival Rate fertility rate Male Female Male Female Benin 0.91 0.77 82 2.2% 2.5% 81% 93% Burkina Faso 0.92 0.76 100 4.7% 4.5% 82% 88% Cameroon 0.92 0.70 101 2.9% 3.8% 63% 81% Central African 0.88 0.59 125 3.9% 4.2% 89% 96% Republic Chad 0.88 0.65 155 2.0% 1.9% 87% 99% Congo, Rep. 0.95 0.74 110 9.0% 10.2% 65% 91% Côte d’Ivoire 0.92 0.66 115 2.8% 3.8% 61% 80% Equatorial Guinea - - - 7.8% 8.1% 80% 80% Gabon 0.96 0.79 91 14.1% 28.0% 28% 35% Gambia, The 0.94 0.75 73 6.5% 12.0% 63% 81% Ghana 0.95 0.77 65 4.0% 4.3% 58% 77% Guinea 0.90 0.76 131 5.3% 3.2% 83% 97% Guinea-Bissau - - - 2.8% 2.8% 80% 80% Liberia 0.93 0.78 135 3.5% 2.2% 65% 91% Mali 0.90 0.75 165 6.5% 8.2% 74% 87% Mauritania 0.92 0.80 68 9.5% 11.5% 41% 76% Namibia 0.96 0.71 60 20.9% 18.5% 25% 39% Niger 0.92 0.77 180 0.5% 0.4% 92% 98% Nigeria 0.88 0.66 104 9.4% 7.4% 75% 85% Senegal 0.96 0.83 69 6.1% 7.0% 58% 70% Sierra Leone 0.89 0.63 108 5.1% 3.6% 82% 93% Togo 0.93 0.74 88 4.5% 2.7% 62% 88% Source: World Bank Human Capital Index 2020 for probability of survival to age 5, adult survival rate, and adolescent fertility rate. World Development Indicators for unemployment and vulnerable employment rates https://www.worldbank.org/en/publication/human-capital Notes: Adolescent fertility rates (births per 1,000 women age 15–19). Status in employment distinguishes between two categories of the total employed. These are: (a) wage and salaried workers (also known as employees); and (b) self-employed workers. Self-employed group is broken down in the subcategories: self-employed workers with employees (employers), self-employed workers without employees (own-account workers), members of producers’ cooperatives and contributing family workers (also known as unpaid family workers). Vulnerable employment refers to the sum of contributing family workers and own-account workers. 29 Demand-Side Co nstraints in Education in Africa West and Central and the Role of Community and Household Empowerment Annex Table 5: Rates of Return to Education in AFW Countries Full Discounting Overall Mincerian Private (%) Social (%) Economy Year (%) Prim Sec Higher Prim Sec Higher Cameroon 1995 6.0 Gambia 2003 6.8 Ghana 2007 4.2 Namibia 2003 28.0 Niger 2011 11.1 Nigeria 2011 5.7 Senegal 1985 33.7 21.3 23.0 8.9 Sierra Leone 1971 20 22 9.6 All countries Post-2000 8.8 13.2 12.4 10.2 10.6 Developing Post- 2000 9.3 10.2 16.4 countries Source: Psacharopoulos and Patrinos (2018). 30 Annex Table 6: Recent CDDs in AFW Country Description Guinea- The development objective of the Participatory Rural Development Project for Guinea-Bissau is to Bissau increase access to priority basic social and economic infrastructures and services in participating (2009- communities in the Bafata, Biombo, Cacheu and Oio regions of Guinea-Bissau. The project includes 2015) the following changes: changes in outcome indicators, modification in the implementation of micro- projects, and clarification on the disbursement percentages. Consequently, the restructured project will include three components: (a) capacity-building for community development; (b) community- based micro-projects; and (c) project coordination, and monitoring and evaluation. Liberia The development objective of the Youth, Employment, and Skills Project is to expand access of poor (2010- and young Liberians to temporary employment programs and to improve youth employability, in 2016) support of the Government of Liberia’s response to the employment crisis. There are two components to the project. The first component of the project is community works. This component will focus on bridging the temporary unemployment gap created by the global financial crisis and will build on an ongoing successful project financed by the World Bank and implemented by the Liberia Agency for Community Empowerment (LACE). It will finance community-based public works that will create temporary employment and income opportunities for the poor and youth in particular. This component will also support government capacity building on monitoring and supervision in the area of temporary employment and finance an assessment of the impact of the program. The second component of the project is employment through skills training. This component will finance formal and informal skills training programs with the purpose of improving employability and employment and will support institutional development for Technical and Vocational Education Training (TVET) especially for certification, policy development, monitoring and evaluation (M&E), project management, and impact assessment. Mali The objective of the Reconstruction and Economic Recovering Project for the Republic of Mali is to (2014- rehabilitate basic infrastructure and restore productive activities of communities impacted by the 2021) 2012 economic crisis in the country. Mali has also been affected by multiple political and security crises from the beginning of 2012, that also caused setbacks in terms of social and economic infrastructure. This project consists of the following components: 1) rehabilitation of local public infrastructure, which aims to rehabilitate local public infrastructure to allow for the resumption of services and economic activity in the areas affected by the crisis; 2) support to productive investments, which provides support for productive investments in the north to redress the impacts of the crisis on communities and households, and consists of two sub-components: i) immediate restoration of household productive assets, and ii) collective productive activities; 3) community engagement and local governance, which aims to strengthen the engagement of communities and Participating Local Governments (PLGs) in the planning, prioritization and oversight of local development activities, and to put in place elements of local governance; 4) project management, monitoring and evaluation, that will support project management, including coordination of activities, communication, procurement, financial management and safeguard functions, as well as monitoring and evaluation; and 5) contingent emergency response, to be available should the need arise to redirect project resources freed up by a future restructuring of the project or other Bank projects in the Mali portfolio. 31 Demand-Side Co nstraints in Education in Africa West and Central and the Role of Community and Household Empowerment Annex Figure 1: CDD Portfolio Update as of end-June 2020 Source: CDD Portfolio Update as of end-June 2020 (World Bank, 2020). 32 Annex Figure 2 presents a conceptual framework illustrating the constraints at the community and household levels that undermine educational outcomes in AFW. 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